JOURNAL ARCHIVE
BALAPOSH, The fragrant silk quilt of Bengal
Issue #008, 2021 ISSN: 2581- 9410 Balaposh, a fragrant silk quilt, is an intriguing story of superb craftsmanship. Intriguing because only a single family in Murshidabad (West Bengal, India) know the secrets of the Mughal era Balaposh-making craft. In the 18th century, Murshidabad had reached the zenith of prosperity and was the biggest centre of trade and commerce in north India. The story goes that Nawab Shirajuddin , the heir of Murshed Kuli Khan, found the traditional quilts and wraps, made of animal hair and wool, a bit heavy for Bengal winter. He wanted something different, a quilt which would not be prickly or heavy. It was to be soft as a mother’s lap, warm and comfortable, yet light like a beloved’s embrace and fragrant like a flower! Those were the days of incredible flamboyance and glory. The Mughal love for beauty was still fresh in everyone’s mind. The master craftsman who took up the challenge was one Atir Khan and thus, Balaposh was born. It was expensive and at first, only used by royals and nobles. Even now the craft remains a closely guarded secret of the family of Atir Khan. His great grandson Sakhawat Hossain, who passed away recently, was the only master craftsman. Balaposh is not like kantha, razais or dohars. To appreciate why Balaposh is so special in a country where the art of quilt- making is so very common, we have to understand how it is created. In the last decade of his life, under gentle persuasion of Srimati Sr Ruby Palchowdhuri, Shakawat Hossain agreed to share the secrets of Balaposh-making for the first time, under the aegis of Crafts Council of West Bengal. For a single 6-feet-by-4-feet Balaposh, one needs two lengths of Bangalore or mulberry silk and a special type of cotton, which is lighter than kapas. The cotton fibres are meticulously cleaned and dyed in a dark colour. In a small room, not much larger than the Balaposh itself, the karigar places one length of silk on the floor, taking care that the cloth is secure. He props the other length directly 4 feet above the cloth on the floor. He then starts carding the cotton with his special instrument. The longer he continues, the lighter and fluffier the cotton gets. Soon, it is light enough to float up and then slowly settle on the cloth on the ground. Since the room is tiny, the cotton settles on the cloth and does not scatter. Once that is done, the karigar uses the back of his hand to smoothen the cotton evenly. No lump of cotton should remain. When all the cotton is finally in place, the top cloth is lowered very gently over the cotton fibres. Now, all three layers are stitched tightly. This is the most important skill because if not stitched tightly enough, the cotton layer moves around and gets lumpy. Before completing the sewing, the craftsman slips in tiny attar-soaked muslin pieces in four corners. The end result is a masterpiece of incredibly soft, shimmering, fragrant magic. What sets the Balaposh apart is its fragrant softness, the plain silky surface, with no visible quilting. The beautifully stitched taut borders ensure that the cotton wool layer does not get lumpy or move around even after a century. This Bengal craft deserves the patronage to revive it from dying or being copied/mislabelled by mass marketing imitations. The deliberate conservatism of the artisans has to be overcome and its geographical uniqueness protected and publicised. Fortunately, the last master craftsman has trained his daughter so nurture his family tradition.
Issue #008, 2021 ISSN: 2581- 9410 Balaposh, a fragrant silk quilt, is an intriguing story of superb craftsmanship. Intriguing because only a single family in Murshidabad (West Bengal, India) know the secrets of the Mughal era Balaposh-making craft. In the 18th century, Murshidabad had reached the zenith of prosperity and was the biggest centre of trade and commerce in north India. The story goes that Nawab Shirajuddin , the heir of Murshed Kuli Khan, found the traditional quilts and wraps, made of animal hair and wool, a bit heavy for Bengal winter. He wanted something different, a quilt which would not be prickly or heavy. It was to be soft as a mother’s lap, warm and comfortable, yet light like a beloved’s embrace and fragrant like a flower! Those were the days of incredible flamboyance and glory. The Mughal love for beauty was still fresh in everyone’s mind. The master craftsman who took up the challenge was one Atir Khan and thus, Balaposh was born. It was expensive and at first, only used by royals and nobles. Even now the craft remains a closely guarded secret of the family of Atir Khan. His great grandson Sakhawat Hossain, who passed away recently, was the only master craftsman. Balaposh is not like kantha, razais or dohars. To appreciate why Balaposh is so special in a country where the art of quilt- making is so very common, we have to understand how it is created. In the last decade of his life, under gentle persuasion of Srimati Sr Ruby Palchowdhuri, Shakawat Hossain agreed to share the secrets of Balaposh-making for the first time, under the aegis of Crafts Council of West Bengal. For a single 6-feet-by-4-feet Balaposh, one needs two lengths of Bangalore or mulberry silk and a special type of cotton, which is lighter than kapas. The cotton fibres are meticulously cleaned and dyed in a dark colour. In a small room, not much larger than the Balaposh itself, the karigar places one length of silk on the floor, taking care that the cloth is secure. He props the other length directly 4 feet above the cloth on the floor. He then starts carding the cotton with his special instrument. The longer he continues, the lighter and fluffier the cotton gets. Soon, it is light enough to float up and then slowly settle on the cloth on the ground. Since the room is tiny, the cotton settles on the cloth and does not scatter. Once that is done, the karigar uses the back of his hand to smoothen the cotton evenly. No lump of cotton should remain. When all the cotton is finally in place, the top cloth is lowered very gently over the cotton fibres. Now, all three layers are stitched tightly. This is the most important skill because if not stitched tightly enough, the cotton layer moves around and gets lumpy. Before completing the sewing, the craftsman slips in tiny attar-soaked muslin pieces in four corners. The end result is a masterpiece of incredibly soft, shimmering, fragrant magic. What sets the Balaposh apart is its fragrant softness, the plain silky surface, with no visible quilting. The beautifully stitched taut borders ensure that the cotton wool layer does not get lumpy or move around even after a century. This Bengal craft deserves the patronage to revive it from dying or being copied/mislabelled by mass marketing imitations. The deliberate conservatism of the artisans has to be overcome and its geographical uniqueness protected and publicised. Fortunately, the last master craftsman has trained his daughter so nurture his family tradition.
Baluchari Sari of West Bengal,
Geographical Background Bishnupur is an earthy town, 110 kilometers from Kolkata and situated in Bankura district. The town is well connected with cities like Kolkata, Durgapur, Burdawan by train and bus. The climate here is hot and dry. Not enough rainfall takes place here during monsoons. Places around Bishnupur are mostly barren and the plateau ofBengal falls in this region. Temperature during summer goes up to 38 degree c, and in winter it drops to 10 deg c`. The town has atleast 12 water resources (Bandh) of different sizes. The colour of the soil is red here, which is very unique to this place. Historical Background Silk is an English word and the synonym of it is Resham which is used in French also. Though researchers say that China was the inventor of silk, but the use of pattavastra (silk) was age old in India. Another name of it is Kousaya which is mentioned by Koutilya in his book ‘ Arthashastra’. In the history of textile in Bengal, Baluchari came much after muslin. Two hundred years ago Baluchari used to be practiced in a small village called Baluchar, situated in Murshidabad district. From the name of the village the sari was named Baluchari. In 18th century, Nawab of Bengal, MurshidKuli Khan shifted his capital from Dhaka to Murshidabad. He was the person who patronized the rich weaving tradition and Baluchari flourished from that time onwards. From its birth period itself Baluchari was the adornment of the elite class. During the period of Delhi-Bengal political intimacy, it was the product of high demand in Mughal court and other royal families of the country. In the middle of the 19th century, elite Bengali house wives used to wear Baluchari. Rabindranath Tagore's brother Abanindranath has written that Maharshi Debendranath's (Tagore's father) wife is wearing Baluchari on the occasion of Maghotsava. The last known weaver of Baluchari was Dubraj Das, who died in 1903. Several saris have been found signed by him. The aspect of signing his name is probably one of the rare instancesof an Indian craftsmen branding his product. But the flourishing was not there for all the time. Because of some political and financial reason Baluchari's of Baluchar village became a dying craft. The village Baluchar drowned in Ganges because of a deadly flood. The fine silk posed a threat to the imported English fabric. The British inflicted punishment on the weavers, thus compelling them to completely give up this profession. Another reason was the dwindling nobility and the lack of patron. The craftsmen were forced to resort to other profession in order to survive. In the first half of 20th century the famous artist Subho Thakur, who was the director of the Regional Design Centre felt it necessary tore-cultivate the rich tradition. Though Bishnupur was always famous for its silk, he invited a master weaver Akshay Kumar Das from Bishnupur to his center to learn the technique of jacquard weaving. Akshay Kumar went back to Bishnupur and worked hard to weave Baluchari on his looms. Bhagwan Das Sarda from the Silk Khadi Mandal helped him with financial and moral support. After a long trial Gora Chand and KhuduBala a weaver couple from Bishnupur finally wove the first Baluchari there, using Akshay Kumar's design.
Geographical Background Bishnupur is an earthy town, 110 kilometers from Kolkata and situated in Bankura district. The town is well connected with cities like Kolkata, Durgapur, Burdawan by train and bus. The climate here is hot and dry. Not enough rainfall takes place here during monsoons. Places around Bishnupur are mostly barren and the plateau ofBengal falls in this region. Temperature during summer goes up to 38 degree c, and in winter it drops to 10 deg c`. The town has atleast 12 water resources (Bandh) of different sizes. The colour of the soil is red here, which is very unique to this place. Historical Background Silk is an English word and the synonym of it is Resham which is used in French also. Though researchers say that China was the inventor of silk, but the use of pattavastra (silk) was age old in India. Another name of it is Kousaya which is mentioned by Koutilya in his book ‘ Arthashastra’. In the history of textile in Bengal, Baluchari came much after muslin. Two hundred years ago Baluchari used to be practiced in a small village called Baluchar, situated in Murshidabad district. From the name of the village the sari was named Baluchari. In 18th century, Nawab of Bengal, MurshidKuli Khan shifted his capital from Dhaka to Murshidabad. He was the person who patronized the rich weaving tradition and Baluchari flourished from that time onwards. From its birth period itself Baluchari was the adornment of the elite class. During the period of Delhi-Bengal political intimacy, it was the product of high demand in Mughal court and other royal families of the country. In the middle of the 19th century, elite Bengali house wives used to wear Baluchari. Rabindranath Tagore's brother Abanindranath has written that Maharshi Debendranath's (Tagore's father) wife is wearing Baluchari on the occasion of Maghotsava. The last known weaver of Baluchari was Dubraj Das, who died in 1903. Several saris have been found signed by him. The aspect of signing his name is probably one of the rare instancesof an Indian craftsmen branding his product. But the flourishing was not there for all the time. Because of some political and financial reason Baluchari's of Baluchar village became a dying craft. The village Baluchar drowned in Ganges because of a deadly flood. The fine silk posed a threat to the imported English fabric. The British inflicted punishment on the weavers, thus compelling them to completely give up this profession. Another reason was the dwindling nobility and the lack of patron. The craftsmen were forced to resort to other profession in order to survive. In the first half of 20th century the famous artist Subho Thakur, who was the director of the Regional Design Centre felt it necessary tore-cultivate the rich tradition. Though Bishnupur was always famous for its silk, he invited a master weaver Akshay Kumar Das from Bishnupur to his center to learn the technique of jacquard weaving. Akshay Kumar went back to Bishnupur and worked hard to weave Baluchari on his looms. Bhagwan Das Sarda from the Silk Khadi Mandal helped him with financial and moral support. After a long trial Gora Chand and KhuduBala a weaver couple from Bishnupur finally wove the first Baluchari there, using Akshay Kumar's design.
BISHNUPUR
It is said silk, conch and amburi (tobacco) are the specialty of Bishnupuri. Bishnupur was the capital of Malla dynasty. Different kinds of crafts flourished during this period in the patronage of Malla kings. In music also Bishnupur gharana developed during the rule of this dynasty. Temples made of terracotta bricks were another achievement of these rulers. A major influence of these temples can be seen in Baluchar saris. It is common to weave mythological stories on Baluchar, which is often taken from the walls of temples. Bishnupur the tiny town with its rich heritage in handloom, handicrafts and music has gone into oblivion. Patrapara is a dingy alley where even in midnight the rustic sound of jacquard paddle can be heard. This is the place where most of the Baluchari weavers are concentrated. History of Silk The possibility of making cloth from the filament that the silkworm spins into a cocoon was first discovered in China about 2600 BC. Legends tell us that a cocoon accidentally dropped into a cup of tea that a Chinese princess was having in her garden. The hot liquid softened and loosened the fibre, which the princess pulled and drew away from the cocoon as a continuous strand. Another story sites Empress Si-ling-Chi as the first producer of silk fiber. She is venerated as the Goddess of the silk worm. The Chinese who first cultivated the silk worm and developed a silk industry endeavored to keep the source of the raw material secret. Caravans carried silks into the nearest regions where they were traded for 100 years. It is believed that silk was introduced into Europe by Alexander the Great in the fourth century BC. A large silk industry eventually developed in Southern Europe and subsequently spread westward because of the Muslim conquest. Spain begun to produce silk in the 18th century. Italy begun silk production in 12th century and was the leader for 500 years. Production Process The weaving of Baluchari is an intricate process, and requires ample time and labour. A proper and pre-settled division of labour can be seen in this pocket. Previously the system used to weave Baluchari, was called Jala draw-loom system. The silk yarn used in Baluchari was not twisted and therefore had a soft and heavy texture. The usual size of old Baluchari used to be of 447cm(length) 112cm(wide) and count of the thread was 43 warp and the 32 weft. This is the only sari from the Eastern region created on the draw-loom, which contains complicated mechanism for weaving multi warp and multi weft. The ground colour in which the cloth was available, were limited. These pieces are still fresh after hundreds of years. Before modern chemical dyes were introduced, vegetable dyes were used to dye yarn, both silk and cotton, with very fine results. Earlier the technique was very time consuming and expensive. It is said, to complete one sari of Baluchari craftsmen took seven years. The fineness and the class of the earlier versions cannot be replicated. Today, jacquard looms are used to weave the Baluchari sari. The size of modern Baluchari is 558cm (length) &112cm (wide) and the count of the thread is 38 warp and 35 weft. However, people who have seen the Baluchari of yore swear that the current ones are not a patch on the old, in quality and in technique. The Production Process of Baluchari Can Be Divided into Several Parts Cultivation of cocoons. Processing of yarns. Motif making. Weaving. Cultivation of cocoons Since the discovery so many years ago that the fiber, or filament composing the cocoon of the silkworm can be unwound and constructed into a beautiful and durable fabric Silkworms have been bred for the sole purpose of producing raw silk. The production of cocoons for their filament is called Sericulture. Under scientific breeding silk worms may be hatched 3 times a year. Under natural condition breeding occurs only once a year. Life cycle of the cocoon is as follows: The egg which develops into a larva or caterpillar- the silkworm. The silkworm which spins its cocoons for protection, to permit development into the pupa, or chrysalis. The chrysalis, which emerges from the cocoon as the moth. The moth of which the female lays eggs, so continuing the life cycle. Within three days after emerging from the cocoons, the moths mate, the female lays 350 to 400 eggs. Each egg hatches into what is called an ant. It is a larva about 1/8 inch (3mm) in length. The larva requires careful nurturing in a controlled atmosphere for approximately 20 to 32 days. During this period, the tiny worm has a voracious appetite. It is fed five times a day on chopped mulberry leaves. After four changes of skin, or molting, the worm reaches full growth in the form of a smooth greyish white caterpillar. Its interest in food ceases. It shrinks somewhat in size and acquires a pinkish hue, becoming nearly transparent. A constant restless rearing movement of the head indicates that the worm is ready to spin its cocoon. Processing of Yarns Silk yarn is procured from Mysore and the neighboring Maldah district. To make the yarn soft, it is boiled in a solution of soda and soap. Then the yarns are dyed in acid colour, according to the requirement of the sari. After boiling and dyeing, 1 kg of yarn shrinks and reduces to 700gms.The yarn is stretched from both the sides in opposite directions putting same force with both palms. This process is needed to make the yarn crisper. Then the yarn is dried in sunlight for few hours. Dried yarns are fixed on a wooden roller (fandali) and one yarn is made from two yarns. In case of Mysore silk one yarn is made from two yarns because the quality is better. But for the Maldah silk three yarns are needed to make one. The final twisted yarn is rolled on a wooden frame, called Latai. In case of Tussar, first the cocoon (tussar seed) is boiled in plain warm water to make it soft. Then they take out at at least 8 to 10 yarns to twist one final yarn(tussar yarn is very fine). The wooden frame (latai) goes to a person, who fixes up all these frames on a bigger frame, which can consist of atleast 30 to 35 smaller frames. Then he transfers these yarns from latais to another frame according to length of the sari. Simultaneously he can roll yarns for minimum 30 saris. The whole process is called Purni. After this process the yarns are rolled on a wooden rod in a round shape. These round shaped yarn balls comes to another worker, who transfers these yarn balls on a wooden beam. Small beams are called Sisaban and bigger ones are called dhal. Now these beams are ready to be fixed in the loom for weaving. Making of the motifs for pallavs and other part of Baluchari is in itself an intricate process. First a person draws the design on a graph paper. Then he colours it according to the requirement of the sari. Coloured graph paper is sent to a person, who punches the card according to the design. He puts a card (piece board) 6.2/33cm, inside the punched box. The graph consists of several squares. These squares again have 8/8small squares. The card puncher takes every small square, sees its colour and punches the card. He punches the card with a metal rod called tobna. He punches the white square and keep the coloured square flat. Generally in Baluchari only two colours are used, but in intricate ones sometimes more than four colours are used. To make the motif for one sari atleast 7000 cards are needed. After punching is over, these cards are sewed in order and fixed in the jacquard machine. From one set of cards more than one sari can be woven. Cards are punched using a mallet and two punches. The small punch is used for the pattern and the large one is used for locating the holes. There is a metal matrix on a wooden base, on which the card is placed with a second matrix fitting over the top. Each hole in a card represents a lift of a shaft matches a marked square on the weave draft. Weaving After jacquard loom has been introduced, a Baluchari takes five to six days to complete. Two weavers work on it, in shift basis. To tighten the sari from both the side while weaving a metal and wooden clip is attached. It is called Katani. To keep the yarn tight from the other side of the loom, some weight is hanged. This weight consists sand, rolled yarn etc. It is called jak. For the border, yarns pass through a framed net called jalipata. A metal handle is fixed on the one end of the beam, where the finished sari rolls down. This handle is called kheel. After little weaving is over, water is sprinkled on the woven part and polishing is done with an oval shaped tin sheet. This tin sheet is called sana. Time to time wax is put on the yarn to make it more even and slippery. During the weaving of paisley (buti) a small boy is needed to weave the buti, and the main weaver weaves the sari. Design Baluchari as mentioned earlier was the sign of aristocracy, the attire of status. This sari had enjoyed special patronage of the Murshidabad Court since the 17th century. There developed a school of design where stylised form of human and animal figures were integrated with floral and geometric motifs in woven materials. Nawabs and Muslim aristocrats used the material mainly as tapestry. But elite Hindus made it into saris in which the ground scheme of decoration became a very wide pallav, often with a large mango or paisley (buti) motifs at the center, surrounded by smaller rectangles depicting different scenes. The sari borders were narrow and had floral motifs. The whole ground of the sari was covered with small paisley and other floral designs. The interesting feature of earlier Baluchari was stylised bird and animal motifs that were incorporated in the paisley and other decoration. Scenes from the Nawabs' court used to be the previous and older design influence. For example When the British took over Bengal, sahibs and memsahibs appeared, a sahib smoking hukka, and the mem fanning herself. The advent of railways and steamboats was also most interestingly documented on these saris. After little weaving is over, water is sprinkled on the woven part and polishing is done with an oval shaped tin sheet. This tin sheet is called sana. Some of the famous scenes are hunting scene of Nawab, running horse with a rider, warrior with a spear in hand, Nawab smoking hukka, etc. some of the contemporary design used in Baluchari are stories from epics, like Pancha Pandava, Shakuntala, Meerabai, Krishnalila, Madan Mohan, temples of Bishnupur etc. Saris depicting wedding scenes are a delight too. The pallav starts with small rectangles all showing palanquin bearers, seemingly carrying the bride. The next line of panel shows the bride and the groom before the holy fire, the line below it shows the couple facing each other. The main panel at the centre shows the exchange of garlands. This is then followed by the rectangles in the same order as at the beginning of the pallav. The border of the sari has musicians playing songs at the wedding. Other depictions include cavalry. The decoration on the rest of the sari could be tiny bunches of flowers, paisleys. The symbolic use of colour has played a part in Indian life atleast since Vedic times. The Sanskrit word for caste, varna, literally means colour and certain colours are traditionally associated with different castes. These caste colours have been reflected in traditional saris something which is still adhered today, even though it is now much more diluted. In terms of clothings and colours Brahmins were traditionally associated with white, as any form of dying was regarded as impure. Today colour has become a more dominant factor in women's clothing, and white is often only worn on ritual occasions such as special pujas. In eastern region it is never worn during wedding because white is also regarded as the colour of mourning. The colour red was associated with kshatriyas, although today it is commonly worn by brides of all castes during wedding. Red is regarded as the auspicious because it has several emotional, sexual, fertility - related qualities, making it a suitable colour for brides and young married women. The Vaisyas were traditionally associated with the colour green but today it usually has an Islamic connotation. The name for green is often the same for the colour yellow, such as pitambara. The colour yellow is traditionally regarded as the colour of religion and asceticism, as saffron yellow or orange is the colour of Sadhus and other individuals who have relinquished their caste and family to lead a spiritual life. On the first day of hindu wedding ceremony in the eastern region the bride is washed in haldi (turmeric) to ritually purify her, after which she wears a yellow sari. Today yellow is also regarded as the colour to be worn on special occasions. Blue is the colour relegated to the Sudras, and high caste Hindu's avoided this colour because the fermentation process used to create indigo was regarded as ritually impure. Among caste Hindus blue and black were both considered as the inauspicious colours, reflecting sorrow. But in Baluchari the colour blue is widely used since its birth. Today blue is a widely used and worn colour and many older women and widows tend to wear saris with muted tones of blue, black, green rather than the pure white sari.MOTIFS USED IN BALUCHAR SAREES
FLOWERS Various types of floral forms abound in Indian saris. Although the Islamic depiction of flowers is purely decorative, various Hindu saris represented it as a good luck, health and prosperity. Flowers also represent the female principle. In Indo-Aryan language flower additionally refers to aspects of female anatomy. Flowers are also used as fertility symbols also, especially lotus and jasmine. LOTUS One of the most complex and enduring symbol in Baluchar saris, is lotus. It represents spiritual power and authority. It also symbolize the material world in all of its many forms. Indian mythology depicts Vishnu asleep upon the serpent Ananta drifting on the eternal sea of milk, where he dreams the universe into existence, features a lotus blossom issuing from Vishnu's navel, upon which Brahma sits. This is the symbol of the creation of the material universe. Such symbolisms are concepts of fertility and fecundity. Lotus symbolizes prosperity and material wealth. THE KALGA he kalga motif is now very ubiquitous in Indian saris, especially in Baluchar. It is locally known as kalka. It is hard to imagine that the motif is only 250 years old. It evolved from 17th century floral and tree of life design that were created in tapestry woven Mughal textiles. The early designs depicts single plants with large flowers and thin wavy stems, small leaves and roots. In the course of time the design became denser, with more flowers and leaves. The term Kalgahas come from Urdu word qalb which means hook. THE PEACOCK The peacock has several associations that at first glance appear to be unrelated. It depicts immortality, love, courtship, fertility, regal pomp, war and protection. Its traditional significance is probably lost, but nevertheless its depiction and symbolism has a long and complex history. THE FISH Fish are potent fertility symbol in Hindu castes in India, indicating abundance of food, wealth and children as well as the generative power of supernatural. The fish is also an avatar of Vishnu who as the preserver is associated with prosperity and material comforts. THE ELEPHANT The elephant is considered an auspicious animal, traditionally associated with water and fertility, and with royalty and regal power. It also depicts the success of the following year's crop. The sheer physical power of elephant has traditionally been harnessed during war, natural disaster which again have regal associations. THE CONCH The conch shell is both a symbol of Vishnu and Nada Brahma, God in the form of sound. It is one of the eight auspicious symbols, representing temporal power, and conch was used in ancient India as a war bugle. DRAPING A BENGALI SAREE lst Bengali saris are six yards in length which is measured by the distance between the elbow and middle finger tips. If measured by hand, it is twelve times the length from the tips of the fingers to the elbow. This length is usually just enough for three to five folds in the front, for covering the head (ghomta) and for aanchal (pallav) which is about one meter. Bengali women drape their saris from the right hip over the bosom and the left shoulder. Then it covers the head, and from under the right armpits, it is thrown over the left shoulder. The packaging of the Baluchari is a simple process. To pack a sari two persons are needed simultaneously. First the whole sari is rolled down on a round shaped beam. The beam is taken out from the loom and brought it to a open space, where enough sunlight is there. Though water is put during weaving for polishing, enough sunlight is required for drying. After drying two persons start folding the sari stretching it from both the side tightly. A thin metal rod is kept on each fold temporarily to give it a precise fold. A thin starched brown paper is put inside the sari to give the fold a proper shape. The last step is to put the sari inside a thick transparent polythene bag. Quality Quality of the Baluchari sari is taken care of precisely. The quality largely depends on the skill of the weaver. Those who maintain the quality appoint experienced weavers. In contrast those who cannot afford them, employ weavers who are young and less experienced. The quality is checked from the dying of the yarn to the packaging of the sari. Better quality Mysore silk is used for a good order. If even they see there is some problem while packing the sari, they reject it and sell it in cheaper rate. But the rate of rejection is remarkably less for a experienced and reputed Mahajan. Marketing Producers of Baluchari has fixed market in Kolkata and other big cities like Mumbai, Delhi, Bangalore etc. Weavers are always busy meeting this demand. There are people, who come from nearby cities like Durgapur, Kolkata, Burdwan, to buy saris directly from the Mahajans. In this case these customers get it a little cheaper. Here Mahajan plays the role of the middleman, between the weaver and the customer. Weavers participate in different fairs and exhibitions through organisations like West Bengal Handicrafts Development Corporation, Crafts Council of West Bengal, KaruUdyan etc. State government organises yearly handicrafts fair (hastshilp mela) at the state capital, where the craftsmen meet the buyer directly. Distribution The saris are supplied to West Bengal Handicrafts Development Corporation and sold at the government emporium Manjusha. It is also sold at the Government handloom emporium Tantuja, and Tantushree. The products are also sold to private shops which are situated in the big cities and nearby towns.ISSUES
Economics A complete Baluchari sari costs more than Rs. 2,500. The weaver who comes to the Mahajans for work, gets Rs.450 to Rs.500 for one sari. Each sari is completed by two craftsmen, after sharing the wage each of them get Rs.200 to Rs.250 per sari. These weavers can make maximum five saris in a month. It can be noted that this kind of weavers are more in number at Bishnupur. For those who have looms at their own house get approximately Rs.1000 for one sari. They do the dyeing, spinning of the yarn and other small jobs on their own. Education Bishnupur has several higher secondary schools and colleges. All the craftsmen send their progeny to school, and they are keen to teach their children properly before they join the family business. Rate of literacy is remarkably high here. Gender Women in weaver families take equal part in the making of the sari, beside their household work. They do the full processing of yarn which is the most important part of the sari. Some of them weave small materials like shawl, but women do not participate in the weaving of the sari. There is no bias and restriction in girl education. Health During the rolling of tussar thread the worker (mostly women) stretches both the legs in front and roll the thread from cocoon (tussar seed) on the upper level of their thigh. During this process the skin of that particular portion becomes tender and the yarn sometimes cuts through the skin (Tussar threads are sharp). To concentrate on minute designs, only one light hangs on top of the loom. Rest of the loom doesn't get much light. Though major part of the weaving is a precision job, it is strenuous for the eye. Most of the weavers get spectacle after joining this work. Weavers start working after taking early lunch by 10:30 am. When they weave, the beam where the sari rolls down, strikes their stomach. They experience permanent abdominal pain. A weaver has to lift heavy jacquard paddle, which weighs 25kgs. According to them they do not get nutritious food, to lift something so heavy so often. Design Sampling and cataloguing system are not yet in practice here. They do not have proper records of their previous works and designs. Old and traditional designs need to be preserved, there is need of proper efforts to catalogue or sample these designs. If the craftsmen can't do it then external efforts can prove to be veryhelpful. Socio-cultural Issues People involved in Baluchari making, belong to weaver's community. Locally they are called Tanti. Now because of the prosperous future of the craft, lot of people from other community have also started this work. Traditional weavers of this sari have got the title khan. It is said that the title is given to them by local Malla kings. Rich weavers have more than one loom at their workshop. Locally they are called Mahajans. There are two kinds of weavers in Bishnupur. Some of these weavers come to Mahajans to work at their looms. They make the sari in shifts for the Mahajan. All raw material is provided to them by Mahajan. These weavers work for four to five hours at a stretch and they work eight to nine hours in a day. Two weavers work on one sari. These weavers are more in number at Bishnupur. There are other kind of weavers who have looms at their own house. Mahajan provides them all necessary raw materials. They weave the sari for the Mahajan within a certain time period. They fix up a price for the sari with the Mahajan, and the weaver is bound to sell the sari to him. Except the weaving part, there are other processes like processing of yarn, motif making, which is done by other people. They do these jobs as part time basis. The processing of thread is mostly done by women. Development Introduction of Jacquard loom itself is a remarkable development which has taken place in this sector. This mechanical loom has enabled them to produce high quality saris in much lesser time. State government started a scheme of providing loan to poor weavers, and they organize yearly handicrafts fair at the state capital. Weavers participate in important fairs like textile fair, Kamala Mela, through the help of NGO'S like Crafts Council of West Bengal. They participate in fairs at foreign countries like England, Canada etc. Mechanisation of small tools saves their time, e.g. (Mechanisation of yarn rolling machine). Problems Identified At Bishnupur most of the weavers are very poor. Their one and only way of earning is weaving. But the system of work prevailing here is exploitation of poor weavers by rich Mahajans. State and Central Government organizes awards for master craftsmen every year. But surprisingly the award always goes to the middleman who actually makes their work done, not to the poor craftsmen who puts his skill. These poor weavers always live in oblivion without any recognition. State government provides loan for the poor weavers. But the money goes to the wrong pocket most of the time. A co-operative exists here called Baluchari Workers Co-operative. It is the organization of mostly wealthy weavers. All Baluchari workers see no hopes from this Co-operative. In Bishnupur mostly saris are in production. As product diversification they have not yet experimented much, though they possess a rich design vocabulary. These weavers just produce shawls and blouse pieces using same designs of saris. Problem faced by the weavers: lack of space Lack of raw materials Lack of variety in colour shades to try new variations. Lack of transport Lack of official staffs for managements of business transactions Lack of funds to purchase looms. Lack of funds to start a dying section in the village. Promotion The craftsmen do not make many efforts for the promotion for the craft. Government has been putting efforts for their upliftment. They have opened handicrafts marketing centre where they have registered craftsmen's name. They have given them identity card, through which they are invited in fairs and exihibitions organised by State and Central Government. NGO's and cooperatives are also helping these craftsmen to market their products. But because of the lack of awareness and ignorance craftspeople cannot take full advantage of these schemes. There are renowned designers who are using traditional crafts skills in their work. If their attention focuses on to this craft pocket, it will be a major help for the craftsmen. Steps Taken By the Government In West Bengal more than five lakhs families are dependent on the handloom industry, out of every sixty, one man is a handloom man. 500 million fabrics are woven in India , and 270 million meters comes from Bengal alone. The government is endeavoring to bring 60% of these weavers to a cooperative scheme. By the March 1980 statistics, 23.2% (41,200 weavers) have bought under the cooperative scheme in West Bengal. There are 1261 handlooms cooperatives in Bengal of which 813 are active. It is hoped to commence atleast another 550 cooperative societies . India has 23 weavers service center, of which one is in Kolkata. They work for the development of and refinement of handloom designs and to provide the required outputs. Problems of Handloom Sector in Bengal Lack of working capital, Uncertainty of sales, Shortage of raw materials The Government has been spending a considerable amount of money on buying cooperative shares with the objective of strengthening their financial base and to help them to attain qualifications to receive bank loans. After much efforts the Reserve Bank of India has come up with a refinancing scheme for the handloom industry, through which Rs. 3,453.17 lakhs of financial aid was given. Without a well defined marketing channel the weavers will neither get guarantees nor interests for undertaking new productions nor for evolving new designs. The state apex cooperative association and the state handloom and garments rights association has united with them and is taking liabilities incurred for marketing garments of new designs. The cooperative association with the help of its 90 handloom selling centers called Tantuja and Manjusha and the development corporation with their 30 Tantushree shops are selling handloom products both within and outside the state. West Bengal in totally dependent on the Southern states for its supply of hanks in the state as compared to its weaving requirements. Suggestions Generally these craft products have less utilitarian vision, this way the market of the product becomes very limited. New products which meet urban trends and fashions should be produced. The new product range could be shawls, scarves, dupatta etc. The craftsmen are not aware of the changing market trends, thus they end up producing the same stuffs for ages. The craftsmen should be made aware of current market trends so that they can accustom themselves in the present scenario. The products are not tagged, which actually hampers in their promotion. It is important to give an identity to these products, which can be given by tagging them. The tags should have information about the craftsmen and the production. This can be very well used as an effective promotion strategy. The competitive advantage here is the product itself which represents a rich weaving skill. It is very necessary to make the weaver aware of this fact and train him to encash this advantage. Handloom expos at the national level seems to be a potent strategy for the marketing of the handlooms, as no other medium offers the customer such a variety of products from all over India as these expos do. Most expos are immensely successful and hence prove the need for more of these marketing channels for handloom products in the future. Acknowledgment I am sincerely grateful to Ruby Pal Choudhury (Hony. Gen. Secretary, Crafts Council of West Bengal) for equipping me with not only essential contacts but financial support as well on behalf of the council. I am deeply thankful to state award winner Baluchari weaver, Biswanath Khan and his family for their generous hospitality inletting me stay and study the craft at their residence. I also extend my thanks to Meenakshi Singh for her able guidance to complete the document. Lastly I convey my thanks to Anupriya Singh and PrachiPatankar for helping me completing the document.
Bamboo and Rural Prosperity, Leveraging the Seedlings of Wealth
| Bamboo is abundantly grown in the forests of Madhya Pradesh, particularly in the eastern districts of the State. This Central State of the Indian sub-continent had dense forest cover that had been studied by British foresters over two hundred years ago. Traditional communities in Madhya Pradesh have used bamboo for several centuries as a basic resource material for basketry, home building and for agricultural supports. When industrialisation touched Madhya Pradesh the bamboo resources were exploited for the production of paper and rayon in a few large-scale mills set up near the forest tracts. Bamboo is treated as a minor forest product and is managed and monitored by the forest departments of the Government of Madhya Pradesh. One species dominates the forest tracts of Madhya Pradesh and this is Dendrocalamus strictus, which grows in the rain fed forest tracts in abundant quantities. The forest working plans for each district takes care of management and utilisation of these bamboo resources. State and National laws govern the extraction and movement of these bamboo resources within and outside the State. The local communities of bamboo workers called Basods are given special privileges in the use of the local resource through legal dispensation that is monitored by the forest departments at the district level. The Basods make their livelihood from the conversion of the bamboo resources into baskets for local and up-market uses and their relationship with the forest resource is a tenuous one. Another species of bamboo that is found in the forest is Bambusa bambos (Bambusa arundinacae), which is planted by the foresters in rain fed gullies and near streams. This species is also planted as homestead bamboo plantations near homes and farms of local settlers since it is a useful species for basketry and housing needs. In spite of this abundance of bamboo resources and other natural resources the State of Madhya Pradesh is seen as a backward one in development terms. There is much rural poverty and the financial resources of the state are quite strained in meeting the very basic infrastructure needs of its people in the rural areas are deprived of visible signs of sustained development. Is it possible to change this state of affairs that seems to have been perpetuated for so long without the introduction of very heavy capital flows from outside to induce growth and prosperity in the region? We now believe that it is possible to bring about dramatic change in the local condition through an integrated set of measures and actions by both government and local residents alike along with a well-developed master plan for the sustainable use of the potential of the bamboo resources of the State. The potential of bamboo as an economic driver has been demonstrated in many ways in recent years by field success in China and a few East Asian countries. The growth of new industries based on local bamboo resources has been an eye opener for many people and the lessons that this holds for a State like Madhya Pradesh is a source of hope and conviction that could influence decisions at the macro and micro economic levels alike. While the State Government can mobilise policy change and provide the necessary supports and incentives for the growth of an economic region based on bamboo, the local people, both farmers and entrepreneurs, could make the efforts to coordinate their moves to be in sync with new opportunities that can unfold from investments in innovation and subsequent investment supports in a synchronised manner. New Models for Growth For such a coordinated set of actions and commitments to take off we will need to change entrenched mind-sets about bamboo, which is a very old material in the region. It is here that innovation and training will need to play a critical role in first creating sufficient evidence of potential new applications and value generation which is followed by a sustained programme of capacity building in terms of human resources that are required to exploit this potential with the new knowledge resources that are available today. One major policy thrust that is critical for the bamboo sector to grow in the State is the shift in focus from forest based bamboo resources to farm based supplies, which do not exist today, in any significant volume. The new applications that provide value added possibilities require bamboo that is consistent in quality and this can only be provided by plant stocks that are intensively managed so that the desired quality is selectively bred into the crop by good practices that are embedded into the cultivation and harvesting of the natural resource. This may increase the base cost of the bamboo itself but it will also increase employment at the farm level, which will be a welcome source of revenue for local people in the State particularly in the rural areas. Better quality of bamboo thus produced can be used for numerous value added applications through a programme of sustained innovation and design which could be the focus of the micro enterprises that could be established on the basis of such availability of new bamboo resources locally. Such micro industries could support very large employment with very little capital outlays and can be the mainstay of the local cluster that is based on the bamboo resource. These micro industries could produce a vast range of low technology intensive products for local consumption as well as finished goods for up-markets in the district headquarters and major towns of the region. The product categories that could be sustained in this value added market are furniture for local housing, toys and children’s furniture, agricultural implements and garden structures such as local green houses for value added agriculture, housing components and kitchen accessories and baskets that are traditional and still in demand. It should not be mistaken that this is a call for a return to some old or traditional situation based on the historic uses that bamboo was used in the past, nor are we seeking the return of the “good old days” that we Indians talk about our glorious civilisation of 5000 years vintage. The call is for investments into modern innovations that are needed and implicated in rural India if the rural producers and users can get social and economic equity in employment, and economic growth in an increasingly globalised world economy. Besides these micro enterprises that are small family or small group ventures we can anticipate the establishment of viable small and medium enterprises if funds are made available with adequate incentives from the Government to exploit another class of semi-industrial products which too are high in employment generation potential and which have local uses as substitutes for many potential imports from urban based industries. These applications include processed bamboo components using simple machine tools arranged into small and medium sized industrial units that are both viable and able to produce goods for the local and up-market needs in a competitive manner. These machines and power tools that can help transform the local economy too need to be innovated and developed, each offering an interesting new avenue for value added product creation and for the creation of quality labour opportunities that are not based on human drudgery alone. Bamboo used as splits, rods, sticks, rounds, squares and shavings or fibres can all be used to make commercial products such as matchsticks, agarbatti sticks, agricultural props and poles for fruit orchards. However for the strategy to fructify the early stages of conversion must be mechanised through the creation of small and effective machine tools that can be both managed and maintained in the rural setting even if they are not produced in the region. The advantages of globalisation can be leveraged here by helping the local craftsman obtain the best possible tools from across the world if these are carefully selected and made available locally so that their livelihood is protected and developed in balanced manner. Bamboo can be converted and explored in other ways as well. Bamboo culms that are solid or with very small lumens as seen in some species could be further extended to the production of panel boards using splits and squared rods, which will find application in the production of furniture and local housing. Simple composite and lamination technology can be adopted to make a wide range of boards and members for many new applications in the domestic, industrial and retail space which could be a very effective timber substitute in the years ahead. The fibreboards that are possible from bamboo can be used for a great many applications and here the large resource found in the forest can be used to achieve high quality results. All this will only be possible if and only if the products made from these new enterprises find market acceptance both locally and in up-market applications. This is where the need for sustained investments in design are implicated to help local entrepreneurs move forward with well designed and tested solutions which are both innovative thereby providing additional value when compared to the traditional applications that have been used so far. Further, when we advocate new farm based cultivation models for the State we need to look at the needs of the farmers closely from the experience at other places. Farm Based Economic Model We anticipate at least three types of farm production based on scale of operation, all of which are simultaneously viable in the region since they can cater to different downstream user groups in a sustainable manner. The micro enterprises may well be based on own farms that are homestead based with little excess production available for distribution. However the fact that these enterprises have a sustainable supply of good quality raw material under their control they are better equipped to face competition and price fluctuations in the market place. The second scale of farm could be in the form of small and medium sized farms managed by local farmers that produce the quality of materials required by the local small industries, some owned by the farming families and others by partner cooperatives in nearby areas. The third scale of farm production could be in the form of large corporate farms that could be set up to meet the needs of large scale users in various industry segments and for the open market for particular quality bamboo materials. Here we anticipate the cultivation of a number of other species based on demand both local and up-market. Such a cluster of farm based bamboo production and utilisation can be envisaged and supported by Government policy and banking supports which would lead to a sustained economic growth that is based on one of the fastest growing plant resource known to mankind. This will only be successful if the products of the industries can fetch a better value for the producers and create a brand value in the minds of the users that is both satisfying and acceptable. Bamboo has many useful parts and the farm-based strategy must look at the real possibility of full biomass utilisation as a strategic goal of the proposed programme. While each part may have multiple uses each such use should be evaluated in the context of the total value that any particular pattern could generate for the farmer, the local population, the environment and the down-stream craftsmen, entrepreneurs and the markets as a whole. For instance bamboo leaves could be a very good source of fibre for the production of fibreboards and even handmade paper. However this use if exploited fully would deprive the soil of certain natural nutrients, which would otherwise be available. Bamboo shoots can be extracted from most species as a source of human food or animal feed. Some species are preferred for shoot extraction but in most cases selective extraction of shoots makes the clump grow more robust and provide healthier culms. Therefore a balanced utilisation model at the farm level may call for such discriminated multiple uses that could maximise the benefits that would accrue to the producers and the environment alike. It is here that a sustained programme of local research that is based on these new farms would need to be undertaken in local institutions and in collaboration with local producers and users. The leaves of the bamboo plant, the culm sheaths, its rhizomes and branches are all valuable raw materials that could be the subject of future studies and design strategies. Such an approach makes sense in a farm based model since the seasonal nature of culm harvesting could be spaced out with periods of other activities that are based on the different parts of the bamboo plant which would help create off seasonal rural labour which can have a positive effect on the local economy. The farmers being in control of these varied uses can plan according to the viability of each option and achieve excellent results on the whole. Research and design can indeed provide such solutions if adequate investments are made towards innovations in this sector which can then be owned and used by the local producers from a common pool of knowledge that is generated by local institutions. This kind of innovation and dissemination will help create sustainable industries that could be set up with very limited induction of capital from external sources. Local labour and enterprise can be directed and coordinated by policy initiatives of Government to grow what could be best described as an agro-industrial district cluster based on bamboo. This bamboo district cluster model would support many scales of farming as well as many scales of production, each with their own sets of products and services. The setting up of this district cluster would create multitude of opportunities for the offer of services that are needed in any such industrial cluster. Communication, transport, food, accounting, skilled labour and educational and training infrastructure could be planned and catalysed with local participation. Power is one of the critical needs for such an agro-industrial district cluster but here again bamboo could be used from the forest to produce local power using gasification as a method at fairly reasonable levels of local investment if central power supply is likely to be delayed or found unviable. This kind of localised growth could create islands of prosperity in a very short time even in the remote districts that have unreliable power supply as of now. This kind of localised power supply opens up new possibilities for the exploitation of the bamboo resources of the forest areas. Government policy is needed here to regulate the use of forest-based bamboo to ensure sustainable extraction and use. Here we see the possibility of two initiatives for policy that could benefit the local population and the environment alike. The degraded forest areas need government supports to make the joint forest management schemes to work better. Greater ownership for the local population is one such initiative that needs to be explored. The active forest areas that are not within the conservation zone too needs to be brought under the JFM schemes on a long term basis to ensure sustainability of the forests while extraction of bamboo and other forest produce continues on a regulated basis. The other zone that is the core conservation zone will need another set of guidelines and a regulatory framework that involves locals as well as Government representatives in coordinated teams. Human Resource Development Madhya Pradesh has also stayed backward due to poor infrastructure and low productivity of its rural populations due to low levels of education and poor access to finance and other resources and infrastructure. This needs to be changed and the bamboo initiative can give a focus to the kind of education and training that is imparted to the local human resources. New local institutions and processes may be needed that could help develop the required knowledge and innovation resources in a continuing and sustained manner. Knowledge about cultivation and management of farm based bamboo resources will improve productivity and this will help the local population to exploit the incentives that are on offer as part of the overarching development strategy of the Government of Madhya Pradesh. Further, skill development and training that is focussed on the introduction of new and improved products and processes will set the local producers on a growth path of better productive use of their human skills and natural resources of bamboo. Better quality of farm based bamboo and better products from the planned clusters will create a new and valuable brand for the bamboo initiative that will have a ripple effect that has far reaching implications for the sustained growth of the local economy. With the possibility of multiple centres or clusters growing up and being located in at least ten eastern districts of Madhya Pradesh, will be a power house of innovation and change that can transform the economic landscape of the whole State. Bamboo is projected to become a major industry across India with the efforts of the Planning Commission and the Central Governments Mission approach. The State of Madhya Pradesh is very well positioned to share the resources being disseminated by the various Central schemes through its own progressive policies and initiatives that are already under way. If there is so much potential, why then is the situation still bleak for the rural producers of Madhya Pradesh? Why is the demand for industrial uses of bamboo tapering off from the paper mils and rayon mills located near the region? Why are the forest depots getting such a low return for the stocks lying with them? The answer to these questions perhaps lies in the lack of innovation in this industry and this could be changed with some policy and investment initiatives that can change local perceptions and also create real new opportunities where none seemed to exist in the past. This is an ideal setting to demonstrate the power of design at the strategic level. Innovation and Design The locally abundant species of bamboo, Dendrocalamus strictus has not so far fetched a premium in any market. In fact the traditional users are also finding substitutes for this material. Paper producers are now using agricultural residues and imported wood pulp as their main source while pressing for reduction in the price of bamboo supplied by the forest department. Such natural pressures for change and obsolescence take place everyday in all sorts of industries. It is here that some of these industries have realised the power that active innovation and design can play in making viable new schemes when old models start to fade. At NID we explored the possible applications of D.strictus through a number of creative and innovative exercises to discover a real potential, which may only be the tip of the iceberg. With the assistance and sustained support of the Development Commissioner of Handicrafts, Government of India, the NID team was able to carry out experimental design investigations on a few popular bamboo species with an aim of discovering and developing products suitable for rural production. While in the past many of these explorations looked at product diversification in the traditional handicrafts sector in the recent efforts a greater emphasis was placed on products for rural use. While export markets helped spawn a cash rich economy it is a very sophisticated operation that can be mastered only if a very high degree of entrepreneurship exists in the region along with high quality of trained human resources. In many remote rural situations these conditions are hard to find and the result is that such products need not contribute to the local economy since the value added is located at the market end and not in the hands of the producer. It is in such a situation that the focus on products for local use and in nearby markets would create innovations that can create new market opportunities in the rural hinterland for the local producers. At a meeting called by the UNDP in Delhi I had called this strategy as innovations at the “thick end of the wedge”. Low technology innovations that can be used and exploited by rural farmers and producers can be as forward-looking and critical for economic growth as the so-called “cutting edge” innovations that are being achieved by our hi-tech industries and the software sectors. Rural users and producers need such innovations desperately to change their condition for the better, with a little help from Government policy and infrastructure that facilitates sustained innovation that can move many pressing needs towards viable solutions that can be locally implemented. Gandhijis strategy of Khadi needs to be given new meaning through such initiatives by using advanced knowledge resources available to us in a sustained programme of research and design to create solutions that can generate rural prosperity and economic growth across that region. Bamboo has this inherent capability if used in conjunction with high quality innovation and good business models to bring about dramatic change in our village economy. It is indeed a seedling that can spread wealth, and we need to take these moves forward in a determined and systematic manner. Sustained investment in an institutional and industrial setting will show many new and exciting applications that will help keep the industry viable and profitable in the years ahead. The properties of the local bamboo needs to be continuously explored and the findings must be fed back into training programmes for local craftsmen and farmers so that these are assimilated into the local knowledge which will be at the centre of the value addition strategy of the proposed local district clusters. Such a knowledge rich approach will provide a stable demand for the produce of the region and help it compete with other species and materials occupying the product landscape of an active market economy that India is heading towards. Promoting the local innovations and protecting it through brand building and exposure to markets across India would fall on Government promotional agencies working in concert with the associations of local producers. Such an integrated development model can be sustained since bamboo is such a versatile material and the social and political hope and economic value that the proposed process can unfold and release will make it a major economic driver of the State economy if carefully managed and implemented as an integrated multi-layered strategy. References Charles and Ray Eames, The India Report, Government of India, New Delhi, 1958, reprint, National Institute of Design, Ahmedabad, 1997 Victor Papanek, Design for the Real World, Thames & Hudson Ltd., London, 1972 Stafford Beer, Platform for Change, John Wiley & Sons, London, 1975 V S Naipaul, India: A wounded Civilization, Penguin Books Ltd., Harmondsworth, Middlesex, 1979 M P Ranjan, Nilam Iyer & Ghanshyam Pandya, Bamboo and Cane Crafts of Northeast India, Development Commissioner of Handicrafts, New Delhi, 1986 Tom Peters, Liberation Management: Necessary Disorganization for the nanosecond Nineties, Pan Books, London, 1993 J A Panchal and M P Ranjan, “Institute of Crafts: Feasibility Report and Proposal for the Rajasthan Small Industries Corporation”, National Institute of Design, Ahmedabad 1994 M P Ranjan, “Design Education at the Turn of the Century: Its Futures and Options”, a paper presented at ‘Design Odyssey 2010’ design symposium, Industrial Design Centre, Bombay 1994 National Institute of Design, “35 years of Design Service: Highlights – A greeting card cum poster”, NID, Ahmedabad, 1998 M P Ranjan, “The Levels of Design Intervention in a Complex Global Scenario”, Paper prepared for presentation at the Graphica 98 - II International Congress of Graphics Engineering in Arts and Design and the 13th National Symposium on Descriptive Geometry and Technical Design, Feira de Santana, Bahia, Brazil, September 1998. S Balaram, Thinking Design, National Institute of Design, Ahmedabad, 1998 M P Ranjan, “Design Before Technology: The Emerging Imperative”, Paper presented at the Asia Pacific Design Conference ‘99 in Osaka, Japan Design Foundation and Japan External Trade Organisation, Osaka, 1999 M P Ranjan, “From the Land to the People: Bamboo as a sustainable human development resource”, A development initiative of the UNDP and Government of India, National Institute of Design, Ahmedabad, 1999 M P Ranjan, “Rethinking Bamboo in 2000 AD”, a GTZ-INBAR conference paper reprint, National Institute of Design, Ahmedabad, 2000 M P Ranjan, Yrjo Weiherheimo, Yanta H Lam, Haruhiko Ito & G Upadhayaya, “Bamboo Boards and Beyond: Bamboo as the sustainable, eco-friendly industrial material of the future”, (CD-ROM) UNDP-APCTT, New Delhi and National Institute of Design, Ahmedabad, 2001 M P Ranjan, “Beyond Grassroots: Bamboo as Seedlings of Wealth” (CD-ROM) BCDI, Agartala & NID, Ahmedabad, National Institute of Design, Ahmedabad, 2003M P Ranjan, “Feasibility Report: Bamboo & Cane Development Institute, Agartala”, UNDP & C(H), and National Institute of Design, Ahmedabad, 2001 Tom Kelley & Jonathan Littman, The Art of Innovation: Lessons in creativity from IDEO, America’s leading design firm, Doubleday Books, New York, 2001 Vidya Viswanathan & Gina Singh, “Design makes an Impression: Indian Industrial Design gets ready to hit the big time…”, in Businessworld, New Delhi, 22 January 2001 pp. 20 – 31 K Sunil Thomas, “Better By Design: India finds itself at the crossroads of a revolution…”, in The Week, Kochi, 23 September 2001 pp. 48 – 52 Charles Wheelan, “Naked Economics: Undressing the Dismal Science”, W.W.Norton & Company, New York, 2002 Amartya Sen, “Employment, Technology & Development”, Oxford University Press, (Indian Edition), New Delhi, 2001 Surjit S. Bhalla, “Imagine There is no Country: Poverty, Inequality and Growth in an Era of Globalisation”, Penguin Books, New Delhi, 2003 Planning Commission, Government of India, “National Mission on Bamboo Technology and Trade Development”, Planning Commission, Government of India, New Delhi 2003 Enrique Martinez & Marco Steinberg, Eds. Material Legacies: Bamboo”, Rhode Island School of Design, Providence, 2000M K Gandhi, Khadi (Hand-Spun Cloth) Why and How, Navjivan Publishing House, Ahmedabad, 1955 Paper prepared for publication in the pre-conference souvenir for the World Bamboo Congress, New Delhi from 27tn February to 4th March 2004. |
Banana Fibre – Empowering Women,
Issue #10, 2023 ISSN: 2581- 9410 I (Shama Pawar) came to Hampi in 1997 as a young artist and little did I know that Anegundi - Hampi would be my life’s work. Even on my first visit I enquired if there was a village, a living settlement within the site. It was then that I was directed to Anegundi, a historical settlement that predates the Vijayanagara Hampi. Located on the banks of the Thungabhadra this region has been known as a pilgrimage place ever since the 6CE. The Chalukyan inscriptions call it Pampakshetra. In the 14th Century the Vijayanagara Capital was established in Hampi and the rest is history. My work has little to do with history. I certainly use it as an inspiration and certainly think of it as a Heritage Resource. The word “Heritage” though has a different connotation for me. It is not limited to just architecture or other conventional aspects be it intangible or tangible. For me Heritage is everything that shapes our being. Everything from nature, culture, irrigation systems, agriculture. These are the aspects that have influenced the living culture of the World Heritage Site of Hampi.
Banana Fibre is not a traditional material used in the area; it is something that we as The Kishkinda Trust introduced in 1999.
Why Banana Fibre? It has to do with a Vijayanagara Era Irrigation system that is still in use in the area that allows for flood irrigation and the growth of Banana plantations. This was going to be a resource that was going to be available for many years to come unless the ecology of the place completely changes.
There are 2 types of banana fibres available namely extracted and un extracted.
Extracted Banana Fibre involves mechanical as well as automated mechanical extraction technique.
Available only once in a year after Banana Harvest. It requires Machinery for Extraction. Requires ample storage space as extraction happens only once a year. Harvest has to be done on a large scale and requires heavy vehicles for transport.
Unextracted Banana Fibre
At TKT we use the unextracted banana fibre which is quite coarse and its usage is limited to lifestyle accessories only due to its tensile strength and textural properties. Available through the year barring the months of Monsoon. Requires no machinery for extraction. This is a waste product for the farmer. Can be stored by artisans at their homes as the material is available through the year. Harvest can be done by individual artisans and require the simplest agricultural tools. Transport is easy as the material is quite light.
What started off as an experiment with a Handful of women; today Banana fibre has become the craft identity of the area. I am a firm believer that creative energy such as craft should not be curtailed. Most crafts are a great example of how techniques and crafts only grow when they are not limited to geography, a particular community etc. The Kishkinda Trust has trained more than 1000 individuals in the Hampi region in different skills. Our goal is to set up the cottage industry and hand it over to the community to run the same. We have achieved the same with Banana Fibre to a certain extent and are taking strides towards each artisan becoming an entrepreneur in their own right and be completely independent of The Kishkinda Trust.
There are benefits and challenges to working with new materials, techniques or technologies. The challenges are certainly endless but are some benefits. Since we are a non-traditional cottage industry we are not bound by what we do and how we do it. The artisans have gotten used to experimenting be it materials or techniques. Since this is a contemporary craft it has always looked at products from a contemporary lens. Also, material availability has always pushed us towards using whatever resources are available in our vicinity and not look too far for the same.
In 2017 the area was faced with a major Water Hyacinth problem. The water bodies were completely choked up by this invasive weed. Water Hyacinth is an environmental hazard that covers up water bodies cutting off access to Sunlight and thus causing problems to sous-marine ecosystems due to depleting oxygen levels. We looked at an ecological problem as a solution for livelihood through crafts.
We are hoping that we are able to benefit from the MGNREGA scheme which harvests the water hyacinth from water bodies. This would make it possible for us to train more individuals and start a new cluster of Artisans working with Water Hyacinth. We truly believe that water hyacinth could be used in an innovative way that go beyond craft.
Moving towards securing futures
We at TKT look at securing futures for communities in our region by investing in energies in creating Heritage Resources like natural fibre. What we mean by creating Heritage resources is growing trees to create infrastructure and add value to the produce that one can obtain from them. Also change the way we look at agriculture, look at the market needs and respond to the change in an informed manner. In this endeavour we have recently signed an MOU with Karnataka State Rural Development and Panchayati Raj University, Gadag. We hope that partnerships such as these will help us achieve the model of Rural Development in a Heritage Setting.
When it comes to existing cottage industries, we do understand the need to move on with times and the need for a craft to evolve. Up until now Banana Fibre rope that is used as the raw material has been completely handmade. We are cognizant that in the years to come the number of people who wish to make handmade rope might decline. We have already started researching how it is possible to make high quality machine made rope. This advancement will help keep the craft alive.
There is a need for an ecosophical way of life in places that have never before experienced such a large influx of visitors. The key is to change the approach at the onset which is able to put dynamic systems in place.
Issue #10, 2023 ISSN: 2581- 9410 I (Shama Pawar) came to Hampi in 1997 as a young artist and little did I know that Anegundi - Hampi would be my life’s work. Even on my first visit I enquired if there was a village, a living settlement within the site. It was then that I was directed to Anegundi, a historical settlement that predates the Vijayanagara Hampi. Located on the banks of the Thungabhadra this region has been known as a pilgrimage place ever since the 6CE. The Chalukyan inscriptions call it Pampakshetra. In the 14th Century the Vijayanagara Capital was established in Hampi and the rest is history. My work has little to do with history. I certainly use it as an inspiration and certainly think of it as a Heritage Resource. The word “Heritage” though has a different connotation for me. It is not limited to just architecture or other conventional aspects be it intangible or tangible. For me Heritage is everything that shapes our being. Everything from nature, culture, irrigation systems, agriculture. These are the aspects that have influenced the living culture of the World Heritage Site of Hampi.
Anegundi View from Elepahant stable
64 pillar matapa
I would like to point that the work that I have done through The Kishkinda Trust and as convenor for INTACH does not limit itself to craft. We call the model “Rural Development in a Heritage setting”. All the projects that we undertake look at holistic model. In 1999 when the cottage industry was set up there was a need to attract tourists to the area and therefore we made responsible tourism as one of our initiatives. To ensure that there is a positive impact of visitors coming to the village we started the Solid Waste Management Program. Finally, to ensure that the future generation sees has broader horizons than just engaging in agriculture we started an Education through performing arts program.
Banana Fibre is not a traditional material used in the area; it is something that we as The Kishkinda Trust introduced in 1999.
Why Banana Fibre? It has to do with a Vijayanagara Era Irrigation system that is still in use in the area that allows for flood irrigation and the growth of Banana plantations. This was going to be a resource that was going to be available for many years to come unless the ecology of the place completely changes.
There are 2 types of banana fibres available namely extracted and un extracted.
Extracted Banana Fibre involves mechanical as well as automated mechanical extraction technique.
Available only once in a year after Banana Harvest. It requires Machinery for Extraction. Requires ample storage space as extraction happens only once a year. Harvest has to be done on a large scale and requires heavy vehicles for transport.
Unextracted Banana Fibre
At TKT we use the unextracted banana fibre which is quite coarse and its usage is limited to lifestyle accessories only due to its tensile strength and textural properties. Available through the year barring the months of Monsoon. Requires no machinery for extraction. This is a waste product for the farmer. Can be stored by artisans at their homes as the material is available through the year. Harvest can be done by individual artisans and require the simplest agricultural tools. Transport is easy as the material is quite light.
What started off as an experiment with a Handful of women; today Banana fibre has become the craft identity of the area. I am a firm believer that creative energy such as craft should not be curtailed. Most crafts are a great example of how techniques and crafts only grow when they are not limited to geography, a particular community etc. The Kishkinda Trust has trained more than 1000 individuals in the Hampi region in different skills. Our goal is to set up the cottage industry and hand it over to the community to run the same. We have achieved the same with Banana Fibre to a certain extent and are taking strides towards each artisan becoming an entrepreneur in their own right and be completely independent of The Kishkinda Trust.
There are benefits and challenges to working with new materials, techniques or technologies. The challenges are certainly endless but are some benefits. Since we are a non-traditional cottage industry we are not bound by what we do and how we do it. The artisans have gotten used to experimenting be it materials or techniques. Since this is a contemporary craft it has always looked at products from a contemporary lens. Also, material availability has always pushed us towards using whatever resources are available in our vicinity and not look too far for the same.
In 2017 the area was faced with a major Water Hyacinth problem. The water bodies were completely choked up by this invasive weed. Water Hyacinth is an environmental hazard that covers up water bodies cutting off access to Sunlight and thus causing problems to sous-marine ecosystems due to depleting oxygen levels. We looked at an ecological problem as a solution for livelihood through crafts.
We are hoping that we are able to benefit from the MGNREGA scheme which harvests the water hyacinth from water bodies. This would make it possible for us to train more individuals and start a new cluster of Artisans working with Water Hyacinth. We truly believe that water hyacinth could be used in an innovative way that go beyond craft.
Moving towards securing futures
We at TKT look at securing futures for communities in our region by investing in energies in creating Heritage Resources like natural fibre. What we mean by creating Heritage resources is growing trees to create infrastructure and add value to the produce that one can obtain from them. Also change the way we look at agriculture, look at the market needs and respond to the change in an informed manner. In this endeavour we have recently signed an MOU with Karnataka State Rural Development and Panchayati Raj University, Gadag. We hope that partnerships such as these will help us achieve the model of Rural Development in a Heritage Setting.
When it comes to existing cottage industries, we do understand the need to move on with times and the need for a craft to evolve. Up until now Banana Fibre rope that is used as the raw material has been completely handmade. We are cognizant that in the years to come the number of people who wish to make handmade rope might decline. We have already started researching how it is possible to make high quality machine made rope. This advancement will help keep the craft alive.
There is a need for an ecosophical way of life in places that have never before experienced such a large influx of visitors. The key is to change the approach at the onset which is able to put dynamic systems in place.
Bandhani, Process and Technique
| Introduction The art of Bandhani is highly skilled process. The technique involves dyeing a fabric which is tied tightly with a thread at several points , thus producing a variety of patterns like Lehriya, Mothda, Ekdali and Shikari depending on the manner in which the cloth was tied. |
| History Different forms of tie and dye have been practiced in India. Indian Bandhani, a traditional form of tie and dye, began about 5000 years ago. Also known as Bandhni and Bandhej, it is the oldest tie and dye tradition still in practice. Dyes date back to antiquity when primitive societies discovered that colours could be extracted from various plants, flowers, leaves, bark, etc., which were applied to cloth and other fabrics. Even though color was applied they didn't consider this dyeing. It was simply a form of embellishment. What was considered dyeing was the art of using color to form a permanent bond with fiber in a prepared dye bath. Ancient artists discovered that some dyes dissolved and gave their color readily to water, forming a solution which was easily absorbed by the fabric. Herbs and plants like turmeric and indigo were crushed to a fine powder and dissolved in water so that cotton material could be dyed in deep colours. These colours have been used in India since ancient times and are considered to be the origin of the art of dyeing. Throughout Asia, India and the Far East, traders packed tie and dye cloths as part of their merchandise.It is difficult to trace the origins of this craft to any particular area. According to some references it first developed in Jaipur in the form of Leheriya. But it is also widely believed that it was brought to Kutch from Sindh by Muslim Khatris who are still the largest community involved in the craft.Bandhani was introduced in Jamnagar when the city was founded 400 years ago. Bandhani fabrics reign superme in Rajasthan and Gujarat which are home to an astounding variety of traditional crafts. Century-old skills continue to produce some of the most artistic and exciting wares in these two states and are popular all over the world. Rajasthan is a land of vibrant colors. These colors are a striking part of the life there and are found in the bustling bazaars, in fairs and festivals, in the costumes worn and in the traditional paintings and murals. |
| Regions The art of Bandhani is practiced widely in Rajasthan, with Barmer, Jaipur, Sikar, Jodhpur, Pali, Udaipur, Nathdwara and Bikaner being the main centers. Bandhani comes in a variety of designs, colors and motifs and these variations are region-specific. Each district has its own distinct method of Bandhini which makes the pattern recognizable and gives it a different name.The centers of tie and dye fabrics in Gujarat are Jamnagar in Saurashtra (the water in this area brings out the brightest red while dyeing) and Ahmedabad.The craftsmen from Rajasthan are easily recognized because they grow the nail of their little finger or wear a small metal ring with a point to facilitate the lifting of cloth for tying. The Gujarati craftsmen, however, prefer to work without these aids to ensure no damage is done to the cloth when one works with bare hands. |
| Raw Materials The fabrics used for Bandhani are muslin, handloom, silk or voile (80/100 or 100/120 count preferably). Traditionally vegetable dyes were used but today chemical dyes are becoming very popular. Various synthetic fabrics are also highly in demand. Mostly synthetic thread is used for tying the fabric.The dominant colors in Bandhani are bright like yellow, red, green and pink. Maroon is also popular. But with changing times, as Bandhani has become a part of fashion, various pastel colors and shades are being used. The Bandhani fabric is sold with the points still tied and the size and intricacy of the design varies according to the region and demand. Bandhani forms the basic pattern on the fabric which is decorated further by various embroideries. Aari and gota work are traditional embroideries done in zari and are popular with Bandhani. These days a lot of ornamentation is done on Bandhani fabric to make it dressy and glittery for ceremonial occasions. |
| Popular Dyes Used In BANDHANI Vat dyes: Vat dyes are an ancient class of dyes based on the original natural dye, indigo, which is now produced synthetically. Both cotton and wool, as well as other fibers, can be dyed with vat dyes.'Vat dyeing' means dyeing in a bucket or vat. It can be done whenever a solid, even shade, i.e., the same color over the entire garment, is wanted. It can be done using almost any dye, including fiber reactive dye, direct dye, acid dye, etc. The opposite of vat dyeing is direct dye application, for example, tie and dye.Direct dyes: Also known as hot water dyes, direct dyes can be used with hot water and require no binding or exhausting agents. They are convenient but lack in color fastness and wash fastness. They are used on cotton, wool, silk and nylon. The colors of direct dyes are duller than those provided by reactive dyes. They can be found in powder form as well as in the form of a liquid concentrate. They do not require any form of 'fixing'.Napthol dyes: These are two sets of chemicals which, upon reaction, produce a third chemical, essentially colorful in nature. The fabric is dyed with one and later printed with the other. The chemical reaction produces a third color. However, the biggest drawback of this process is that there are just a few chemicals available which produce colors upon reaction.Procion dyes: Procion fiber reactive dyes are specially formulated for cellulose fibers like cotton, linen and rayon. They also work well on silk. They are considered 'cold water'" dyes making them great for solar dyeing, tie and dye and batik. As for the auxiliary chemicals, all you need is salt and soda ash. Synthrapol is optional but very helpful for rinsing out excess dye. Procion fiber reactive dyes can also be used on protein fibers but different auxiliaries are needed and the dye bath must be simmered. |
| Process The process, though relatively simple, is very time-consuming. The tying of the fabric is mostly carried out by women or young girls. |
white malmal on lehriya fabric |
The material generally used is a thin loosely woven silk known as georgette or a cotton known as malmal. |
plastic design trace |
| The area of the fabric to be dyed is outlined using fugitive colors. Then a clear thin sheet of plastic, which has been pierced with pin holes, is kept over this area of the fabric and using fugitive colours an imprint of the desired pattern is transferred onto the fabric. |
required pattern on white malmal fabric |
tieing knots |
| The craftsperson then pulls on a small area of the fabric where each hole is placed and winds thread tightly around the protruding cloth to form a knot or bhindi. The thread generally used is nylon thread. |
 
tied cloth |
| After tying the knots the fabric is thoroughly washed to remove the imprint. |
| The cloth is then dipped in napthol for five minutes and dyed in yellow or another light color for two minutes. |
cloth dyed in one colour |
Next it is rinsed, squeezed, dried and then tied again and dipped in a darker color. This is kept for three to four hours (without opening the knots) to allow the color to soak in. |
 |
During this process the small area beneath the thread resists the dye leaving an undyed dot. This is usually carried out in several stages starting with a light colour like yellow, then after tying some more knots a darker colour is used and so on. |
 
finished Bandhini cloth |
| After the last dyeing process has been completed the fabric is washed and if necessary, starched. After the fabric is dried, its folds are pulled apart in a particular way releasing the knots and revealing their pattern. The result is a deep coloured cloth with dots of various colours forming a pattern. Very elaborate motifs are made, in tie and dye work. These include flowers, creepers, bells and jalas. Knots are placed in clusters each with a different name, for example, a single dot is called Ekdali, three knots is called Trikunti and four knots is called Chaubundi. Such clusters are worked intricately into patterns such as Shikargah (mountain-like), Jaaldar (web-like), Beldaar (vine-like) etc. |
 
lehriya |
  tied lehriya being dyed |
| Rajasthan is well known for its Lehriya pattern or pattern of waves which symbolizes water waves. Only two colors are used which alternate each other in a pattern of stripes arranged diagonally. Originally, the two colors used were the auspicious colors of yellow and red. Turbans, odhnis and saris with the lehriya pattern are liked and worn all around year but carry a special meaning on and around the time of the Teej festival and monsoon. In Bandhani, different colors convey different meanings. While red represents a bride, a yellow background suggests a lady has become a mother recently. Some of the most common designs are dungar-shahi or the mountain-pattern, boond that results in a small dot with a dark centre, tear shaped kodi, and the laddu-jalebi or a swirl. In Tikunthi, circles and squares appear in a group of three, in Chaubasi in groups of four and in Satbandi in groups of seven. (Boond is a dot with a dark centre and ekdali just a dot-also different printers can call same design different names. Some names have become famous some are use for refrence reasons with the dyers and printers) |
Changes In The Recent Years
Bandhani is being sold all over India and the demand has increased over the past few decades. Sales go up during the festive and wedding seasons in India. The bulk of the market is domestic with the main market being in Gujarat where most women wear Bandhani saris, shawls or odhnis. The odhnis are also decorated with mirrors, gota and tassels to give it a richer and more decorative look. However, with the advent of the cheaper process of silk-screen printing, many of the poorer women wear printed cloth with a Bandhani design.Today, designers are using Bandhani fabric for contemporary clothing and it is being used to represent India in the international circuit. New colors and patterns are being used to cater to a wider market, though traditional red, yellow and pink still continue to be the all-time favourites!Bibliography
|
Banpala of Chuba,
Issue #10, 2023 ISSN: 2581- 9410 The connection between mountains and wool goes beyond a mere geographical correlation. It represents a profound symbiosis between nature, culture, and sustainable practices. The tradition of sheep herding and wool production has shaped the identities of mountain communities, leaving an enduring mark on their history, economy, and cultural heritage. Wool has a rich and significant historical importance that spans millennia. Its impact on human civilisation can be seen in various aspects, from clothing and textiles to trade and economic development. Although evidences of wool textiles are rare due to their conditions of preservation, there have been indications of wool being used as one of the earliest fibres. From wool clothes and tools found in excavations of Harappan civilisation[1] (2600-1900 BCE), to the cuneiform records of Mesopotamia[2] that indicate that it was the birthplace of wool. Pastoral communities across the world have reared sheep for wool, milk and meat and continue to do so, especially in the hilly and mountainous regions. With wool, the processes of felting and later weaving were amongst the first to be explored especially amongst the nomadic and transhumant groups of Asia and Europe.[3] In Sikkim, the Banpala Sheep has been reared by the traditional shepherd tribe of the Gurung community. The breed derived its name as it is mostly reared inside the forest (‘ban’ means forest and ‘pala’ reared). Banpala sheep is a medium sized animals with compact body covered with coarse wool, which is normally shorn twice a year. The Banpala is reared as migratory animals.[4] Over the past decade, there has occurred a vocational shift amongst the newer generations of the shepherd tribes, including that of Gurungs owing to factors like challenging nature of traditional pastoralism, deforested land, changes in government policies regarding grazing rights and land-use, urbanisation and personal aspirations of the individuals. This has led to a decline in the population of Banpala sheep in Sikkim. The Tibetan sheep is another example of having declined in number over the years, with only one last remaining sheep herder in North Sikkim.
Chuba is a small village located in south Sikkim, where the Gurung population has taken up the task to revive Banpala sheep through their age-old techniques. Chuba-ko ( meaning of Chuba), started as an initiative to actively build a community around wool through craft with a long term goal of reversing the depleting numbers of sheep and building a livelihood for themselves. By incentivising Banpala Sheep wool and using traditional craft knowledge of the community, the Gurungs have extended themselves to utilise the wool at Chuba.
The Banpala sheep is native to the southern part of Sikkim and has certain characteristics. The animal exhibits a tall, leggy, and robust physique. Their fleece displays a wide range of colors, spanning from pure white to pitch black, with various shades in between. They have small, tubular ears and both males and females have horns. The tail is slender and short, and the belly and legs are free of wool. The fleece itself is coarse, hairy, and open in texture. On average, they produce approximately 500 grams of greasy fleece every six months. The fiber diameter measures 49 µ, with a Medullation percentage of 70.5.[5]
The Banpala fibre is extremely coarse as the hair and wool is not segregated well, however, it is extremely warm. Traditionally, hand-felting and weaving have been practiced by the tribe.
For the purpose of felting, a certain crimp is required in the fibres for them to stick to each other and form a non woven surface, however, in the case of Banpala, coarse hair is felted vigorously to create a surface.
The process includes a certain order of steps - the sheep are shorn once a year, during the months of September and October, after procurement of wool, The felting process involves several stages, starting with manual cleaning to rid the wool of grease, dirt, and other impurities, which may result in some wool loss. Subsequently, carding is performed using a hand-carding machine to separate unwanted hair from the wool, followed by manual beating of the wool lot with a stick. The cleaned wool is then washed in lukewarm water and stored in dark rooms to protect it from insects and moths. During felting, layers of wool are laid on a mat, with warm water sprinkled after each layer to enhance fiber absorbency. The fibers are then rubbed with soap water, and finally, a plastic sheet is used to cover the felt while bamboo sticks are utilized to roll the fibers, creating the non-woven fabric. The process has been traditionally used to make Raadi, a hand felted floor mat that was domestically used in Sikkimese homes as an insulated seating or mattress.
The shedding nature of this hairy wool is persistent in these mats as well. Given the nature of this fibre, strong ropes, insulating materials and acoustic panels are areas of further usage and exploration.
In order to push the crafts towards a sustainable livelihood generation opportunity for the people, design intervention has taken place in the form of training as well as providing a market place for the produced goods. The colours black and white with a few shades of grey have been utilised by the Gurung craftspersons to create elaborate artworks in the form of rugs and wall art. The Gurungs have started translating the visuals of their Sikkimese landscape into black and white felt pieces. For instance, the grazing patterns of the Banpala and Tibetan sheep, Bamboo forests, Sikkim’s mountains cape, etc have been captured. By simply carding black and white wool together in different amounts, a range of light and dark shades have been obtained. The fibre has also been spun to form yarn for the purpose of weaving.
Originally, back-strap looms were used in Sikkim, but now weaving is done on frame looms as well. The Banpala wool fabric is woven on both looms in Chuba. It is also mixed with cotton to reduce the coarseness. The fabric is used for making clothing, bed covers, window insulators etc.
These processes have taken place within the wool communities, creating job opportunities and fostering a sense of local pride and craftsmanship. Artisans and skilled workers contribute their expertise to transform raw wool into high-quality textiles and products.
With investment and research and collaborative efforts of government and private agencies, the Chubako initiative has been successful in providing livelihood to the Gurung community by introducing wool crafts. Most of the members of Chubako, being women, also hints towards a equitable future for women.
Sheep herding in Sikkim is a vibrant way of life with multiple benefits. It provides livelihoods through wool, meat, and other products. The wool is skillfully crafted into traditional garments and handicrafts, adding to the region's rich wool craft heritage. Alongside meeting the demand for wool and meat, the practice optimizes land use with lush grazing lands. It preserves traditional knowledge and customs, while sheep grazing maintains a sustainable ecosystem. In every way, sheep herding plays a vital role in Sikkim's economic, cultural, craft, and agricultural landscape.
The Chuba Team
The presence of wool communities also supports local economies as well as diversifies local income sources. The wool industry provides income and employment opportunities for individuals and businesses involved in various stages of production, from shearing contractors and wool processors to designers and retailers. The economic benefits extend beyond the immediate wool-related activities, as the revenue generated circulates within the community, benefiting other sectors such as hospitality, retail, and tourism, in turn creating resilience for the people. By valuing Banpala Sheep wool and leveraging the community's rich craft heritage, the Gurungs have breathed new life into Chuba's wool industry.
(Top left corner to bottom)
Wool laid out for felting; Wool being Hands-on; Banpala Sheep; Hand-carding of wool
Hand-felting by the women
Chuba rugs inspired by Sikkim's landscape
[1] Noorjehan Bilgrami, Ancient Textiles of the Indus Valley Region, in Tana Bana: The woven soul of Pakistan pp. 18-31, 2004 Koel Publications, Karachi
[2] Catherine Breniquet, Cécile Michel. Wool Economy in the Ancient Near East and the Aegean. Wool Economy in the Ancient Near East and the Aegean: from the Beginnings of Sheep Husbandry to Institutional Textile Industry, 17, Oxbow Books, pp.1-11, 2014, Ancient Textiles Series
[3] Berthold Läufer, The Early History of Felt, American Anthropologist, Vol 32, pp 1-18, No. 1, 1930
[4] Agri - Kaleidoscope - Sheep Genetic Resources of NEH region, ICAR https://kiran.nic.in/sheep.html
[5] ICAR - Central Sheep and Wool Research Institute, http://cswri.res.in/breed_profiles.asp
Issue #10, 2023 ISSN: 2581- 9410 The connection between mountains and wool goes beyond a mere geographical correlation. It represents a profound symbiosis between nature, culture, and sustainable practices. The tradition of sheep herding and wool production has shaped the identities of mountain communities, leaving an enduring mark on their history, economy, and cultural heritage. Wool has a rich and significant historical importance that spans millennia. Its impact on human civilisation can be seen in various aspects, from clothing and textiles to trade and economic development. Although evidences of wool textiles are rare due to their conditions of preservation, there have been indications of wool being used as one of the earliest fibres. From wool clothes and tools found in excavations of Harappan civilisation[1] (2600-1900 BCE), to the cuneiform records of Mesopotamia[2] that indicate that it was the birthplace of wool. Pastoral communities across the world have reared sheep for wool, milk and meat and continue to do so, especially in the hilly and mountainous regions. With wool, the processes of felting and later weaving were amongst the first to be explored especially amongst the nomadic and transhumant groups of Asia and Europe.[3] In Sikkim, the Banpala Sheep has been reared by the traditional shepherd tribe of the Gurung community. The breed derived its name as it is mostly reared inside the forest (‘ban’ means forest and ‘pala’ reared). Banpala sheep is a medium sized animals with compact body covered with coarse wool, which is normally shorn twice a year. The Banpala is reared as migratory animals.[4] Over the past decade, there has occurred a vocational shift amongst the newer generations of the shepherd tribes, including that of Gurungs owing to factors like challenging nature of traditional pastoralism, deforested land, changes in government policies regarding grazing rights and land-use, urbanisation and personal aspirations of the individuals. This has led to a decline in the population of Banpala sheep in Sikkim. The Tibetan sheep is another example of having declined in number over the years, with only one last remaining sheep herder in North Sikkim.
Chuba is a small village located in south Sikkim, where the Gurung population has taken up the task to revive Banpala sheep through their age-old techniques. Chuba-ko ( meaning of Chuba), started as an initiative to actively build a community around wool through craft with a long term goal of reversing the depleting numbers of sheep and building a livelihood for themselves. By incentivising Banpala Sheep wool and using traditional craft knowledge of the community, the Gurungs have extended themselves to utilise the wool at Chuba.
The Banpala sheep is native to the southern part of Sikkim and has certain characteristics. The animal exhibits a tall, leggy, and robust physique. Their fleece displays a wide range of colors, spanning from pure white to pitch black, with various shades in between. They have small, tubular ears and both males and females have horns. The tail is slender and short, and the belly and legs are free of wool. The fleece itself is coarse, hairy, and open in texture. On average, they produce approximately 500 grams of greasy fleece every six months. The fiber diameter measures 49 µ, with a Medullation percentage of 70.5.[5]
The Banpala fibre is extremely coarse as the hair and wool is not segregated well, however, it is extremely warm. Traditionally, hand-felting and weaving have been practiced by the tribe.
For the purpose of felting, a certain crimp is required in the fibres for them to stick to each other and form a non woven surface, however, in the case of Banpala, coarse hair is felted vigorously to create a surface.
The process includes a certain order of steps - the sheep are shorn once a year, during the months of September and October, after procurement of wool, The felting process involves several stages, starting with manual cleaning to rid the wool of grease, dirt, and other impurities, which may result in some wool loss. Subsequently, carding is performed using a hand-carding machine to separate unwanted hair from the wool, followed by manual beating of the wool lot with a stick. The cleaned wool is then washed in lukewarm water and stored in dark rooms to protect it from insects and moths. During felting, layers of wool are laid on a mat, with warm water sprinkled after each layer to enhance fiber absorbency. The fibers are then rubbed with soap water, and finally, a plastic sheet is used to cover the felt while bamboo sticks are utilized to roll the fibers, creating the non-woven fabric. The process has been traditionally used to make Raadi, a hand felted floor mat that was domestically used in Sikkimese homes as an insulated seating or mattress.
The shedding nature of this hairy wool is persistent in these mats as well. Given the nature of this fibre, strong ropes, insulating materials and acoustic panels are areas of further usage and exploration.
In order to push the crafts towards a sustainable livelihood generation opportunity for the people, design intervention has taken place in the form of training as well as providing a market place for the produced goods. The colours black and white with a few shades of grey have been utilised by the Gurung craftspersons to create elaborate artworks in the form of rugs and wall art. The Gurungs have started translating the visuals of their Sikkimese landscape into black and white felt pieces. For instance, the grazing patterns of the Banpala and Tibetan sheep, Bamboo forests, Sikkim’s mountains cape, etc have been captured. By simply carding black and white wool together in different amounts, a range of light and dark shades have been obtained. The fibre has also been spun to form yarn for the purpose of weaving.
Originally, back-strap looms were used in Sikkim, but now weaving is done on frame looms as well. The Banpala wool fabric is woven on both looms in Chuba. It is also mixed with cotton to reduce the coarseness. The fabric is used for making clothing, bed covers, window insulators etc.
These processes have taken place within the wool communities, creating job opportunities and fostering a sense of local pride and craftsmanship. Artisans and skilled workers contribute their expertise to transform raw wool into high-quality textiles and products.
With investment and research and collaborative efforts of government and private agencies, the Chubako initiative has been successful in providing livelihood to the Gurung community by introducing wool crafts. Most of the members of Chubako, being women, also hints towards a equitable future for women.
Sheep herding in Sikkim is a vibrant way of life with multiple benefits. It provides livelihoods through wool, meat, and other products. The wool is skillfully crafted into traditional garments and handicrafts, adding to the region's rich wool craft heritage. Alongside meeting the demand for wool and meat, the practice optimizes land use with lush grazing lands. It preserves traditional knowledge and customs, while sheep grazing maintains a sustainable ecosystem. In every way, sheep herding plays a vital role in Sikkim's economic, cultural, craft, and agricultural landscape.
The Chuba Team
The presence of wool communities also supports local economies as well as diversifies local income sources. The wool industry provides income and employment opportunities for individuals and businesses involved in various stages of production, from shearing contractors and wool processors to designers and retailers. The economic benefits extend beyond the immediate wool-related activities, as the revenue generated circulates within the community, benefiting other sectors such as hospitality, retail, and tourism, in turn creating resilience for the people. By valuing Banpala Sheep wool and leveraging the community's rich craft heritage, the Gurungs have breathed new life into Chuba's wool industry.
(Top left corner to bottom)
Wool laid out for felting; Wool being Hands-on; Banpala Sheep; Hand-carding of wool
Hand-felting by the women
Chuba rugs inspired by Sikkim's landscape
[1] Noorjehan Bilgrami, Ancient Textiles of the Indus Valley Region, in Tana Bana: The woven soul of Pakistan pp. 18-31, 2004 Koel Publications, Karachi
[2] Catherine Breniquet, Cécile Michel. Wool Economy in the Ancient Near East and the Aegean. Wool Economy in the Ancient Near East and the Aegean: from the Beginnings of Sheep Husbandry to Institutional Textile Industry, 17, Oxbow Books, pp.1-11, 2014, Ancient Textiles Series
[3] Berthold Läufer, The Early History of Felt, American Anthropologist, Vol 32, pp 1-18, No. 1, 1930
[4] Agri - Kaleidoscope - Sheep Genetic Resources of NEH region, ICAR https://kiran.nic.in/sheep.html
[5] ICAR - Central Sheep and Wool Research Institute, http://cswri.res.in/breed_profiles.asp
Beaten Copper of Uttarakhand,
Beaten copper ware is made prolifically in Uttarakhand, especially Almora district from where Suresh Lal Tamta-who works with the material-hails. Suresh Lal Tamta learnt the ancestral craft from his father, working with him since he was 10-12 years old. Each family has its own workshop. The Tamta people, he says, traditionally work with copper. Almora has a lot of copper-workers. The basic raw materials used are sheets of copper, or patches made from melted scrap. The sheets are of varying thickness, with thickness being measured in gauges; the higher the number of the gauge, the thicker the sheet (and, correspondingly, the lower the number of the gauge, the thinner the sheet). The process is basically that of beaten metal-work, in which the metal is beaten into the required shape. A wooden hammer is used while shaping the metal; a much heavier iron hammer for processes that involve sizing, like increasing the size of a strip. According to Suresh Lal, a lot of the items - especially the smaller ones - are worked from a single piece of the metal. Jointing, however, makes the work simpler. The sheer time and craftsmanship required in making a single-piece item makes the end product very expensive; that kind of craftsmanship cannot be often afforded. The joint is made with a combination of brass and zinc, which is melted in an earth-kiln fire and is then mixed with suhaga - a white, grainy powder that is bought in the market, and is commonly used by goldsmiths. The joint, says Suresh Lal, can be taken apart by craftsperson's only by heating the metal at the joint and then beating it - not otherwise. The design element is introduced using a sunni or iron rod, on which force is applied with a hammer. The finished product - that is, after jointing, if jointing is involved - is washed with acid or placed in heated grain heaps; the hot piece is covered with chaff. No air must touch the piece. When the object is removed from the slowly cooling chaff, the metal is seen to have acquired luster. Besides specific motifs, a pattern of small squares is impressed all over the piece by hand-beating using a hammer. Copper is well-known for its medicinal and curative properties. Several items of everyday use are thus still traditionally fashioned out of copper; these are widely used in the villages in Almora says Suresh Lal Tamta. Water - if kept for some time (for instance overnight) - in copper vessels is supposed to absorb the medicinal properties of the copper. Copper surahis (traditional, jug-like vessels, with spouted mouths), glasses, and flat-bottomed traditional water containers called lotas are common products. Plates and bowls for everyday use are also made of copper. Vessels in which the metal has a low gauge (thus making the metal thick) are used for cooking - most frequently, they are used to cook those foods that require sustained low heat. Storage jars, vases, and diyas (lamps) are also made by the Tamtas.
Beaten copper ware is made prolifically in Uttarakhand, especially Almora district from where Suresh Lal Tamta-who works with the material-hails. Suresh Lal Tamta learnt the ancestral craft from his father, working with him since he was 10-12 years old. Each family has its own workshop. The Tamta people, he says, traditionally work with copper. Almora has a lot of copper-workers. The basic raw materials used are sheets of copper, or patches made from melted scrap. The sheets are of varying thickness, with thickness being measured in gauges; the higher the number of the gauge, the thicker the sheet (and, correspondingly, the lower the number of the gauge, the thinner the sheet). The process is basically that of beaten metal-work, in which the metal is beaten into the required shape. A wooden hammer is used while shaping the metal; a much heavier iron hammer for processes that involve sizing, like increasing the size of a strip. According to Suresh Lal, a lot of the items - especially the smaller ones - are worked from a single piece of the metal. Jointing, however, makes the work simpler. The sheer time and craftsmanship required in making a single-piece item makes the end product very expensive; that kind of craftsmanship cannot be often afforded. The joint is made with a combination of brass and zinc, which is melted in an earth-kiln fire and is then mixed with suhaga - a white, grainy powder that is bought in the market, and is commonly used by goldsmiths. The joint, says Suresh Lal, can be taken apart by craftsperson's only by heating the metal at the joint and then beating it - not otherwise. The design element is introduced using a sunni or iron rod, on which force is applied with a hammer. The finished product - that is, after jointing, if jointing is involved - is washed with acid or placed in heated grain heaps; the hot piece is covered with chaff. No air must touch the piece. When the object is removed from the slowly cooling chaff, the metal is seen to have acquired luster. Besides specific motifs, a pattern of small squares is impressed all over the piece by hand-beating using a hammer. Copper is well-known for its medicinal and curative properties. Several items of everyday use are thus still traditionally fashioned out of copper; these are widely used in the villages in Almora says Suresh Lal Tamta. Water - if kept for some time (for instance overnight) - in copper vessels is supposed to absorb the medicinal properties of the copper. Copper surahis (traditional, jug-like vessels, with spouted mouths), glasses, and flat-bottomed traditional water containers called lotas are common products. Plates and bowls for everyday use are also made of copper. Vessels in which the metal has a low gauge (thus making the metal thick) are used for cooking - most frequently, they are used to cook those foods that require sustained low heat. Storage jars, vases, and diyas (lamps) are also made by the Tamtas.
Suresh Lal Tamta learnt the ancestral craft from his father, working with him since he was 10-12 years old. Each family has its own workshop. The tamta people, he says, traditionally work with copper. Almora has a lot of copper-workers.
Raw Materials, Process and Tools
The basic material used are sheets of copper, or patches made from melted scrap. The sheets are of varying thickness, with thickness being measured in gauges; the higher the number of the gauge, the thicker the sheet (and, correspondingly, the lower the number of the gauge, the thinner the sheet.
The process is basically that of beaten metal-work, in which the metal is beaten into the required shape. A wooden hammer is used while shaping the metal; a much heavier iron hammer for processes that involve sizing, like increasing the size of a strip.
According to Suresh Lal, a lot of the items - especially the smaller ones - are worked from a single piece of the metal. Jointing, however, makes the work simpler. The sheer time and craftsmanship required in making a single-piece item makes the end product very expensive; that kind of craftsmanship cannot be often afforded.
The joint is made with a combination of brass and zinc, which is melted in an earth-kiln fire and is then mixed with suhaga - a white, grainy powder that is bought in the market, and is commonly used by goldsmiths. The joint, says Suresh Lal, can be taken apart by craftspersons only by heating the metal at the joint and then beating it - not otherwise.
The design element is introduced using a sunni or iron rod, on which force is applied with a hammer. The finished product - that is, after jointing, if jointing is involved - is washed with acid or placed in heated grain heaps; the hot piece is covered with chaff. No air must touch the piece. When the object is removed from the slowly cooling chaff, the metal is seen to have acquired lustre. Besides specific motifs, a pattern of small squares is impressed all over the piece by hand-beating using a hammer.
Products and Uses
Copper is well-known for its medicinal and curative properties. Several items of everyday use are thus still traditionally fashioned out of copper; these are used prolifically in the villages in Almora says Suresh Lal Tamta. Water - if kept for some time (like overnight) - in copper vessels is supposed to absorb the medicinal properties of the copper. Copper surahis (traditional, jug-like vessels, with spouted mouths), glasses, and flat-bottomed traditional water containers called lotas are common products. Plates and bowls for everyday use are also made of copper. Vessels in which the metal has a low gauge (thus making the metal thick) are used for cooking - most frequently, they are used to cook those foods that require sustained low heat. Storage jars, vases, and diyas (lamps) are also made by the tamtas.
Beeja Arambha – Seed Beginnings,
Issue #10, 2023 ISSN: 2581- 9410 The new story of Indigeneous Brown Cotton in India It is a warm afternoon in the middle of the second lockdown of the pandemic when the team of The Registry of Sarees visits Dr Khadi at his farm in Dharwad. Dr Khadi is a retired scientist from the University of Agricultural Sciences, Dharwad and is credited with having “discovered” Natural Brown Coloured Cotton (NBCC). While his role in the story of NBCC is pivotal, the actual narrative of Natural Brown Coloured Cotton goes much further back in India’s history.
Team of The Registry Of Sarees at The University of Dharwad, Agricultural Sciences.
A Brief Introduction to Brown Cotton
The antiquity of cotton in the Indian subcontinent has been traced to the 4th millennium BC (1) The first reference to cotton is found in an early Rig Veda hymn (2).The stages of seed cotton, spinning the lint and weaving the yarn are covered in various religious texts, and thus suggesting the implicit use of cotton in India by 1000 BC (3). The fabrics dated approximately 3000 BC recovered from Mohenjodaro excavated in Sind were identified to have originated from cotton plants, closely link to Gossyppium Arboreum species (4) thereby confirming that cotton lint was spun and woven into cloth even before 3000 BC. (5)
When the British monopolised cotton trade from the 17th century onwards, they sought to meet the growing demand for cotton that was produced by large scale industrial spinning and weaving. Rather than changing their production processes, The British adapted cotton cultivation in India to suit the machinery. As a result, the foreign varieties of long staple cotton were widely adopted in Indian cotton fields wiping away traces of desi cotton (Gossypium Arboreum, Gossypium Herbaceum) that made 97% of India’s cotton. (6)
The arrival of industrial-scale spinning that came with colonial rule, weaving technologies, vibrant chemical dyes, and a market that supported voluminous production and consumption of white BT cotton, effectively killed the demand for coloured cotton.
However, through the years, naturally coloured cotton has appeared primarily as a last-ditch effort to meet a need. During World War II (1939–1945) for example, there was a shortage of dyes, so green and brown cotton were grown and used. Because the fibres had not been bred for length after the war, naturally coloured cotton fell out of favour again.
Remains of Desi cotton were found in pockets of India, one being the research station associated with the University of Agricultural Sciences, Dharwad, Karnataka. The research station was set up in 1904 by the British as an establishment for cotton research and the storage of cotton germplasm. Dharwad was chosen as it was the most suited location for all four types of cultiv ated cotton - American cotton (Gossypium Hirsutum), Egyptian cotton (Gossypium Barbadense), Desi cotton (Gossypium Arboreum, Gossypium Herbaceum).
In 1983, Dr. Khadi of the Agricultural Research Station decided to test some of these dormant seeds at the research station. When planted, he discovered a naturally brown cotton plant growing in the midst of a white cotton field. The warmth of the afternoon sun at Dharwad does not deter the goosebumps as we listen to Dr Khadi recounting this memory – his delight transfers to all of us with this image and the possibilities of a future with Naturally Coloured Cotton becomes more real!
Dr Khadi – now retired but still cultivating Brown Cotton
From then on, Dr. Khadi, along with his assistants, began developing an interest in naturally coloured desi cotton. At the cotton research station, Dharwad, many coloured cottons are available. They range from off white to green. The most stable variety of cultivated coloured cotton is Dharwad Desi Coloured Cotton (DDCC1).
The Almond coloured naturally brown cotton -DDCC1 is truly an indigenous as it belongs to the G. Arboreum variety. The cotton develops its distinct colour because of the presence of proanthocyanin flavonoids in its genotype. Under the exposure of sunlight, the cotton bolls, when opening, gradually reveal their distinct colour. The shade of the colour could vary a little bit due to the changes in water, soil and climatic conditions.
Naturally coloured brown cotton is not cultivated as much since there is a fear that wild varieties of coloured cotton could contaminate the already existing white BT cotton. However, scientists from the University of Agricultural Sciences, Dharwad; Dr. Maralappanavar and Dr. Patil clarified that desi varieties cannot cross pollinate with non-desi hybrid varieties of cotton (eg- BT cotton). This suggests that coloured cotton can be grown around most BT cotton fields with no fear that it would hamper its cultivation.
The real threat indigenous coloured cotton seems to pose is at the market level as there is a possibility that it could become a competitor to other types of cotton and industries of production linked to it. DDCC1, being an indigenous cotton variety, is drought and pest resistant making it economically viable as it is cheaper in production and environmentally friendly. In 2021, The Registry of Sarees became the first to license the seeds and begin cultivation with the guidance of The University of Agricultural Sciences, Dharwad setting the benchmark for others to follow suit in a country where seed monopoly is often widely seen as contentious.
Sustainability quotient of Naturally Coloured Brown Cotton (DDCC1)
The comparison is not about colourful with colourless, one can grow organic white cotton and use natural dyes to colour it, but when the cotton is never dyed at all, it is entirely natural. With naturally grown brown coloured cotton, the entire dyeing process is eliminated, dye treatments are limited, there is less usage of water, less wastewater, less consumption of chemicals, and hence less usage of energy, making it one of the most sustainably produced cotton fabrics. Naturally grown brown cottons are pest, drought resistant and rain fed. Born coloured, the fabric is non-allergic and has excellent UV sun protection properties.
Repairing the land to loom system
A heavily broken land-to-loom system has not aided local khadi Sanghas to continue their work in brown cotton. The weavers need work. But hands involved in pre-loom processes were already lost to migration to cities. The farmers had long made the switch to lucrative Bt white cotton.
The hand-spinning of Brown Cotton yarn celebrates its coarse texture. Currently, there are 2 spinners and 3 weavers employed at UAS, Dharwad, Karntaka, dedicated to brown cotton cloth. These weavers are the first ones to weave brown cotton yarn on the warp and weft of a hand loom. They find the yarn holding strong and allowing for less breakage and therefore easy work continuity.
As the yarn is Ambara Charaka spun, it essentially has a very low twist. This also means that once the fabric is washed, the twist in the yarn opens further which results in the suppleness of the fabric. Ambara Charaka spun yarn is fragile, hence the yarn is starched before weaving. The stiffness of the woven fabric because of the starch is washed away with continuous wearing and washing resulting in a soft fabric.
Recognizing the historical, environmental and economic relevance of naturally coloured Desi Brown Cotton, all the stakeholders aim to repair the land to loom system. Eventually, it will transform into a circular economy system where its journey begins and ends with the land encountering no wastage and supporting all those who are a part of every stage in the process of cultivating, weaving and wearing.
The key objectives are:
Issue #10, 2023 ISSN: 2581- 9410 The new story of Indigeneous Brown Cotton in India It is a warm afternoon in the middle of the second lockdown of the pandemic when the team of The Registry of Sarees visits Dr Khadi at his farm in Dharwad. Dr Khadi is a retired scientist from the University of Agricultural Sciences, Dharwad and is credited with having “discovered” Natural Brown Coloured Cotton (NBCC). While his role in the story of NBCC is pivotal, the actual narrative of Natural Brown Coloured Cotton goes much further back in India’s history.
Team of The Registry Of Sarees at The University of Dharwad, Agricultural Sciences.
A Brief Introduction to Brown Cotton
The antiquity of cotton in the Indian subcontinent has been traced to the 4th millennium BC (1) The first reference to cotton is found in an early Rig Veda hymn (2).The stages of seed cotton, spinning the lint and weaving the yarn are covered in various religious texts, and thus suggesting the implicit use of cotton in India by 1000 BC (3). The fabrics dated approximately 3000 BC recovered from Mohenjodaro excavated in Sind were identified to have originated from cotton plants, closely link to Gossyppium Arboreum species (4) thereby confirming that cotton lint was spun and woven into cloth even before 3000 BC. (5)
When the British monopolised cotton trade from the 17th century onwards, they sought to meet the growing demand for cotton that was produced by large scale industrial spinning and weaving. Rather than changing their production processes, The British adapted cotton cultivation in India to suit the machinery. As a result, the foreign varieties of long staple cotton were widely adopted in Indian cotton fields wiping away traces of desi cotton (Gossypium Arboreum, Gossypium Herbaceum) that made 97% of India’s cotton. (6)
The arrival of industrial-scale spinning that came with colonial rule, weaving technologies, vibrant chemical dyes, and a market that supported voluminous production and consumption of white BT cotton, effectively killed the demand for coloured cotton.
However, through the years, naturally coloured cotton has appeared primarily as a last-ditch effort to meet a need. During World War II (1939–1945) for example, there was a shortage of dyes, so green and brown cotton were grown and used. Because the fibres had not been bred for length after the war, naturally coloured cotton fell out of favour again.
Remains of Desi cotton were found in pockets of India, one being the research station associated with the University of Agricultural Sciences, Dharwad, Karnataka. The research station was set up in 1904 by the British as an establishment for cotton research and the storage of cotton germplasm. Dharwad was chosen as it was the most suited location for all four types of cultiv ated cotton - American cotton (Gossypium Hirsutum), Egyptian cotton (Gossypium Barbadense), Desi cotton (Gossypium Arboreum, Gossypium Herbaceum).
In 1983, Dr. Khadi of the Agricultural Research Station decided to test some of these dormant seeds at the research station. When planted, he discovered a naturally brown cotton plant growing in the midst of a white cotton field. The warmth of the afternoon sun at Dharwad does not deter the goosebumps as we listen to Dr Khadi recounting this memory – his delight transfers to all of us with this image and the possibilities of a future with Naturally Coloured Cotton becomes more real!
Dr Khadi – now retired but still cultivating Brown Cotton
From then on, Dr. Khadi, along with his assistants, began developing an interest in naturally coloured desi cotton. At the cotton research station, Dharwad, many coloured cottons are available. They range from off white to green. The most stable variety of cultivated coloured cotton is Dharwad Desi Coloured Cotton (DDCC1).
The Almond coloured naturally brown cotton -DDCC1 is truly an indigenous as it belongs to the G. Arboreum variety. The cotton develops its distinct colour because of the presence of proanthocyanin flavonoids in its genotype. Under the exposure of sunlight, the cotton bolls, when opening, gradually reveal their distinct colour. The shade of the colour could vary a little bit due to the changes in water, soil and climatic conditions.
Naturally coloured brown cotton is not cultivated as much since there is a fear that wild varieties of coloured cotton could contaminate the already existing white BT cotton. However, scientists from the University of Agricultural Sciences, Dharwad; Dr. Maralappanavar and Dr. Patil clarified that desi varieties cannot cross pollinate with non-desi hybrid varieties of cotton (eg- BT cotton). This suggests that coloured cotton can be grown around most BT cotton fields with no fear that it would hamper its cultivation.
The real threat indigenous coloured cotton seems to pose is at the market level as there is a possibility that it could become a competitor to other types of cotton and industries of production linked to it. DDCC1, being an indigenous cotton variety, is drought and pest resistant making it economically viable as it is cheaper in production and environmentally friendly. In 2021, The Registry of Sarees became the first to license the seeds and begin cultivation with the guidance of The University of Agricultural Sciences, Dharwad setting the benchmark for others to follow suit in a country where seed monopoly is often widely seen as contentious.
Sustainability quotient of Naturally Coloured Brown Cotton (DDCC1)
The comparison is not about colourful with colourless, one can grow organic white cotton and use natural dyes to colour it, but when the cotton is never dyed at all, it is entirely natural. With naturally grown brown coloured cotton, the entire dyeing process is eliminated, dye treatments are limited, there is less usage of water, less wastewater, less consumption of chemicals, and hence less usage of energy, making it one of the most sustainably produced cotton fabrics. Naturally grown brown cottons are pest, drought resistant and rain fed. Born coloured, the fabric is non-allergic and has excellent UV sun protection properties.
Repairing the land to loom system
A heavily broken land-to-loom system has not aided local khadi Sanghas to continue their work in brown cotton. The weavers need work. But hands involved in pre-loom processes were already lost to migration to cities. The farmers had long made the switch to lucrative Bt white cotton.
The hand-spinning of Brown Cotton yarn celebrates its coarse texture. Currently, there are 2 spinners and 3 weavers employed at UAS, Dharwad, Karntaka, dedicated to brown cotton cloth. These weavers are the first ones to weave brown cotton yarn on the warp and weft of a hand loom. They find the yarn holding strong and allowing for less breakage and therefore easy work continuity.
As the yarn is Ambara Charaka spun, it essentially has a very low twist. This also means that once the fabric is washed, the twist in the yarn opens further which results in the suppleness of the fabric. Ambara Charaka spun yarn is fragile, hence the yarn is starched before weaving. The stiffness of the woven fabric because of the starch is washed away with continuous wearing and washing resulting in a soft fabric.
Recognizing the historical, environmental and economic relevance of naturally coloured Desi Brown Cotton, all the stakeholders aim to repair the land to loom system. Eventually, it will transform into a circular economy system where its journey begins and ends with the land encountering no wastage and supporting all those who are a part of every stage in the process of cultivating, weaving and wearing.
The key objectives are:
- Connecting the production of cotton to its cultivation: The intention is to partake in conserving and maintaining an indigenous variety of coloured cotton. The process involves working closely with scientists and farmers and recognising their role in the creation of Brown Cotton textiles.
- All hands involved in the production process right from the farmer to the weaver earn a fair price and living wages. The number of hands employed in any land-to-loom initiative with cotton is the same. The difference here is that the farmer earns the right procurement price for the cotton he grows. In addition, the varied processes- sewing and plucking the cotton in season, generates more employment for over 25 women.
- Create awareness of the existence of Brown Cotton and its benefits. While paying for a piece of cloth, the consumer is taking responsibility to nurture a rare variety of coloured cotton which is rain-fed, pesticide free, and help create a market for a sustainable business.
- Santhanam and Sundaran, 1997
- Khadi and Kulkarni, 2001
- Sundaram, 1974
- Gulati and Turner, 1929),
- (Source: http://www.geacindia.gov.in/resource-documents/biosafety-regulations/resource-documents/Biology_of_Cotton.pdf)
- Menon and Uzramma, A Frayed History; The journey of Cotton in India
Bewitched by the Baluchari,
Issue #003, Autumn, 2019 ISSN: 2581- 9410 Ruby Palchoudhuri’s abiding contribution to the revival of the traditional Baluchari lies in her pioneering efforts to work with Kallu Hafiz to create the technical infrastructure to revive the jala weave. This nostalgic piece is all about her encounters with the magnificent women with their fabulous collections and, of course, her experiences with Kallu Hafiz. It was Mitul Ghatak, my classmate at the Government College of Arts and Crafts, who led me into the wondrous world of the Baluchari weave. Mitul, sister of the famous Mahasweta Devi, showed me a Baluchari sari belonging to her Mother. I had never seen anything so beautifully intricate before. The sisters' engagement with the Baluchari began when their father was posted in Murshidabad. This was an illustrious family with celebrated artists and poets, among others, Ritwick Ghatak, the famous film-maker. If the first encounter was charming, there was much more to come because I was to encounter the magnificent Mme Krishna Riboud in the early 1940s in London in her purple butidar masterpiece. Thus was stoked my love affair with the Baluchari, with its delectable designs, in the softest of silken rustle, that continues till today.
Krishna Riboud, whose remarkable collection is with Musee Guimet
This account is more about my personal engagement with the Baluchari; from a stage of innocence about it to one of overwhelming passion to cherish it and work to make it immortal by supporting the Baluchari master-weavers. Much has been written about the textile; not so much about its bewitching impact on 20-something- old, fashion-conscious minds of the forties.
Mme Krishna Riboud was closely connected with Tagore family, who were patrons of everything creative and certainly of the Baluchari, which flourished on the bank of the Bhagirathi in Murshidabad. There were families royal and aristocratic, who patronised the weavers along with the educated, progressive Bengali women who were connoisseurs of the weave that expressed artistic imagery using the most sophisticated of techniques that their nimble fingers and creative minds could muster, over silk that was just as lustrous.
My mind goes back to ta photograph of Saroda Devi, wife of Mahorshi Debendra Nath Tagore, sitting on a bed, her grey hair covering her back, donning another masterpiece (describe your memory of the saree). The Thakurbari ladies played an important role in the renaissance of the region. Their courage to ignore the Brahminical social customs of orthodox Hindus and come out of Pardha created a new influence on a great number of women in Bengal, whose hearts and minds turned towards many facets of society and certainly the rich creative heritage of the region, that included the Baluchari.
Ruby Palchoudhuri’s collection
She was also my mother-in-law, who looked ravishing in her Balucharis; some of which, it has been my fortune to inherit. This is a piece of fortune that I have loved to share with other connoisseurs at Baluchari expositions in India and overseas. It was also from her that I derived the inspiration to work for the preservation of Bengal’s creative heritage.
There was also Radha Sundari Palchoudhuri, my grand mother-in-law, wife of Biprodas Palchoudhuri, who owned a fabulous piece, now in the possession of her grand-daughter, my husband’s cousin. Another outstanding woman, an excellent rider, she supervised her estates on horseback and had started many charities and generated income for the poor people. I recall her in a Baluchari sari with a triangular lace head cover in a Brahmo style, though she was not a Brahmo. The Thakurbari ladies had set many sartorial styles with the sari with differently designed blouses and often with interesting covers for the head, in what might have been a Victorian influence.
Suniti Devi, from Cooch Behar, was another aficionado of the Baluchari. Her family, a member of the Brahmo Samaj, was known to be educationists and one of the daughters, Tapati, who inherited an antique masterpiece, was not just a wonderfully enlightened woman but a member of Crafts Council of West Bengal as well. Suniti Devi’s piece was passed down to her grand-daughter, Rita Bhimani, another cultural icon of the present times.
There was also the highly cultured and educated Nilima Mitra, later Majumder, brought up in Beadon Street, was a frequent visitor to Rabindranath Tagore’s home in Jorasanko. Her mother made sure that she received singing lessons from the erudite Dinu Thakur, from the Tagore family. More importantly, she owned a beautiful Baluchari sari that is with her grand-daughter now.
The Thakurbari ladies had set many sartorial styles with the sari with differently designed blouses and often with interesting covers for the head, in what might have been a Victorian influence. I also recall the highly cultured and educated Nilima Mitra, later Majumder, who was raised in Beadon Street, North Calcutta, and was a frequent visitor to Rabindranath Tagore’s home in Jorasanko. The picture here of her wedding with Benoy Majundar, and she is wearing a Baluchari.
My entry into her fabled world was through her daughter, Geeta. It was not everyday that a young lady from the mofussils of Bengal, in her early encounters with Calcutta of the Raj, in the 1940s, would find herself in the company of royalty and more. Yet it was that Geeta, my friend in Loreto College, who invited me home. With open-mouthed wonder I took it all in; the opulence, the artefacts, the style, the kaayda-kanoon of the Mookerjee household but more tellingly it was her mother who held me in thrall.
A Dubraj Das creation
Issue #003, Autumn, 2019 ISSN: 2581- 9410 Ruby Palchoudhuri’s abiding contribution to the revival of the traditional Baluchari lies in her pioneering efforts to work with Kallu Hafiz to create the technical infrastructure to revive the jala weave. This nostalgic piece is all about her encounters with the magnificent women with their fabulous collections and, of course, her experiences with Kallu Hafiz. It was Mitul Ghatak, my classmate at the Government College of Arts and Crafts, who led me into the wondrous world of the Baluchari weave. Mitul, sister of the famous Mahasweta Devi, showed me a Baluchari sari belonging to her Mother. I had never seen anything so beautifully intricate before. The sisters' engagement with the Baluchari began when their father was posted in Murshidabad. This was an illustrious family with celebrated artists and poets, among others, Ritwick Ghatak, the famous film-maker. If the first encounter was charming, there was much more to come because I was to encounter the magnificent Mme Krishna Riboud in the early 1940s in London in her purple butidar masterpiece. Thus was stoked my love affair with the Baluchari, with its delectable designs, in the softest of silken rustle, that continues till today.
Krishna Riboud, whose remarkable collection is with Musee Guimet
This account is more about my personal engagement with the Baluchari; from a stage of innocence about it to one of overwhelming passion to cherish it and work to make it immortal by supporting the Baluchari master-weavers. Much has been written about the textile; not so much about its bewitching impact on 20-something- old, fashion-conscious minds of the forties.
Mme Krishna Riboud was closely connected with Tagore family, who were patrons of everything creative and certainly of the Baluchari, which flourished on the bank of the Bhagirathi in Murshidabad. There were families royal and aristocratic, who patronised the weavers along with the educated, progressive Bengali women who were connoisseurs of the weave that expressed artistic imagery using the most sophisticated of techniques that their nimble fingers and creative minds could muster, over silk that was just as lustrous.
My mind goes back to ta photograph of Saroda Devi, wife of Mahorshi Debendra Nath Tagore, sitting on a bed, her grey hair covering her back, donning another masterpiece (describe your memory of the saree). The Thakurbari ladies played an important role in the renaissance of the region. Their courage to ignore the Brahminical social customs of orthodox Hindus and come out of Pardha created a new influence on a great number of women in Bengal, whose hearts and minds turned towards many facets of society and certainly the rich creative heritage of the region, that included the Baluchari.
Photograph of Saroda Debi
To replicate man and nature in their many moods and poses; to execute with equal elan mythological to moghul motifs to symbols of the raj, from flowers and birds to social themes, to change with the changing times was par for the course but what they also delivered was exquisite workmanship that was almost bewitching. Legend has it that this was the weave that charmed Raja Manshingh of Rajasthan who came to conquer Maharaja Pratapaditya in the early 17th century.
Jnananandini Devi (1850-1941)’s sari now at the Chatrapati Shivaji Maharaj Vastu Sangrahalay
Not only the Tagore family, ladies of the Brahmo Samaj adored the Baluchari. Krishna Riboud, a classical beauty, who married a French Count, became a collector and started a Textile Research Centre “AEDTA” in Paris and received the Legion d’honneur, the highest award given by the President of France. I remember being in Paris in the late eighties, when she invited me to her centre to see her textile collection with a mind-boggling number of Baluchari pieces created by master weavers. Of these gifted weavers, probably the most celebrated was Dubraj Das, a 19th century master craftsman, believed to have been born to a family of snake charmers but who went on to charm the looms into weaving delightful textures. A wanderer that he was, Dubraj settled in the Baluchar village and came to master the art of Jala weaving, preferring to weave flowers and not figures. More importantly, over time, he started using religious text in his weaves. For the rest, fellow weavers from the village and from neighbouring hamlets created their styles with minor deviations, never hesitating to present that changing world around them through their patterns. From Baluchar to Bishnupur, they enamoured everyone who came to see them weave. The silk yarn that they used was degummed mulberry silk, with low twist that is used both in warp and weft. The design is woven in extra weft. As the application for GI status would confirm, "the intricate pallu design developed in different layers in rectangular fashion in boxes makes the saree unique. No zari or metallic yarn is used for designing". It was the jala technology that made the sarees unique as the weavers rendered the designs, mainly on the aanchals (pallus) and won for the sari the status of Geographical indication in India.
Ila Palchoudhuri
The Baluchari was destined to become a closer influence on my life courtesy Indubala Basu, early 19th century, an outstanding lady, a graduate from Bethune College who possessed quite a collection. This was inherited by her equally illustrious daughter, Ila Palchoudhuri, who was a Member of Parliament and committed to doing something for Bengal's textile traditions.
Ruby Palchoudhuri’s collection
She was also my mother-in-law, who looked ravishing in her Balucharis; some of which, it has been my fortune to inherit. This is a piece of fortune that I have loved to share with other connoisseurs at Baluchari expositions in India and overseas. It was also from her that I derived the inspiration to work for the preservation of Bengal’s creative heritage.
There was also Radha Sundari Palchoudhuri, my grand mother-in-law, wife of Biprodas Palchoudhuri, who owned a fabulous piece, now in the possession of her grand-daughter, my husband’s cousin. Another outstanding woman, an excellent rider, she supervised her estates on horseback and had started many charities and generated income for the poor people. I recall her in a Baluchari sari with a triangular lace head cover in a Brahmo style, though she was not a Brahmo. The Thakurbari ladies had set many sartorial styles with the sari with differently designed blouses and often with interesting covers for the head, in what might have been a Victorian influence.
Suniti Devi, from Cooch Behar, was another aficionado of the Baluchari. Her family, a member of the Brahmo Samaj, was known to be educationists and one of the daughters, Tapati, who inherited an antique masterpiece, was not just a wonderfully enlightened woman but a member of Crafts Council of West Bengal as well. Suniti Devi’s piece was passed down to her grand-daughter, Rita Bhimani, another cultural icon of the present times.
There was also the highly cultured and educated Nilima Mitra, later Majumder, brought up in Beadon Street, was a frequent visitor to Rabindranath Tagore’s home in Jorasanko. Her mother made sure that she received singing lessons from the erudite Dinu Thakur, from the Tagore family. More importantly, she owned a beautiful Baluchari sari that is with her grand-daughter now.
The Thakurbari ladies had set many sartorial styles with the sari with differently designed blouses and often with interesting covers for the head, in what might have been a Victorian influence. I also recall the highly cultured and educated Nilima Mitra, later Majumder, who was raised in Beadon Street, North Calcutta, and was a frequent visitor to Rabindranath Tagore’s home in Jorasanko. The picture here of her wedding with Benoy Majundar, and she is wearing a Baluchari.
Two other Balucharis of hers that survive are carefully preserved with her daugher, Gini Sen, who is secretary Crafts Council of West Bengal.
There were many other remarkable ladies who had even more remarkable collections. Indira Devi Choudhurani, a descendent of SatyendraNath Tagore, had a particularly exquisite piece that was inherited by Pranati Tagore, a great Bengali scholar. The most captivating collection though must surely have been Lady Ranu Mukherjee's. The grand lady was amongst the most passionate patrons of the art that she kept in her mansion, which was like a Museum for she owned a great collection of precious textiles.
My entry into her fabled world was through her daughter, Geeta. It was not everyday that a young lady from the mofussils of Bengal, in her early encounters with Calcutta of the Raj, in the 1940s, would find herself in the company of royalty and more. Yet it was that Geeta, my friend in Loreto College, who invited me home. With open-mouthed wonder I took it all in; the opulence, the artefacts, the style, the kaayda-kanoon of the Mookerjee household but more tellingly it was her mother who held me in thrall.
Lady Ranu, whose bewitching collection is with the Academy of Fine Arts. Picture reproduced from Fabric Art Heritage of India
A Dubraj Das creation
The Lady Ranu Collection with the Academy of Fine Arts and reproduced from Fabric Art Heritage of India
She appeared, the very embodiment of beauty, in a Baluchari, dark plum with floral border with paisley butis. The aanchal was woven with the three large paisley in the centre framed with a border in a box-like fashion. Around this centre box on all four sides in box like fashion there were nawabs smoking hookas and begums holding roses; a typically traditional Baluchari. As part of the accessories she wore strings of Basra pearls. Every minute detail sticks to my mind.Lady Ranu had a fabulous collection and often wore Balucharis with matching gems set in either diamond or pearls; never failing to stun people around her. I graduated from being a stunned admirer of the textile to an ardent supporter under the watchful eyes of Kamala Devi Chattopadhyay, who was my mentor. It was she who first sought to revive the Baluchari with help from Subho Tagore – who showed me to his magnificent collection – though we realized that this would be very difficult because the weave was complex, time-consuming and not cost effective.
Kamala Devi Chattopadhyay
Kamala Devi was, however, determined and took a sample of the Baluchari to Ali Hassan (Kallu Hafiz) in Varanasi in her effort to revive Baluchari weave which was not possible in Bengal. Thus began my association with Kallu Hafiz; and one that that I enjoyed every minute because of the sheer joy of creativity that surrounded him.
Kallu Hafiz revival piece; A tribute to the master by Pranavi Kapur
We must have made some noise of success because I was soon commissioned to produce a 16x12 feet Baluchari wall hanging by ITC; a project that took two and a half years, won thunderous accolades and gave me a lifetime of satisfaction. Never in the history of Benaras had such a large piece been woven. A room was constructed to house the large jala. I went to meet Kallu in his workshop I showed him the technical drawing prepared under the supervision of the famous artist, Sunil Das, then head of Weavers Service Centre, Kolkata. Kalluji took a look at the drawing and all he said to me “Ho jaiga”. My life was made!
Artist Sunil Das played a critical role in the Baluchari revival saga
Kallu Hafiz’s ancestors came from Bokhara, Uzbekistan. So inspiring was my association with him that I visited the grave of Kallu’s great grand-father when in Uzbekistan. The family was famous for the Nakshabandi technique, which was later brought to India by the Mughals. It was Kallu Hafiz’s studio that took my mind back to the home of Nabin Moira of Baghbazar, the creator of the Rosogolla (the sweet maker). His wife KshirodMoyee Devi wore a Baluchari sari as she supervised the sweet shop in their family house in Baghbazar – a splendid heritage building full of murals painted by Jamini Roy. The roof on the courtyard was collapsible so that they could use the court all the year round. It was the courtyard atmosphere that was created in Kallu Hafiz’s place. The drawing that Sunil Das had prepared was both magnificent and complex. There were several rows borders in between rows of horses, elephants, and typical Balucharikolkays (paisleys). The central area had women figures planting tobacco for this was to go up at the BAT headquarters in London. The base colours were pistachio green with pink, purple and cream. Each motif was outlined by gold threads, as was asked for by the client. The reverse was all gold like a Kingkhab. It took six months to prepare the frame to harness the yarn, which is what Nakshibandi does. There were three weavers who sat at the pit loom while two sat on the machaan above, to handle the yarns from the harness. Over two years they worked on the masterpiece that was unfortunately lost to India, because it was taken to the UK and my efforts to track the piece since then have failed.
Kallu Hafiz's lost piece
Later, when the Benarasi sari became an item of high-fashion in Bengal, ladies were caught in a bind: Baluchari or Benarasi as the wedding sari. For a long time, the Baluchari prevailed. Today, it gives me great joy to see the young wearing the Baluchari and even five star hotels having their hostesses dressed in them. It also pleases me no end to see a Kallu Hafiz revival Baluchari command a Rs 10 lakh price tag. That is when I see a bit of Kamala Devi Chattopadhyay’s enduring contribution to the heritage craft and perhaps a bit of me too.
On a revival mode
The regret is that we lost Kallu Hafiz’s original revival piece that should have been preserved in Bengal as a part of the state’s great Baluchari heritage and not lying in some unnoticed corridors of a corporate giant without anyone having a clue about its great cultural significance.
Beyond Blocks,
Issue #007, Winter, 2021 ISSN: 2581- 9410
For most people, the idea of hand-block printing in India evokes familiar images of colourful shrubs and meandering creepers. We have come to associate these with distinct schools of printing in the subcontinent. In recent years, this has to a large extent been dominated by, on the one hand the aesthetics of classical Mughal art-referenced motifs from Rajasthan and Gujarat; to some extent the geometric patterns of Ajrakh in Kutch; and on the other, the varied repertories of sacred and secular designs from the Kalamkari traditions of the Deccan and the south. Largely catering to the needs of apparel and home furnishings, Indian block printed has also informed the emergence of contemporary brands and companies which cater widely to the domestic and international markets. Seen largely for their role in producing functional products, the works we see here represent artistic practises which have attempted to use the medium and processes of block printing to emerge new forms beyond these. In doing so, they have found the need to extend the very definitions of block printing to embrace multitude meanings and employment of techniques in their making. As part of contemporary expression in textiles, they convey the diverse ways in which generations of artists, designers and textile makers have engaged with the medium. These works as well as the practises of their makers, may be seen as contributing to the shaping of new forms and aesthetics in post independence Indian textiles. Riten Mazumdar — Having studied art in Shanti Niketan in Bengal, Mazumdar belongs to an early generation of artists who received, simultaneously, training abroad. He initially worked with the iconic Swedish textile company Marimekko, known for their colourful and bold prints. Returning to India, he based himself in Delhi, where he went on to inform among the first collection of designs for bed and cushion covers for the nascent Fabindia, a well known Indian brand today, with hundreds of stores across the country and a presence globally. His graphic visual language, in stark combinations of white, natural, black and bright reds and yellows are synonymous with some of India’s most well known interior projects, whether for home, hotels or restaurants. Influential interior designers and architects commissioned him for their projects, and this network included Sri Lanka’s best known architect, the late Geoffrey Bawa. Combining block printing with free hand brush strokes, calligraphy, his distinct sensibility reflected in designs for garments as well as wall panels. In his later years, he retreated back to Shanti Niketan, continuing with his novel experiments, where upon his death his work remains as an archive in his home. In recent years, research and curatorial work has drawn attention to his career, and his work has been included in some seminal publications and exhibitions.
Vintage black and white photograph of wall hanging, Namdah (Felted wool), Riten Mozumdar, 1950s to 80s
Silk wall murals, Ashoka Restaurant Bangalore, Riten Mozumdar, 1972
Scarf, Block print and dye on cotton, 20.5 x 70.5 inches, Riten Mozumdar
Images courtesy - Heirs of Riten Mozumdar and Ushmita Sahu Collection - Heirs of Riten Mozumdar
Vishwakarma — Vishwakarma comprised a landmark central-government series of exhibitions and design projects between the early 1980s to the early 90s, which aimed at the regeneration of Indian traditional textiles for contemporary times. Presented abroad and in select India cities, they were enabled, largely, through the artists, designers and weavers at the Weavers Service Centres. These were a network of hand production and research organisations across the country set up to facilitate the revival of traditional Indian textiles. Some of their most memorable interventions were in the area of printing, both hand block and screen, and led the way for new directions in large-scale textile commissions. Many of those involved with these commissions went onto establish independent artistic practices and are well known names in the field of visual arts and textiles today. Through the following images and works, some of these are discussed. Tree of Life — Using an astonishing 1500 blocks as well as hand painting, this version of the classical Tree of Life Palampore - large textiles for furnishings made in the 18th century for the British and French markets — was created at the Weavers Service Centres in Hyderabad and Mumbai. Their teams stayed over several weeks in Polavaram near Machilipatnam in Andhra Pradesh, working closely with the Eswaradu family traditionally involved with printing in the region, to produce a palette of seventy two colours in nature dyes which were used in its production. Using designs and visual references from historical Palampores, nevertheless, its contemporariness lies in the ability of such Vishwakarma textiles to re introduce for a young generation of artists in the 80s and onwards, a robust play of flora and fauna which had been lost through the late colonial and immediate post independence period.
Installation view from the exhibition In Search of Five Directions : Textiles from the Vishwakarma Exhibitions, 2018, Silk, Dye-Painting (Kalamkari) and block-printing, 441 x 262 cms, 1981
Detail
Image Courtesy — The Devi Art Foundation Collection — National Handicrafts and Handlooms Museum
Bagru Print Directory — This directory of traditional motifs used in Bagh, a block printing centre close to Sanganer and Jaipur in Rajasthan, was created as a design reference for the tradition which was fledgling in the 70s and 80s. Conventionally, its patterns and colours represented castes and other social identities within the community which produced and wore them. Today, it is known for a distinct vocabulary of geometric patterns rendered in a monochromatic to small palette of colours.
Installation view from the exhibition In Search of Five Directions : Textiles from the Vishwakarma Exhibitions, 2018, Cotton, Block Printing 228 x 462 cms, Ramgulam Jugalkishore, Bagru, 1981
Detail
Images Courtesy — The Devi Art Foundation Collection — National Handicrafts and Handlooms Museum
Block-Printed Fabrics with Birds — This large scale textile was commissioned for one of the last Vishwakarma exhibitions, a tribute to the renowned Indian naturalist and ornithologist Salim Ali. The flying or stationery birds depicted here at first glance seem reminiscent of the depictions of fauna in traditional Indian, as well as colonial period Company paintings. But looking closer, these are fresh depictions rendered by the artists Nasir Khan and H A Jabbar at the Weavers’ Service Centre in Mumbai.
Installation view from the exhibition In Search of Five Directions : Textiles from the Vishwakarma Exhibitions, 2018, Silk Dupion, Block-Printing, 450 x 928 cms, 1991
Details
Details
Images Courtesy — The Devi Art Foundation Collection — National Handicrafts and Handlooms Museum
Prabhakar Barwe — Barwe was an artist with the Weavers Service Centre, and was among those who developed an independent artistic practise beyond textiles. Some of his most memorable works remain in textiles though, and these primarily use the techniques of hand painting and block printing. His work can be considered as part of a larger ecology of abstraction in Indian modern and visual arts, which alludes to a global vocabulary, and yet expresses an ethos of minimalism which has been a part of Indian historical arts and aesthetics for millenia.
Installation views from Astitva : The Essence of Prabhakar Barwe, a retrospective of the artist's work, curated by Jesal Thacker at the National Gallery of Modern Art, New Delhi 2019.
Design for block-Untitled, Watercolour on Paper, 22.86 x 13.97 cms, Private Collection
All images courtesy — Bodhana Arts and Research Foundation
Residue — This 2-work installation by textile designer Sandeep Due was created in collaboration with block printer Mukesh P Prajapati for Fracture : Indian Textiles, New Conversations, an exhibition at the Devi Art Foundation in Gurgaon in 2015. In the process of block printing, impressions of the consecutive blocks used often create a printed texture on the base cloth over which the printing takes place. Here, these textures themselves are transformed into images depicting the urban environment of Gurgaon, where the designer’s studio is located within an industrial neighbourhood. Backlit, the negative spaces appear like the lights in a night-scape, using the medium of block printing to emerge a graphic artwork with a three dimensional quality.
Installation views, Cotton, Block printing, 484 x 106 inches each
Detail
Images and Collection — Devi Art Foundation
Pardeshi : The Turban Untied — For this installation, also commissioned for Fracture - Indian Textiles, New Conversations in 2015, graphic designer Ishan Khosla collaborated with Sandeep Kumar and Vinay Singh, to create a new set of blocks which subvert logos of prominent international fashion brands. Using them to simulate the effect of tie and dye stripes and printed motifs on cotton, men turbans which are called Safas, this work is a comment on the phenomena of the culture of fakes in street wear. As a designer interested in popular culture, Khosla has used such references to transform the use of a medium otherwise considered a part of classic designs and traditional motifs.
Installation view, Cotton, Block-Printing, 9 x 433 inches each, 2014
Images and Collection — Devi Art Foundation
Ajit Kumar Das — Das is a Kolakata-based artist and natural dye expert, and was also involved with the Weavers Service Centre and the Vishwakarma commissions. Like Barwe, he is also among those artists who forged an independent artistic practise of their own. In Das’ case, this represents an oeuvre of explorations in flora and fauna which have become his own. The block printed works featured here are from the 1980s, and represent his own experiments at the Weavers Service Centre in Ahmedabad. These show how he took from extant traditions of block printing in Ahmedabad called the Saudagiri Prints, to start slowly emerging a signature style of his own.
Bed sheet, Printed with naphthol dyes using solid-pattern blocks with the aid of paper stencils, 235 x 116 cms, Made in Ahmedabad, 1984
Bed sheet, Printed with naphthol dyes using solid-pattern blocks with the aid of paper stencils, 226 x 145 cms, Made in Ahmedabad, 1984
Stole, Block printed with natural dyes, 74 x 74 cms, Made in Ahmedabad, 1986
Stole, Block printed with natural dyes, 74 x 74 cms, Made in Ahmedabad, 1986
Beyond Global Report and Statistics, what do we do to support local creative industry?
The power of the creative industry has been much talked about globally over the last few decades with a show of promising statistics. Its possibility to generate high GDP and jobs has been underscored to encourage government investment in the sector. As the COVID-19 pandemic hit the world, its devastating impact on the creative sector is the hot subject of policy debate and analysis. However, many of these papers with macro-analysis do not always provide useful guidance for action. And yet, behind the abstract debate are the lives of many micro-small businesses and self-employed people struggling for better opportunities. United Nations General Assembly declared 2021 as the International Year of Creative Economy (https://undocs.org/en/A/RES/74/198), acknowledging the importance of supporting mass entrepreneurship, creativity and innovation, to create new momentum for inclusive economic growth. Compared to three decades earlier when the Global North primarily debated the topic, today, more and more countries from the Global South have embraced the concept and led the discussion, exploring their creative economy model. So naturally, nurturing competent human resources to lead the cultural industry is one of the key tasks therein. The question, however, is how. The creative sector has its peculiar challenges that a standard approach for formal education and vocational training would probably be not conducive. Besides, the stakeholders’ profile also differs from one country to another. The existing pieces of literature and theories, largely based on the experience of the Global North, have not been of practical use in Southeast Asia. This short paper presents the UNESCO Jakarta Office’s experience and approach in nurturing creative youth hubs around the heritage sites in Indonesia since late 2017. What is the characteristic of the creative industry in Southeast Asia? It is first and foremost a vast arena with all types of sub-sector and communities. They are both in a rural and urban settings. They include heritage-based goods and services, such as hand weaving, batik-making and shadow puppets, as much as non-traditional activities such as rock-band, tourism, fashion, graphic design, to name a few. In Southeast Asia, food-related service often accounts for a large percentage of the creative industry. While some are big players (such as media houses, movie production companies, etc.), most of them are typically family-based cottage industries or individual-based micro enterprises, often in the informal economy. The educational background of the actors also varies. In the cities, some have a university degree. However, in rural areas or smaller towns, very few have higher education. How can we address human resource capacity-building in such a diverse, complex sector? A straight-jacketed one-fit-all training curriculum is certainly not the answer. In response, the UNESCO Jakarta Office began an experimental Kita Muda Kreatif (KMK - We, the Creative Youth) programme - to support young creative entrepreneurs living around famous heritage destinations to develop their business skills. The target beneficiaries are unregistered small businesses, typically unaccounted for in the Marco statistic. Our target would be to groom them to become registered businesses, thus recognizable and eligible for government support schemes, including grants, scholarships and invitations to the trade fairs The KMK programme offers various training topics, including basic financial literacy, business planning, market assessment, brand image development and use of social media for marketing, just as any other business training programme would. Sessions on local heritage are also on the menu to inspire their products and enhance their story-telling skills while raising the sense of social responsibility for heritage protection. The programme also provides opportunities for matchmaking between the youth and industrial players for possible collaboration. However, our approach would be unique because the KMK programme does not use any pre-designed curriculum or textbook, as would be the case of government-driven vocational training. After all, it is simply not possible to develop fixed modules for a group with such a wide variety of backgrounds. Instead, the programme has strived to create a pool of a wide range of experts and resource persons with their practical experience. They include, amongst others, master craft persons, anthropologists, historians, fashion designers, marketing firms, business advisors, videographers and social media to be deployed based on the need of the beneficiaries. The project at each site begins with the mapping of the target beneficiaries and their training need assessment. Then, the consultation process is repeated at the beginning of each project cycle to determine the training plan based on the learning progress of the beneficiaries. While the project currently operates in six different sites, each site has an individual training plan specifically catered to the local need. This bottom-up and flexible planning has allowed us to remain relevant while quickly responding to emerging needs, such as the COVID-19 pandemic. For example, as soon as the public lock-down was announced in Indonesia in March 2020, the UNESCO project team immediately organized training on business crisis management. The team also introduced practical training to make a fashionable facemask and organize virtual market sales for the youth in the craft and fashion sectors to survive this difficult period. In addition, training on developing virtual tours and guiding visitors under the new health protocol was also devised for those working in the tourism sector, while the technical support to make a promotional video was given to those working in the performance sector to ensure their online presence. Another specific feature of the KMK programme is continuous mentorship and dialogues between the experts and the beneficiaries and peer-to-peer exchange amongst the beneficiaries. KMK programme would not stop at organizing just a series of training. Much effort is spent advising individual youth entrepreneurs in-between to track their progress and motivate them. A series of online courses and the WhatApp dialogue platform prevented the youth entrepreneurs from isolation during the lock-down. While it is premature to assess the project impact in just a few years, the UNESCO project team rejoices that out of our 400 youth beneficiaries, about 50% of them developed their branding material and company portfolio, ready for government business registration. About 30% of them developed new products or services. 24% of them even reported having increased their business turnover compared to previous years, and about 12% even hired new staff because their business expanded even during the pandemic. This encouraging figure supports that the KMK programme probably has the right approach for uplifting the micro-scale cultural industries, with bottom-up, flexible and continuous as the keywords. Notwithstanding the importance of global debate and macro-analysis, the KMK project team hopes for more tangible experience sharing amongst the field practitioners than generalized debates on the sector. The creative economy is not an abstract concept but about individual people striving to meet their end through ideas and skills. Therefore, the response from international development agencies cannot merely be a global report and statistics but concrete supports and solutions. This is even so now.
Wear Your Mask Campaign implemented in mid-2020 supported the youths in craft and fashion sectors to produce quality facemasks from traditional textiles, such as ulos, batik and lurik. The campaign involved technical trainings in product quality standard and lectures on the cultural background and philosophy of traditional textiles, thus encouraging youth to promote heritage even during the pandemic.
Government business permit is one important feature to support youth business sustainability. The KMK also facilitated youths to register their business through the government online system.
The KMK programme supports youth at the multiple levels
A junior high school graduate and a tour guide in Borobudur, Cempon Sebastian joined the KMK program in 2018. Over the course of three years, she opened a café in her village. She further started a new herbal drink business with her village folks during the pandemic to overcome the loss of tourism revenue. Her spirit did not go unnoticed. The Ministry of Tourism & Creative Economy invited her to join the Ministry’s team in developing new travel itineraries to promote Borobudur villages.
The KMK programme supported more than 200 youth entrepreneurs to develop brand identities to enhance their marketing. Hundreds of university students in marketing and design joined the process to support the process.
Note: Kita Muda Kreatif is a UNESCO-Citi programme supported by the Citi Foundation to nurture entrepreneurial capacity-building of youth working in the creative industry living around famous heritage destinations. The programme currently targets more than 400 youth in 6 sites, including Central Java, Yogyakarta, Kotatua Jakarta, Toba, Bali and Lombok. In 2022, the programme will further expand to more areas in Central Java including Solo, Sangiran and Semarang.
First Published in ASEAN magazine.
The power of the creative industry has been much talked about globally over the last few decades with a show of promising statistics. Its possibility to generate high GDP and jobs has been underscored to encourage government investment in the sector. As the COVID-19 pandemic hit the world, its devastating impact on the creative sector is the hot subject of policy debate and analysis. However, many of these papers with macro-analysis do not always provide useful guidance for action. And yet, behind the abstract debate are the lives of many micro-small businesses and self-employed people struggling for better opportunities. United Nations General Assembly declared 2021 as the International Year of Creative Economy (https://undocs.org/en/A/RES/74/198), acknowledging the importance of supporting mass entrepreneurship, creativity and innovation, to create new momentum for inclusive economic growth. Compared to three decades earlier when the Global North primarily debated the topic, today, more and more countries from the Global South have embraced the concept and led the discussion, exploring their creative economy model. So naturally, nurturing competent human resources to lead the cultural industry is one of the key tasks therein. The question, however, is how. The creative sector has its peculiar challenges that a standard approach for formal education and vocational training would probably be not conducive. Besides, the stakeholders’ profile also differs from one country to another. The existing pieces of literature and theories, largely based on the experience of the Global North, have not been of practical use in Southeast Asia. This short paper presents the UNESCO Jakarta Office’s experience and approach in nurturing creative youth hubs around the heritage sites in Indonesia since late 2017. What is the characteristic of the creative industry in Southeast Asia? It is first and foremost a vast arena with all types of sub-sector and communities. They are both in a rural and urban settings. They include heritage-based goods and services, such as hand weaving, batik-making and shadow puppets, as much as non-traditional activities such as rock-band, tourism, fashion, graphic design, to name a few. In Southeast Asia, food-related service often accounts for a large percentage of the creative industry. While some are big players (such as media houses, movie production companies, etc.), most of them are typically family-based cottage industries or individual-based micro enterprises, often in the informal economy. The educational background of the actors also varies. In the cities, some have a university degree. However, in rural areas or smaller towns, very few have higher education. How can we address human resource capacity-building in such a diverse, complex sector? A straight-jacketed one-fit-all training curriculum is certainly not the answer. In response, the UNESCO Jakarta Office began an experimental Kita Muda Kreatif (KMK - We, the Creative Youth) programme - to support young creative entrepreneurs living around famous heritage destinations to develop their business skills. The target beneficiaries are unregistered small businesses, typically unaccounted for in the Marco statistic. Our target would be to groom them to become registered businesses, thus recognizable and eligible for government support schemes, including grants, scholarships and invitations to the trade fairs The KMK programme offers various training topics, including basic financial literacy, business planning, market assessment, brand image development and use of social media for marketing, just as any other business training programme would. Sessions on local heritage are also on the menu to inspire their products and enhance their story-telling skills while raising the sense of social responsibility for heritage protection. The programme also provides opportunities for matchmaking between the youth and industrial players for possible collaboration. However, our approach would be unique because the KMK programme does not use any pre-designed curriculum or textbook, as would be the case of government-driven vocational training. After all, it is simply not possible to develop fixed modules for a group with such a wide variety of backgrounds. Instead, the programme has strived to create a pool of a wide range of experts and resource persons with their practical experience. They include, amongst others, master craft persons, anthropologists, historians, fashion designers, marketing firms, business advisors, videographers and social media to be deployed based on the need of the beneficiaries. The project at each site begins with the mapping of the target beneficiaries and their training need assessment. Then, the consultation process is repeated at the beginning of each project cycle to determine the training plan based on the learning progress of the beneficiaries. While the project currently operates in six different sites, each site has an individual training plan specifically catered to the local need. This bottom-up and flexible planning has allowed us to remain relevant while quickly responding to emerging needs, such as the COVID-19 pandemic. For example, as soon as the public lock-down was announced in Indonesia in March 2020, the UNESCO project team immediately organized training on business crisis management. The team also introduced practical training to make a fashionable facemask and organize virtual market sales for the youth in the craft and fashion sectors to survive this difficult period. In addition, training on developing virtual tours and guiding visitors under the new health protocol was also devised for those working in the tourism sector, while the technical support to make a promotional video was given to those working in the performance sector to ensure their online presence. Another specific feature of the KMK programme is continuous mentorship and dialogues between the experts and the beneficiaries and peer-to-peer exchange amongst the beneficiaries. KMK programme would not stop at organizing just a series of training. Much effort is spent advising individual youth entrepreneurs in-between to track their progress and motivate them. A series of online courses and the WhatApp dialogue platform prevented the youth entrepreneurs from isolation during the lock-down. While it is premature to assess the project impact in just a few years, the UNESCO project team rejoices that out of our 400 youth beneficiaries, about 50% of them developed their branding material and company portfolio, ready for government business registration. About 30% of them developed new products or services. 24% of them even reported having increased their business turnover compared to previous years, and about 12% even hired new staff because their business expanded even during the pandemic. This encouraging figure supports that the KMK programme probably has the right approach for uplifting the micro-scale cultural industries, with bottom-up, flexible and continuous as the keywords. Notwithstanding the importance of global debate and macro-analysis, the KMK project team hopes for more tangible experience sharing amongst the field practitioners than generalized debates on the sector. The creative economy is not an abstract concept but about individual people striving to meet their end through ideas and skills. Therefore, the response from international development agencies cannot merely be a global report and statistics but concrete supports and solutions. This is even so now.
Wear Your Mask Campaign implemented in mid-2020 supported the youths in craft and fashion sectors to produce quality facemasks from traditional textiles, such as ulos, batik and lurik. The campaign involved technical trainings in product quality standard and lectures on the cultural background and philosophy of traditional textiles, thus encouraging youth to promote heritage even during the pandemic.
Government business permit is one important feature to support youth business sustainability. The KMK also facilitated youths to register their business through the government online system.
The KMK programme supports youth at the multiple levels
A junior high school graduate and a tour guide in Borobudur, Cempon Sebastian joined the KMK program in 2018. Over the course of three years, she opened a café in her village. She further started a new herbal drink business with her village folks during the pandemic to overcome the loss of tourism revenue. Her spirit did not go unnoticed. The Ministry of Tourism & Creative Economy invited her to join the Ministry’s team in developing new travel itineraries to promote Borobudur villages.
The KMK programme supported more than 200 youth entrepreneurs to develop brand identities to enhance their marketing. Hundreds of university students in marketing and design joined the process to support the process.
Note: Kita Muda Kreatif is a UNESCO-Citi programme supported by the Citi Foundation to nurture entrepreneurial capacity-building of youth working in the creative industry living around famous heritage destinations. The programme currently targets more than 400 youth in 6 sites, including Central Java, Yogyakarta, Kotatua Jakarta, Toba, Bali and Lombok. In 2022, the programme will further expand to more areas in Central Java including Solo, Sangiran and Semarang.
First Published in ASEAN magazine.
Bhotiya Carpets,
Introduction
Bhotiyas are a nomadic tribe that moves from place to place in Garhwal and three districts of Himalayan Uttar Pradesh - Uttarkashi, Chamoli and Pithoragarh.
Bhotiyas are a nomadic tribe that moves from place to place in Garhwal and three districts of Himalayan Uttar Pradesh - Uttarkashi, Chamoli and Pithoragarh.
It is noted that for nomads, floor is the most important place. It served as a sitting place and also a bed to sleep on. Man’s urge to beautify his surroundings was reflected in wall and floor paintings and was probably the main reason for development of floor coverings. All forms of present day floor coverings have had their origin in the humble dwellings of the nomads.
Amongst the Bhotiyas, the cold climate of the mountains is another factor that necessitated the used of carpets (Chottopadhaya,1965). For these mountain dwellers, carpet is the main form of furniture. They sleep on it, seat their guests on it and spread it out for ceremonies and feasts. The history of pile rugs and wool is like a legend with the Bhotiyas. Since time immemorial, they have been using wool and their life seemed to be revolving around it, so much so, that it has become deep rooted in many of their ritualistic practices.
It is reported that trade was the main source of income for Bhotiyas and links existed between Bhotiya and Tibetans across the mountains. The trade was chiefly in the hands of Bhotiyas, who alone were permitted to cross the frontier (The Imperial Gazetteer of India, 1908)
Long strips of woolen fabric are woven in variety of colours. The width of the woven strip is about 1.5 feet and length could be upto 20 feet. After weaving the strip, the central looped portion called garbha is woven.
The traditional Chhayara Dan from Harijan community
It is a simple looped uncut pile. For this, a bamboo stick called ringaal is passed through the woolen warp-shed. The height of the pile obtained is determined by the diameter of the ringaal. To create the pile, woolen hand-spun yarn is looped around the 0.5-2" thick stick. Beating is then done with wooden hammer and weft yarn laid. After removing the ringaal, again beating is done which raises the loops to the surface. The process continues till the required length is achieved (generally 3 feet) Edge binding is done by simple knotting.
[gallery ids="169467"]
Caste distinction in Bhotiya community is reflected in this craft. The people of Harijan community made simple check patterns. They do not create elaborate designs which members of higher caste can use.
The metamorphic change from simple Chhayara Dan to hand-knotted carpets, still remains a mystery. The origin of hand-knotted carpets and transformation from loin-loom(pitha-chaan) to the vertical loom could neither be traced in books nor in conversation with the community but they were of the opinion that hand-knotted carpets were introduced around the turn of 20th century.
These carpet pieces were used as covers for cots, asans and saddle-rugs called Satan-Batan (Satan means hanging on sides and Batan means the seat).
With the Chinese invasion, the traditional trade between Bhotiyas and Tibetans came to a halt. The economy of the Bhotiya people
based upon trade with Tibetans through rearing of a large number of animals like sheep, goats, jibbers, ponies and mules staggered under this blow (shashi, 1979).To make the two ends meet, Bhotiya weavers had to concentrate more on weaving punkhee, shawl and lava. The time taken to produce the above stated items was far less than required to produce a carpet. A rough estimate proved by a respondent at Bhimtalla shows that one carpet takes nearly one month to finish but in the same time period, around 15-16 lava could be produced. Hence, it was more profitable to produce these items than carpets.
Raw Material
The main raw materials required for carpet weaving are wool and cotton. Earlier, large amounts of wool were imported from Tibet. Wool obtained from locally reared sheep was also used but the quality of the local wool was inferior to that of Tibetan wool. It was coarse, thick and had short fibre length (1.5 -3.0"). Tibetan wool on the other hand was supple, lustrous and had long fibres (4-6").
Wool was brought from Tibet in form of balchas, each weighting upto 12-15 kg. Balcha had wool in sliver-like form wound around a rim to form a tyre-like structure that made opening of fibres easy and free form entanglements. The entire process was a five stage process involving opening and cleaning, washing, carding, spinning and dyeing.
Opening and Cleaning
Wool fibers were first separated by hand. Opening also helped in separating out the entangled twigs and other loosely held vegetable impurities. After opening, the fibres were laid on a flat surface and beaten with two wooden sticks. This removed the dirt and entangled burrs, straw and other vegetable impurities.
Washing
Cleaning was followed by scouring wool in boiling water. Reetha was added in water that acted as a surface active agent to remove grease from the fibres. Wool fibres were boiled for nearly one hour, thorough rinsing done and fibres dried in sun.
Carding
Fibers were then carded by means of big wooden combs called kangi. Carding removed entanglements and broken fibres form the lot. After carding, the web of parallel fibres was converted into balls ready for next processing step, spinning.
Spinning
Fibers were hand-spun generally by ladies of the household. Yarn was spun by using a spindle and whorl. Women did spinning while sitting, standing and even taking their sheep for grazing. Two ply yarn was prepared with little or no twist in individual yarn and stored in form of balls.
Dyeing
Both local wool and Tibetan wool provided a wide range of natural colours ranging from pearl white, fawn, camel brown, dark brown, grey and black. Many a times, natural wool colour is used as the field colour and for motifs.
When dyeing is to be done, the balls of wool are made into hanks. Later, these would be reconverted to balls. It was learnt that the art of dyeing with natural dyes is limited to a few people and is kept a secret by those who excel in the art. Dyes are obtained from tree barks, roots, fruit coverings, flowers and from other natural substances.
Acid dyes were introduced because the state Government placed restriction on plucking certain plants as they were medicinal plants e.g. Dolu.
Loom
Traditionally loin-loom was used for weaving Chhayara Dan. But when manufacture of hand-knotted carpets started, it lost its popularity. According to the Pradhan of Chhinka Village, the first vertical loom developed for carpet weaving was called Dan Raanchh or Khadda. He described the loom as a 4'x4' structure consisting of 2 vertical beams, kharha balli. The beams are mounted on 2 flat rectangular 
wooden platform for balance and support. Another wooden rod called fatti is used at the base for extra support. There are 2 pairs of holes in the vertical beams to accommodate both the warp and the cloth beam. After placing the beams through their respective holes, they are tightened by means of screw. At one edge of the cloth beam is a small hole for an iron rod called Khunti. Khunti is used to rotate the cloth-beam for winding the carpet.
When Bhotiyas shifted their attention from carpet weaving to shawl weaving the vertical loom was simplified. The size of the simplified vertical loom is 4'x4'. It consists of a pair of uprights with 2 cross-bars. Cross-bar is about 5" wide and 1.5'' thick and 4-5" longer than the size of the frame. There are no extra pegs or beams for support or tensioning devices.
The loom rests against the wall while the weaver weaves the carpet. In case of simple loom, the woven carpet moves to the backside of the loom automatically when beating is done.
Weaving
Mainly two techniques of knotting are being employed by the weavers in Chamoli District viz. The hand knotting and using gauge rod of which hand knotting is an older technique. The knot used is Turkish knot which would indicate that the art of carpet weaving in Chamoli could be older than carpet weaving in Kashmir.
The second method i.e. knotting by the use of gauge rod was introduced by District Industries Centre around 1954.
Carpets produced by gauge-rod technique look neat and are commercially more acceptable. The gauge-rod technique produces carpets at a faster rate, the pile obtained is more uniform and reverse of the carpet does not show the rows of cotton weft insertions as they do in hand-knotted carpets.
The accessories required for weaving and finishing the carpet are:
Hand Knotting Technique
The technique employing Turkish knot is the traditional way of creating the pile. This technique has the advantage of using whatever colour as and when required as per the design specifications. Changing colours is easy and each product has its individuality and is a beauteous work of art.
Knotting With Gauge Rod Technique
In this technique, end binding and edge binding are similar to hand knotting technique. The difference lies only in the pile knotting technique.
Finishing The Carpet
In Bhotiya households, carpets are either used without any kind of finishing process or at the most a little shearing was done to level the pile. Shearing is done keeping the carpet flat on the ground.
Designing The Carpet Pattern
There is no written record of the technique to guide the weavers to make the designs on carpets. Unlike the Talim in Kashmir, Bhotiyas had no graphical or pictorial representation that would guide through the knotting process. It was probably because Bhotiyas produced carpets for personal use at a leisurely pace whereas in Kashmir, carpets being commercial products, emphasis was on both accuracy of the pattern and speed of execution.
In Bhotiya households ladies generally use old carpets to copy the design.
Colour
The colours used in Bhotiya carpets are generally bold and brilliant but always harmonious giving warmth to the surrounding. The ground color is generally dark and provide an ideal base for vibrantly coloured motifs. 
Traditionally, the ground color was either of natural colored fleece ie. dark brown (bhoora), black (tind), fawn (halka bhoora) and occasionally white(sheed) or dyed in dark colours like dark blue(neela), maroon(mahroon) and shades of brown were obtained.
The motifs were often worked out in bright combinations or monochromes and the outline sculpted in white or light colurs. The outline gave a 3-dimensional effect to the carpet. The popular colours for motifs in old pieces as observed were turquoise blue, sky blue(aasmani), red (mangd), yellow and shades of green.
Traditionally, carpets made for bride's trousseau often had yellow as one of the colours.
Motifs
The patterns used in Bhotiya carpets are often reminiscent of snow-capped mountains and surrounded by the sky and the brown and red earth with flowing waters. The entire surface is not coverd with designs but the design is worked into a smaller area and an impression of space is given. Quite often along with the border enclosing the four sides, three circular motifs are worked out in the central field. Sometimes a single pattern is woven in the centre of the field.
The designs woven in most of the carpets are essentially central Asian. The motifs are inspired by Mahayana Buddhist symbolism.
Swastika or Laabh Chinh or Shubh Chinh - It is the most common motif used . Swastika is considered auspicious by the Bhotiyas.
Double key meander design - Locally called Matu design. It is a popular motif.Traditionally, carpets made for bride's trousseau often hand yellow as one the colurs used.
A close study of old pieces reveals an influence of Tibetan motifs, motifs like Dug the dragon; Dak and Jira, the mythological birds and cloud and mountain motifs have been adopted from Tibetan iconography.
I. Border Designs
Border is one of the important element in Bhotiya carpets. It is often wide and can go upto 8" in width.
a) Swastikaor Laabh Chinhor Shubh Chinh - It is the most common motif used . Swastika is considered auspicious by the Bhotiyas.
b) Double key meander design - Locally called Matu design. It is a popular motif for narrow borders.
c) Changri motif - This important traditional design was used in combinations with other motifs.
d) Pearl border - Locally referred to as Moti border is either used as edging of main border or used exclusively as narrow border.
II Corner Desgins
Corner motifs were either geometrical or floral.
III. Central Field Designs
Central motifs are both floral and animal motifs.
1. Floral motifs -
a). Lotus - Locally referred to as Kamal is a popular motif used to represent the Brahma Kamal, a flower considered sacred by the Bhotiyas. Lotus flower is represented in both simple, geometrical and stylized forms.
b) Chameli - often used as a filler motif in the field.
Significance of The Carpets
On all auspicious occasions the Bhotiyas use wool in some form or the other. It was found that amongst the Bhotiyas it is imperative to give carpets to the bride in her trousseau as symbol of blessings for marital bliss. The number of carpets given to the bride depended on the financial status of the family.
The priest while chanting the vedic versus/hymns during the marriage ceremony sat on the asan provided by the bride's family. This was a small square piece (2'x 2') and was given as a gift to the priest.
Summary and Conclusion
Grandeur of the nostalgic Bhotiya carpets entices their beholders. The bright and brilliant colors of these flat woolen pieces add colour and warmth to the otherwise hard and challenging life of these mountain dwellers. For long Bhotiyas have led a somewhat isolated life due to the remoteness of area and poor means of communication.
The craft of carpet weaving has for long remained a household craft. It was little known to the outside people. But in recent years, this vocational craft has made its headway into the commercial market. Government and Government-aided Centres are trying their utmost to improve upon the quality and technique employed for weaving. D.I.C. introduced the faster gauge-rod technique and is also working on improving the quality of the product by giving good finishing to the carpets. The gauge-rod technique is now gaining popularity with the younger generation. However, the older people still refuse the technique of gauge-rod as they believe that the carpet produced would be less durable. New designs other than traditional designs are being used at different centres.
BHOTIYA CARPETS - New notes to an unsung legacy
| This monograph is part of the research done towards a MSc. Degree under the guidance of Mrs. Veena Kapur in the Department of Home Science, Delhi University. |
CARPETS
Carpet’s weaving is an art form surrounded with the aura of mystique. It has been romanticized to such and extent that it is difficult to separate fact from fancy, there are number of stories and legends associated with the birth of carpets. One such legend recorded in the rabbinical literature states, "When God appointed Soloman, King over every created thing. He gave him a carpet, sixty miles long and sixty miles wide, made of green silk interwoven with pure gold and ornamented with figured decorations and surrounded by four princes: Prince of men, prince of demons, lion the prince of animals, eagle the prince of birds, When Soloman sat upon the carpet, he was caught up by the wind and sailed through the air so quickly that he breakfasted at Damascus and supped in Media." (c.f. Chattopadhaya, 1969) The oldest example of carpets known as the Pazyryk carpet, was found in southern Siberia in the Atlai Mountain valley of pazyryk. The carpet is approximately 2,500 years old. According to Kamla Devi Chattopadhaya(1969), there seems to be little evidence to date the antiquity of carpets, especially in India. It is accepted that art of felting and later of embroidery preceded that of spinning and weaving. It is presumed that Patalika mentioned in the Pali literature as a floor-covering was a kind of carpet. In the later Buddhist literature of early Christian era, reference is made to Kachilindika, which is described as a soft stuff. There is a theory that this may be a Sanskritised form of Kalin, the Persian term for carpet. Hand-knotted carpets were probably initiated in India by Zain-ul-Abadin Shah, Akbar of Kashmir (A.D. 1425-75). He established the wool industry in India. Major breakthrough in carpet weaving came during the reign of Mugal Emperor, Akbar in 16th Century A.D. He provided boost to the industry by bringing some weavers from Persia to India and by setting up a Royal workshop. Carpet weaving flourished and important carpet weaving centres developed from Kashmir to Tanjore. In the year 1962, the flourishing trade between the Bhotiyas and Tibetans received a severe blow with Chinese invasion in Tibet. Both suffered severe economic crisis. Due to financial reasons, the craft of carpet weaving lagged behind as Bhotiya found weaving of punkhees, lava and other woolen items more remunerative. Significance of the Study Carpets in India have existed at two levels - the royal workshops and the abodes of the weavers. Bhotiyas, a nomadic tribe, produce carpets mainly for personal use. They have a distinctive style of weaving and designs used. But because of certain reasons, the art of carpet weaving could not flourish in the region. Consequently, the importance of Chamoli as an important weaving centre for carpets is not widely known. In recent years, Office of Development Commissioner (Handicrafts), Government of India, has opened a number of government and government-aided centers to help revive and encourage the craft of carpet weaving. Process and Material Required The history of carpet weaving in the region dates back to antiquity. It was learnt that till a century back, the only form of pile rugs known to Bhotiyas were Chhayara Dan. These 'woven carpets' were used as saddle rugs, asans and as bed mattresses to provide warmth and comfort. The sizes varied but the construction remained the same. Construction of Chhayara Dan
Long strips of woolen fabric are woven in variety of colours. The width of the woven strip is about 1.5 feet and length could be upto 20 feet. After weaving the strip, the central looped portion called garbha is woven.
The traditional Chhayara Dan from Harijan community
It is a simple looped uncut pile. For this, a bamboo stick called ringaal is passed through the woolen warp-shed. The height of the pile obtained is determined by the diameter of the ringaal. To create the pile, woolen hand-spun yarn is looped around the 0.5-2" thick stick. Beating is then done with wooden hammer and weft yarn laid. After removing the ringaal, again beating is done which raises the loops to the surface. The process continues till the required length is achieved (generally 3 feet) Edge binding is done by simple knotting.
[gallery ids="169467"]
'Garbha' of Chhayara Dan being woven on loin loom (Source: Personal album of Principal, Govt. Inter College, Chhinka Village)
After finishing the garbha, the Dan is given an edging of previously woven woolen strips. Around this a 2" wide facing is hand sewn which apart from providing strength adds to the aesthetic appeal of the Dan. Chhayara Dan is also given a backing of white canvas to increase its serviceability.Caste distinction in Bhotiya community is reflected in this craft. The people of Harijan community made simple check patterns. They do not create elaborate designs which members of higher caste can use.
The metamorphic change from simple Chhayara Dan to hand-knotted carpets, still remains a mystery. The origin of hand-knotted carpets and transformation from loin-loom(pitha-chaan) to the vertical loom could neither be traced in books nor in conversation with the community but they were of the opinion that hand-knotted carpets were introduced around the turn of 20th century.
These carpet pieces were used as covers for cots, asans and saddle-rugs called Satan-Batan (Satan means hanging on sides and Batan means the seat).
With the Chinese invasion, the traditional trade between Bhotiyas and Tibetans came to a halt. The economy of the Bhotiya people based upon trade with Tibetans through rearing of a large number of animals like sheep, goats, jibbers, ponies and mules staggered under this blow (shashi, 1979).To make the two ends meet, Bhotiya weavers had to concentrate more on weaving punkhee, shawl and lava. The time taken to produce the above stated items was far less than required to produce a carpet. A rough estimate proved by a respondent at Bhimtalla shows that one carpet takes nearly one month to finish but in the same time period, around 15-16 lava could be produced. Hence, it was more profitable to produce these items than carpets.
Raw Material
The main raw materials required for carpet weaving are wool and cotton. Earlier, large amounts of wool were imported from Tibet. Wool obtained from locally reared sheep was also used but the quality of the local wool was inferior to that of Tibetan wool. It was coarse, thick and had short fibre length (1.5 -3.0"). Tibetan wool on the other hand was supple, lustrous and had long fibres (4-6").
Wool was brought from Tibet in form of balchas, each weighting upto 12-15 kg. Balcha had wool in sliver-like form wound around a rim to form a tyre-like structure that made opening of fibres easy and free form entanglements. The entire process was a five stage process involving opening and cleaning, washing, carding, spinning and dyeing.
Opening and Cleaning
Wool fibers were first separated by hand. Opening also helped in separating out the entangled twigs and other loosely held vegetable impurities. After opening, the fibres were laid on a flat surface and beaten with two wooden sticks. This removed the dirt and entangled burrs, straw and other vegetable impurities.
Washing
Cleaning was followed by scouring wool in boiling water. Reetha was added in water that acted as a surface active agent to remove grease from the fibres. Wool fibres were boiled for nearly one hour, thorough rinsing done and fibres dried in sun.
Carding
Fibers were then carded by means of big wooden combs called kangi. Carding removed entanglements and broken fibres form the lot. After carding, the web of parallel fibres was converted into balls ready for next processing step, spinning.
Spinning
Fibers were hand-spun generally by ladies of the household. Yarn was spun by using a spindle and whorl. Women did spinning while sitting, standing and even taking their sheep for grazing. Two ply yarn was prepared with little or no twist in individual yarn and stored in form of balls.
Dyeing
Both local wool and Tibetan wool provided a wide range of natural colours ranging from pearl white, fawn, camel brown, dark brown, grey and black. Many a times, natural wool colour is used as the field colour and for motifs.
When dyeing is to be done, the balls of wool are made into hanks. Later, these would be reconverted to balls. It was learnt that the art of dyeing with natural dyes is limited to a few people and is kept a secret by those who excel in the art. Dyes are obtained from tree barks, roots, fruit coverings, flowers and from other natural substances.
Acid dyes were introduced because the state Government placed restriction on plucking certain plants as they were medicinal plants e.g. Dolu.
Loom
Traditionally loin-loom was used for weaving Chhayara Dan. But when manufacture of hand-knotted carpets started, it lost its popularity. According to the Pradhan of Chhinka Village, the first vertical loom developed for carpet weaving was called Dan Raanchh or Khadda. He described the loom as a 4'x4' structure consisting of 2 vertical beams, kharha balli. The beams are mounted on 2 flat rectangular wooden platform for balance and support. Another wooden rod called fatti is used at the base for extra support. There are 2 pairs of holes in the vertical beams to accommodate both the warp and the cloth beam. After placing the beams through their respective holes, they are tightened by means of screw. At one edge of the cloth beam is a small hole for an iron rod called Khunti. Khunti is used to rotate the cloth-beam for winding the carpet.
When Bhotiyas shifted their attention from carpet weaving to shawl weaving the vertical loom was simplified. The size of the simplified vertical loom is 4'x4'. It consists of a pair of uprights with 2 cross-bars. Cross-bar is about 5" wide and 1.5'' thick and 4-5" longer than the size of the frame. There are no extra pegs or beams for support or tensioning devices.
The loom rests against the wall while the weaver weaves the carpet. In case of simple loom, the woven carpet moves to the backside of the loom automatically when beating is done.
Weaving
Mainly two techniques of knotting are being employed by the weavers in Chamoli District viz. The hand knotting and using gauge rod of which hand knotting is an older technique. The knot used is Turkish knot which would indicate that the art of carpet weaving in Chamoli could be older than carpet weaving in Kashmir.
The second method i.e. knotting by the use of gauge rod was introduced by District Industries Centre around 1954.
Carpets produced by gauge-rod technique look neat and are commercially more acceptable. The gauge-rod technique produces carpets at a faster rate, the pile obtained is more uniform and reverse of the carpet does not show the rows of cotton weft insertions as they do in hand-knotted carpets.
The accessories required for weaving and finishing the carpet are:
- Chhuri - Knife for cutting yarn after knotting.
- Panja - Fork-like wooden object for beating the pile and weft yarns.
- Kainchi - Scissors for leveling the pile on the loom.
- Chhatti - Gauge rod.
- Khurpa - Sickle shaped knife with sharp outer edge, used for slicing the knots in gauge rod Technique.
- Hathoda - Wooden hammer used for beating the pile & weft yarns especially in gauge rod method.
- Badi Kainchi - Big sized flat-blade scissors for shearing while finishing the carpet.
- Brush - Flat board of about 5x8" with a wooden handle on one edge and many short nails projecting from one side of the surface.It is used for teaseling while finishing the carpet.
Hand Knotting Technique
The technique employing Turkish knot is the traditional way of creating the pile. This technique has the advantage of using whatever colour as and when required as per the design specifications. Changing colours is easy and each product has its individuality and is a beauteous work of art.
Knotting With Gauge Rod Technique
In this technique, end binding and edge binding are similar to hand knotting technique. The difference lies only in the pile knotting technique.
Finishing The Carpet
In Bhotiya households, carpets are either used without any kind of finishing process or at the most a little shearing was done to level the pile. Shearing is done keeping the carpet flat on the ground.
Designing The Carpet Pattern
There is no written record of the technique to guide the weavers to make the designs on carpets. Unlike the Talim in Kashmir, Bhotiyas had no graphical or pictorial representation that would guide through the knotting process. It was probably because Bhotiyas produced carpets for personal use at a leisurely pace whereas in Kashmir, carpets being commercial products, emphasis was on both accuracy of the pattern and speed of execution.
In Bhotiya households ladies generally use old carpets to copy the design.
Colour
The colours used in Bhotiya carpets are generally bold and brilliant but always harmonious giving warmth to the surrounding. The ground color is generally dark and provide an ideal base for vibrantly coloured motifs. Traditionally, the ground color was either of natural colored fleece ie. dark brown (bhoora), black (tind), fawn (halka bhoora) and occasionally white(sheed) or dyed in dark colours like dark blue(neela), maroon(mahroon) and shades of brown were obtained.
The motifs were often worked out in bright combinations or monochromes and the outline sculpted in white or light colurs. The outline gave a 3-dimensional effect to the carpet. The popular colours for motifs in old pieces as observed were turquoise blue, sky blue(aasmani), red (mangd), yellow and shades of green.
Traditionally, carpets made for bride's trousseau often had yellow as one of the colours.
Motifs
The patterns used in Bhotiya carpets are often reminiscent of snow-capped mountains and surrounded by the sky and the brown and red earth with flowing waters. The entire surface is not coverd with designs but the design is worked into a smaller area and an impression of space is given. Quite often along with the border enclosing the four sides, three circular motifs are worked out in the central field. Sometimes a single pattern is woven in the centre of the field.
The designs woven in most of the carpets are essentially central Asian. The motifs are inspired by Mahayana Buddhist symbolism.
Swastika or Laabh Chinh or Shubh Chinh - It is the most common motif used . Swastika is considered auspicious by the Bhotiyas.
Double key meander design - Locally called Matu design. It is a popular motif.Traditionally, carpets made for bride's trousseau often hand yellow as one the colurs used.
A close study of old pieces reveals an influence of Tibetan motifs, motifs like Dug the dragon; Dak and Jira, the mythological birds and cloud and mountain motifs have been adopted from Tibetan iconography.
I. Border Designs
Border is one of the important element in Bhotiya carpets. It is often wide and can go upto 8" in width.
a) Swastikaor Laabh Chinhor Shubh Chinh - It is the most common motif used . Swastika is considered auspicious by the Bhotiyas.
b) Double key meander design - Locally called Matu design. It is a popular motif for narrow borders.
c) Changri motif - This important traditional design was used in combinations with other motifs.
d) Pearl border - Locally referred to as Moti border is either used as edging of main border or used exclusively as narrow border.
| BORDER DESIGNS | |
 'LAABH CHINH' |
 'LAABH CHINH'
|
'MOTI' or PEARL |
'MATU' or DOUBLE KEY MEANDER |
'MATU' or DOUBLE KEY MEANDER |
'KAAN' or EAR-LIKE DESIGN |
| VARIATIONS OF 'CHANGRI' | |
PHOOL CHANGRI |
MAKRAND CHANGRI |
GYANIG CHANGRI |
|
| OTHER COMMON BORDER DESIGNS | |
PHOOL - PATTI |
|
 |
|
III. Central Field Designs
Central motifs are both floral and animal motifs.
1. Floral motifs -
a). Lotus - Locally referred to as Kamal is a popular motif used to represent the Brahma Kamal, a flower considered sacred by the Bhotiyas. Lotus flower is represented in both simple, geometrical and stylized forms.
b) Chameli - often used as a filler motif in the field.
| 4-petalled lotus with Phool-Changni border | 8-petalled lotus with Phool-Changri border | 8-petalled lotus with Phool-Changri border | 12-petalled lotus |
| 12-petalled lotus carpet with unusual peacock border. | 12-petalled lotus with Phool-patti border |
- Animal motifs -
a) Dug, the dragon motif
b) Dakand Jira, mythical birds
c) Hiran, deer
d) Yak
Significance of The Carpets
On all auspicious occasions the Bhotiyas use wool in some form or the other. It was found that amongst the Bhotiyas it is imperative to give carpets to the bride in her trousseau as symbol of blessings for marital bliss. The number of carpets given to the bride depended on the financial status of the family.
The priest while chanting the vedic versus/hymns during the marriage ceremony sat on the asan provided by the bride's family. This was a small square piece (2'x 2') and was given as a gift to the priest.
Summary and Conclusion
Grandeur of the nostalgic Bhotiya carpets entices their beholders. The bright and brilliant colors of these flat woolen pieces add colour and warmth to the otherwise hard and challenging life of these mountain dwellers. For long Bhotiyas have led a somewhat isolated life due to the remoteness of area and poor means of communication.
The craft of carpet weaving has for long remained a household craft. It was little known to the outside people. But in recent years, this vocational craft has made its headway into the commercial market. Government and Government-aided Centres are trying their utmost to improve upon the quality and technique employed for weaving. D.I.C. introduced the faster gauge-rod technique and is also working on improving the quality of the product by giving good finishing to the carpets. The gauge-rod technique is now gaining popularity with the younger generation. However, the older people still refuse the technique of gauge-rod as they believe that the carpet produced would be less durable. New designs other than traditional designs are being used at different centres.
Bidriware from Hyderabad, In Conversation with Anees Ahmed
Anees Ahmed S/o Late Mr.Ghanil Ahmed learned the craft of bidri from his father. According to the artisan the craft has been in practice for over 400 years created at the time of the Bahmani Dynasty. Even though Anees is a graduate his interest in the craft tradition led him to make bidriware his career. This has not been an easy decision to make and keep in the face of diminishing markets. Earlier in his area more than 10 families participated in the craft but today only 2 families remain while others have moved to more gainful employment. Bidri is a manually intensive craft. It is a time consuming, and requires concentration and patience. And yet Anees claims that the joy he gets from his work makes him pursue it passionately despite the hardships and limitations. History Hyderabad boasts of one of the finest forms of creativity- the Bidri craft. Of all the beautiful gold and silver inlay work in the Deccan there is nothing known to be so individually appealing as Bidri work with its vivid contrast of dull black and lustrous silver. Bidri once practiced in many parts of India, today exists only in Hyderabad in Andhra Pradesh and Bidar in Karnataka. But it is no exaggeration that the finest quality Bidriware is now produced in Hyderabad, while Bidar can lay claim to being the original home of this craft- Bidri is the adjectival form of Bidar.
It is a 400 years-old craft. The origins of Bidriware are uncertain. The technique is believed to have originated from Persia where steel and copper objects were decorated with gold and silver inlay. The credit for developing this craft is the country is given to the Mughal rulers during whose reign the Persian crafts and craftsmen were introduced into India. The use of Zinc as a primary metal however, is peculiar to India. Over the last 180 years or so, a tradition has developed linking it with the Bahamani dynasty of the Deccan.
According to the story, the technique was introduced to the Bahmani kingdom from Iran (Via Iraq, Ajmer and Bijapur) and Alauddin Bahmani II took craftsmen from Bijapur where they were producing work of this sort and established them at Bidar, later the capital of the Bahmani kingdom. But even according to this account, when the Deccan was conquered by the Mughal emperor, north Indian officials set up permanent establishments and with political stability came patronage of the arts. The presence of Mughal and Rajput patrons and painters in the Deccan produced a revolution in Bijapuri taste, and with the fall of Bidar, Bijapur and Golconda, Mughal influence was all-pervasive. Thus the contribution of the Mughals to the present from of Bidriware is significant.
There are three main forms of bidriware according to the depth of embedding and the quality of the metal affixed to the surface. These are known as the nashan (deeply cut work) zar nashan (raised work) and tarkashi (wire inlay work).
Raw Material
The basic metal of this craft is an alloy of Zinc and Copper mixed in the proportion of 16:1. The melting temperature of this metal alloy is 800°F. Such an alloy is known as the ‘white alloy’ because the ratio of copper used is very little. Copper is mixed with zinc in the above stated proportion of 1:16 to provide the required base for being turned jet black when subjected to the ultimate oxidization process.
Process
The technical processes involved in the making of bidriware are complex and have different stages. The first stage is the sand casting stage. From ordinary soil matted with castor oil and resin, a mould is formed. After the mould is prepared, the molten metal alloy is poured into it. It is said that in olden days wax casting was used which has since been given up because of its arduous nature.
The second stage is filing. Since the surface of a newly cast piece is rough, it is made smooth with files and scrapers and sandpaper. Then a superficial layer of black is applied on the surface of the article by rubbing it with a solution of copper sulphate. This makes it easier for the artist to draw the design on it, which becomes visible on a black surface.
The third stage is that of designing. All the designs are drawn free hand. There are two types of inlay work-a) Wire work and b) sheet work. Floral designs mainly need silver sheet. In the sheet work again there are two sub-divisions – the Mehtabi design where the entire background is white and the design is black and the Aftabi where it is vice-versa (These names are Persian origin Mehtabi means Moon and the Aftabi means the Sun). The phooljali (flowering vine) design is the most popular and difficult to execute. The design is drawn with the help of a sharp metal stylus.
The next stage is engraving. After the design is drawn it is entirely engraved by steel chisels designed by the artisans themselves and which are not available anywhere in the market. With the Bidri piece firmly fixed on a waxed stone or held in a vase, the craftsman engraves the design.
The fifth stage is the extremely intricate one of inlaying. Silver in the shape of wire or sheet is hammered into the grooves of the design. Then smooth filing is done with sandpaper or files or with the help of a buffing machine. After filing, the whole surface becomes white once again since the black colour is temporary and the silver work is hardly distinguishable.
In the final stage, the article is subjected to a process of oxidation peculiar to the Bidri craft. For this, a particular kind of sand taken from the walls and ceilings of 200 to 300 year old mud buildings is mixed with sal ammoniac in the proportion 10:1 and the prepared paste is gently applied to the surface of articles to give a magical effect. The zinc and copper background turns black while the silver portion remains unaffected. Before the oxidization process, the articles are gently heated on an oven. Finally coconut oil or peanut oil or any vegetable oil is applied to the article to render the black portions bright and deep.
Only pure silver (99 per cent) should be used so that it is not tarnished in oxidization. When gold is inlaid it is known as Persian work for which there is not much demand – not only because of the high prices but also because gold inlaid Bidriware is not as elegant as its silver counterpart.
Production and Potential
The production of Bidriware in Hyderabad city is estimated to be around 75 to 80 lakhs, per annum, with a scope to increase the production by another 25%.
Bidri products include a diverse range of objects including huqqa bases, bowls, boxes, candle stands, trays, ashtrays, vases, jewelry and buttons. The motifs vary from floral arabesques and intricately patterned leaves and flowers to geometric designs.
Necessary marketing intelligence and scientific analysis of market trends and demand forecast could help stream line the production in such away that the shelf life of the product can minimized. Anees too highlighted the need for a market strategy to augment craft production.
Further reading:
Development Commissioner (Handicrafts). Bidriware of Hyderabad. A Special Report. Warangal.
Anees Ahmed S/o Late Mr.Ghanil Ahmed learned the craft of bidri from his father. According to the artisan the craft has been in practice for over 400 years created at the time of the Bahmani Dynasty. Even though Anees is a graduate his interest in the craft tradition led him to make bidriware his career. This has not been an easy decision to make and keep in the face of diminishing markets. Earlier in his area more than 10 families participated in the craft but today only 2 families remain while others have moved to more gainful employment. Bidri is a manually intensive craft. It is a time consuming, and requires concentration and patience. And yet Anees claims that the joy he gets from his work makes him pursue it passionately despite the hardships and limitations. History Hyderabad boasts of one of the finest forms of creativity- the Bidri craft. Of all the beautiful gold and silver inlay work in the Deccan there is nothing known to be so individually appealing as Bidri work with its vivid contrast of dull black and lustrous silver. Bidri once practiced in many parts of India, today exists only in Hyderabad in Andhra Pradesh and Bidar in Karnataka. But it is no exaggeration that the finest quality Bidriware is now produced in Hyderabad, while Bidar can lay claim to being the original home of this craft- Bidri is the adjectival form of Bidar.
It is a 400 years-old craft. The origins of Bidriware are uncertain. The technique is believed to have originated from Persia where steel and copper objects were decorated with gold and silver inlay. The credit for developing this craft is the country is given to the Mughal rulers during whose reign the Persian crafts and craftsmen were introduced into India. The use of Zinc as a primary metal however, is peculiar to India. Over the last 180 years or so, a tradition has developed linking it with the Bahamani dynasty of the Deccan.
According to the story, the technique was introduced to the Bahmani kingdom from Iran (Via Iraq, Ajmer and Bijapur) and Alauddin Bahmani II took craftsmen from Bijapur where they were producing work of this sort and established them at Bidar, later the capital of the Bahmani kingdom. But even according to this account, when the Deccan was conquered by the Mughal emperor, north Indian officials set up permanent establishments and with political stability came patronage of the arts. The presence of Mughal and Rajput patrons and painters in the Deccan produced a revolution in Bijapuri taste, and with the fall of Bidar, Bijapur and Golconda, Mughal influence was all-pervasive. Thus the contribution of the Mughals to the present from of Bidriware is significant.
There are three main forms of bidriware according to the depth of embedding and the quality of the metal affixed to the surface. These are known as the nashan (deeply cut work) zar nashan (raised work) and tarkashi (wire inlay work).
Raw Material
The basic metal of this craft is an alloy of Zinc and Copper mixed in the proportion of 16:1. The melting temperature of this metal alloy is 800°F. Such an alloy is known as the ‘white alloy’ because the ratio of copper used is very little. Copper is mixed with zinc in the above stated proportion of 1:16 to provide the required base for being turned jet black when subjected to the ultimate oxidization process.
Process
The technical processes involved in the making of bidriware are complex and have different stages. The first stage is the sand casting stage. From ordinary soil matted with castor oil and resin, a mould is formed. After the mould is prepared, the molten metal alloy is poured into it. It is said that in olden days wax casting was used which has since been given up because of its arduous nature.
The second stage is filing. Since the surface of a newly cast piece is rough, it is made smooth with files and scrapers and sandpaper. Then a superficial layer of black is applied on the surface of the article by rubbing it with a solution of copper sulphate. This makes it easier for the artist to draw the design on it, which becomes visible on a black surface.
The third stage is that of designing. All the designs are drawn free hand. There are two types of inlay work-a) Wire work and b) sheet work. Floral designs mainly need silver sheet. In the sheet work again there are two sub-divisions – the Mehtabi design where the entire background is white and the design is black and the Aftabi where it is vice-versa (These names are Persian origin Mehtabi means Moon and the Aftabi means the Sun). The phooljali (flowering vine) design is the most popular and difficult to execute. The design is drawn with the help of a sharp metal stylus.
The next stage is engraving. After the design is drawn it is entirely engraved by steel chisels designed by the artisans themselves and which are not available anywhere in the market. With the Bidri piece firmly fixed on a waxed stone or held in a vase, the craftsman engraves the design.
The fifth stage is the extremely intricate one of inlaying. Silver in the shape of wire or sheet is hammered into the grooves of the design. Then smooth filing is done with sandpaper or files or with the help of a buffing machine. After filing, the whole surface becomes white once again since the black colour is temporary and the silver work is hardly distinguishable.
In the final stage, the article is subjected to a process of oxidation peculiar to the Bidri craft. For this, a particular kind of sand taken from the walls and ceilings of 200 to 300 year old mud buildings is mixed with sal ammoniac in the proportion 10:1 and the prepared paste is gently applied to the surface of articles to give a magical effect. The zinc and copper background turns black while the silver portion remains unaffected. Before the oxidization process, the articles are gently heated on an oven. Finally coconut oil or peanut oil or any vegetable oil is applied to the article to render the black portions bright and deep.
Only pure silver (99 per cent) should be used so that it is not tarnished in oxidization. When gold is inlaid it is known as Persian work for which there is not much demand – not only because of the high prices but also because gold inlaid Bidriware is not as elegant as its silver counterpart.
Production and Potential
The production of Bidriware in Hyderabad city is estimated to be around 75 to 80 lakhs, per annum, with a scope to increase the production by another 25%.
Bidri products include a diverse range of objects including huqqa bases, bowls, boxes, candle stands, trays, ashtrays, vases, jewelry and buttons. The motifs vary from floral arabesques and intricately patterned leaves and flowers to geometric designs.
Necessary marketing intelligence and scientific analysis of market trends and demand forecast could help stream line the production in such away that the shelf life of the product can minimized. Anees too highlighted the need for a market strategy to augment craft production.
Further reading:
Development Commissioner (Handicrafts). Bidriware of Hyderabad. A Special Report. Warangal.
Bihar Journal, To Bhusara with Ambika for the Asia Society Sujni Design Workshop - 6th - 12th February 98
6th: Its 8 p.m. and we’re finally in the train to Muzaffarpur - en route to Bhusara for the Asia Society Sujni Design Workshop. As always there has been this crazy rush getting ready - with no proper time to psyche oneself into a proper state of creative inspiration and calm. The last three days I have been between Dastkar and the Crafts Council of India NGO meet, lumbered (the usual consequence of being punctual, literate and with a fairly good memory) with the task of moderating the Sub Committee on Policy, writing the minutes, and drafting the Memo to the Government. Somehow, in between, I bought threads and went fabric hunting for my sujni quilts - I’d had this fantasy of doing them on typical Bihar handloom gamcha material with the narrow rudraksha border running round the edges. Past experience suggested that MVSS would have no fabric - and that any threads would be leftovers, in those virulent shades of puce, pink, and turquoise that no one, even they, could want to use! Predictably, the Bihar Emporium didn’t have handloom gamchas and I eventually bought them from the Orissa one. Amrapalli, the Bihar Emporium (meant to be a showcase exclusively for handicrafts & handlooms from Bihar) did have Tangail sarees from Bengal, polyester raw silk, and - quite inexplicably - fiberglass crash helmets!
I’d promised myself that today I would not go into office, and would have a peaceful leisurely, domestic time, getting my thoughts together. Instead there was a hasty visit to the bank (the electrician arrived with a huge bill for mending the geyser) and to the optician to collect my new reading glasses, a lengthy fax to London re: the products for the 50 Years of Indian Craft Exhibition, a memo to the Ministry of Culture on the importance of craft documentation, and a mad dash to Dastkar to scream at Zainuddin the carpenter for his misdeeds in the shelving for the new Dastkar shop - all this interspersed with jotting down last minute memos to the office and doing my packing. One always feels nervous of leaving something behind - Bhusara is an hour and a half away from the nearest town and certainly can’t provide graph paper, slide film, or tampons! I’d just got everything tucked away tightly but neatly and zipped up the last bag when Bhupinder arrived from the office with a couple of dozen boxes of embroidery threads - a last minute fax SOS from Kailashji for shades needed for the Sue Conway order.
Anyway, now we are off. Bihar induces mixed feelings - it such a confused sad place, and the mixture of fatalistic apathy in the villages and mindless violence in the towns is depressing. But sujni itself is a lovely craft, and North Bihar physically a rather beautiful, gentle place - all green, undulating groves and streams.
7th: It’s 3 o’clock and we should have been chugging into Muzaffarpur Station, but the train (somewhat misleadingly called Super Fast Express) is already 4 hours late - with numerous unscheduled stops. Red paan spittle in the wash basin tells one that we have crossed the Bihar State border! Ambika and I have our 4 seater compartment to ourselves. A mixed blessing - we can spread out, but lack the entertainment of observing our travelling companions (and sharing their food!). Nevertheless, since voice levels are high, one can hear that politics and the coming elections are high on everyone’s conversational agenda. Prices of votes and seats are claimed to go into lakhs and crores and (though the Bihari accent make’s the rising stress at the end of each sentence sound like a question) there seems a universal affectionate and admiring perception of Laloo Prasad as some sort of Robin Hood hero. Sleep seems the safest option.
Later: We were met at Muzaffarpur by Nirmala, Kailashji and the mustachioed Satya Narain: patiently waiting for 4 ½ hours at the station. As always the auto rickshaw was piled high with provisions and fabric, added to by our own luggage - we made the jerky, pot-holed journey to Bhusara with our knees to our chins! It was too dark to see much of the Bihar landscape, but I was struck once again by its gentle rhythms and green fertility - suggesting nothing of the underlying poverty and violence. Ambika, (on her first visit to rural Bihar), was equally struck by the little groups, squatting in semi-circles all along the roadside, swigging the ubiquitous bottles of milky local country liquor stacked round them.
By the time we arrive at Bhusara it is time for dinner and bed - in the same upstairs room Veronica and I had shared on our last trip, though there are no blackboards with exhortations to safe sex this time! An extra 2 wooden takat beds had been squeezed in, propped up on bricks to be the same height. Reena Mohan and her crew of 4 are arriving tomorrow and Nirmala is off to Patna at dawn to collect them. They are to make a video film on sujni and the women for the Asia Society. It is much less cold than New Year’s Eve 96, when we were here last year; without the ceaseless ghostly rattle and squeak of the December winds against wooden shutters. Ambika lays out her music cassettes and I my book, but we are asleep within minutes.
8th: Up at dawn to make use of the outside loo before everyone else queues up! Then tea and a bucket bath of nicely bracing well water before the inevitable aloo bhujia/roti breakfast. Despite stern warnings, the women amble slowly in, 10 o clock onwards. Another three quarters of an hour goes in greetings and chat; but from tonight 6 or 7 of the village leaders will spend the night here so that we can work late and start early - not dictated to by the demands of bus timings and cooking family dinners. Their agreeing to this is a major breakthrough. Anju, Archana, and Vibha too, seem peppy and confident: ready to take much more initiative, enthusiastic about trying something new. We don’t feel the absence of Nirmala at all. Kailashji too, keeps his distance, confining his authority to the logistics of finance, transport, and meals. As always, the women are keenly interested in our clothes: Ambika’s kurta is given to the tailor to copy, Anju traces my current embroidery, and Vibha immediately begins knitting a sweater like mine! Flattering but scary being a role model.
We settle down together to discuss the object of the workshop - the Asia Society quilts as a means to learn how to combine colours, motifs and designs and make the women more participant in the creative process. Along with the quilts we want to make other products - garments, accessories, soft furnishings - to add diversity to the MVSS sujni range. The products developed by us last time have sold well, but the cut and shape of the kurtas and jackets have turned out quite different from the original samples, and many styles have not gone into production. It is not just the problem of finding and training a good tailor: Availability of the right raw material and the cash flow to buy it and make payments to the women remains a major stumbling block. Somehow, despite this and the appallingly low earnings (a 100 or so rupees a month per woman), the motivation and involvement of both the sujni embroiderers and the organisation has grown. They are still passive and hesitant, but when pushed they do respond. And they are extraordinarily and demonstratively affectionate - somehow the intervening Delhi workshops and Bazaars and our being back again in Bhusara seems to have convinced them of Dastkar’s sincerity and staying power.
As we sit together, talk, and measure, cut, and stitch together the base fabric for the quilts, I take a look at the other quilts being made for the Asia Society. It will give me an idea of the direction mine should take. I have deliberately not thought too much about the designs as I want them to develop spontaneously. I see only a few of the quilts (the others are being worked on in other villages and are inaccessible.) The large Asia Society quilts (and the others being made for Sue Conway and the Canadian order) are very much in the ADITHI mode: Design, aesthetic, and even function being replaced by social message.
Though some attempt has been made to coordinate colours and forms, and vary the sizes and staccato rhythm of little figures scattered ad-hoc all over the quilt (the very large feet of some of the protagonists was explained to me as a special request from Molly!), and introduce some innovative detailing, I still find them rather contrived and polemic - out of the head of an earnest activist rather than a rural craftswoman’s psyche. There is one particularly weird one, on AIDS - with wasted figures, doctors with syringes and sickle shaped knives, and a border of huge, ochre yellow condoms! I personally can’t think of anything less conducive to the tranquil enjoyment of the two functions one normally associates with quilts and bed - i.e. slumber and sex!
Earlier designers from ADITHI have had an interesting challenge (much as we did in our Ranthambhore Project) in trying to create a whole new design idiom for sujni; since the original craft tradition has died without being documented and the women are not yet equipped to become their own designers. But I have great reservations about their solution. Not so much in their wholesale adoption of the kantha pictorial quilt tradition of Bengal (the two techniques and cultures have much in common) but in their treating the sujni quilt as a kind of admonitory poster, rather than a functional and decorative household accessory. The sujni/kantha technique lends itself to pictorial story telling but social and political rhetoric should also be pleasurable viewing! An occasional freak might buy a condom quilt crafted in rural Bihar as an interesting, one-off, cultural phenomenon, but when hundred of women in dozens of villages have both the need and capability to earn from sujni, there is an imperative to develop products with a more universal appeal - products that are marketable, functional, and fun.
I set the women to drawing the images for the first quilt; first discussing the content and then dividing them into 6 different groups, giving them each large sheets of newsprint. The quilt was to show the changing stages of a woman’s life. Each group worked on the pictorial images for one stage of life - birth, childhood, marriage, family, widowhood and death – encouraged to discuss and draw on their own experience and inspiration, rather than an NGO fantasy! Many of the women said that they could not draw - wanting Archana, Anju, or Nirmala Devi to draw for them - but I deliberately excluded them and Vibha from the groups.
The five of us worked on getting the quilt bases together while Ambika’s role was to wander around the groups, encouraging the more tentative ones, and throwing in an occasional idea to get them thinking. After a couple of hours we had a collection of extraordinary images - ranging from comic scribbles to hauntingly evocative scenes of childbirth and alienation. Interestingly, men hardly figured in their vision of their lives - the marriage scene was the only one where a man (perforce!) had been included. Even when I teased them and forced them to put in an occasional male, they figured only as pall bearers, a priest, or the doctor with a grisly scalpel in hospital.
With all the drawings in, we discussed each scene and how the different images could be incorporated into one harmonious composition. To introduce the concept of colours as conveying a mood, as well as combining with each other to create a pattern, I suggested that we give each scene a separate coloured background appropriate to its subject. Though limited by the choice of coloured poplin in the MVSS store, our eventual choices ranging from a progression of deepening yellows and reds for birth, girlhood, marriage, to the grey and black of widowhood and death. We then selected a few images from each group’s drawings and traced them onto 20 inch squares of Gateway paper, enlarging some and reducing others so that they fitted into an interesting composition. The idea that we were showing one woman in various stages of her life, and that she should be the central figure in each square, distinguished by size or some special feature from the others, seemed unfamiliar. Obviously, unlike urban women, they don’t see themselves in the heroine mode, or as markedly different from each other!
We pricked the khaka transfers, and printed the designs (with a solution of kerosene and neel) onto the coloured poplin squares, which we had previously machined together. This central panel of 6 squares was then stitched onto a larger 60 x 90 bed sheet made up of 2 layers of unbleached markeen. We used a broad geometric linear border of wavy lines around the coloured panel to create a decorative frame that would pull together the various coloured pieces and very varied pictorial images. The 4 corners had a repeating motif of the 6 colours patched together, and a line of tiny women holding hands at the top and bottom of the quilt completed the design. Hopefully message and metaphor mingle harmoniously with art and end usage!
By this time it was dark. Most of the women had drifted off in the afternoon, leaving only those who were spending the night. It was time for dinner, songs and chat. It has been a wonderful, productive, participatory day - luckily, as tomorrow the film crew will take over.
Reena and her crew: Ranjan (cameraman), Ashish (sound) Raja Ram (technician) and Kalpana (general gofer and holder of hands) arrived with Nirmala at 7.30 - their plane from Delhi was as late as our train. It was too dark for them to do more than hump their 2 carloads of luggage upstairs (how happy I am that my creative process does not involve much equipment!), distribute boxes of sweets all round and join us at dinner. Later, recording the women’s songs, the start-stop-start again rhythm imposed by Ashish’s perfectionist desire to get everything right, plus his obsession with pin drop silence (difficult with so many children, dogs, hens and other village sounds, to say nothing of the ubiquitous paan shop loudspeaker blaring Hindi film songs) augurs ominously for tomorrow when they will be shooting in earnest.
9th: When Reena met me in Delhi and told me she was planning to coordinate the dates of her trip with mine I’d been deliberately rather vague and off-putting. I was horrified at the idea of the workshop as spectator sport! I’ve always found even a snapshot camera an obstruction to the kind of unselfconscious, total involvement that a successful workshop requires. And my knowledge of filming made me certain that however wonderful the end result, and however valuable the eventual documentation, the process would not only be painful, but death to my objective of collective creativity - which is a noisy, difficult, not necessarily dramatic or picturesque process.
How right I was. The up-beat, participatory sharing of yesterday was quite gone. Every time we settled to something, from sorting threads into colourways to drawing a motif, Reena and gang would shift us to a new, better lit location or hush us into total frozen silence. The place was awash with cables and obtrusive machines. everyone was self conscious; either jostling into corners to dodge the camera, or trying (the younger girls and children ) to edge into its frame. Even when I retreated into the store to scold Munna the tailor for the elephantine proportions of his kurtas I found myself pursued by the huge, phallically threatening, boom mike. An attempt to withdraw with my embroidery for a breather meet with equal lack of success. It was impossible to re-create the spontaneity of yesterday’s collaborative design process. Every motion and sentence had to be repeated at least thrice. We fell back on putting together something more familiar and easy - a variant on the Women & Nature theme we had done for the Crafts Council UK exhibit - using the cream gamcha fabric with woven, green rudraksha borders that I had brought.
After dividing and squaring up the quilt into a central panel with 12 inch borders, we sub-divided the central panel into 12 rectangles. Curving branches of bamboo, mango, and bor foliage were drawn free-hand by Anju, Vibha and Archana in alternative rectangles and the intervening ones filled with animals and figures, using existing tracings of designs already developed by us on our previous trip. I showed the girls how different juxtapositions of the same motifs created different designs and images. Also how interlocking and extending some branches into the spaces where there were figures softened the regularity of the layout. In both life and art, human beings and nature must interact together.
The narrow, green border was stitched around the central panel as well as the outer circumference of the quilt: creating a double frame. In between the 2 woven borders we used an all-over jaal design of curving vines as a further broad border, knitting together the whole composition, while continuing the Nature theme. This lead to the start of an animated discussion on structure, and the need for both design layouts and society to have one - interrupted by the “sshsshs” of an irate Ashish!.
Meanwhile one set of women: Ambika Devi, Sumitra Devi, Nuttu Devi, Puthul, Anupam, Seema Kumari, had started embroidering Quilt 1. We’d selected the colours and stitched little tags of each colour combination onto the coloured poplin squares. I’d made the women play a game, sorting my bag-full of a 100-odd variegated colour threads into piles of greens, reds, yellows, blues. It was interesting how confusing they found it, unused to such a plethora of different shades, to place a pale green or misty blue into an appropriate colour group. Embroidering too, they found it difficult to remember the rhythm of colour repeats. What was touching was their willingness to open up and redo their mistakes - none of the aggressiveness of our ari bharat women or other more professional craftswomen, used to calculating that time is money!
Earlier Reena had told me that though she loved the colours and layout of Quilt 1, the dramatic ‘ochre, red, black’ colour combination was a very urban ‘designer’ one - clearly an outside intervention. I said that it had actually arisen out of a group discussion with the women. The associations - yellow and red for fertility and marriage, white for widowhood, black for death - were very much part of the traditional colour symbolism of Indian society. When colours were vegetable and mineral dyes, made by craftspeople themselves, from plants and resources around them, each colour and shade had a meaning and name and the directory of colours went into hundreds. India is probably the only civilization to have had words for 5 distinct shades of white! It is the advent of cheap, commercial azo-dyes into the village economy that has reduced the choices of the women to these half dozen, crude, primary shades now available in rural markets.
In the afternoon I set Nirmala Devi to begin drawing the central image for Quilt 3. Though the Asia Society has ordered only 2 quilts, we plan to make 3, and let them choose the two they want. This quilt will have the same images of women’s lives as Quilt 1, but grouped around a large seated figure of a woman and child, surrounded by cooking equipment, sujni embroidery etc. Interspersed between the women’s figures will be huts, trees, livestock- even an occasional male?
Meanwhile, Kaushalya Devi, Vibha and Geeta Devi and Nirmala struggled to put together the base. The purple bordered, orange gamcha forming the centre panel with a wide markeen surround, and the purple border again running round the circumference. Yesterday, they had done the cream quilt with ease, but the corners on this one refused to sit straight. I admired tiny Kaushalya Devi’s determination: long after the others wandered off she picked and un-picked the borders, eventually hauling the whole quilt upstairs to work in peace on the machine. She is at MVSS for the first time and grabs on each new skill with a terrier-like zeal, obsessed with getting it right. She also has a lovely singing voice and an endless repertoire of bhajans!
Nirmala Devi is having problems creating a figure that has the same naif, stylised quality as the others, but is on a much larger scale. The first attempt looks like something out of a popular calendar: a busty, full frontal ‘filmi’ devi. I show her drawings in my book on Mithila painting. The next attempt is better, though it still doesn’t have the spontaneity I want. She is distracted between the whines of her little grandchild and the video camera recording every scratch of her pencil - she’s also longing for a drag! Finally, exasperated beyond control, she gives the wailing child a wallop and is horrified it’s been captured on film - as is her puffing her beedi. Her interview with Reena is a more orthodox litany, slightly by rote, of the ADITHI gospel: Money no consideration, ‘love of art’ and ‘telling the world the story of the poverty and pain of village women’ her only motivation. In real life she is a much more interesting, complex person; gauntly thin, with a difficult, sometimes tragic life that has not destroyed her wonderful, pawky humour.
In the evening, we all go for a walk to the fisher village on the banks of the ‘mand’, the man-made lake created by diverting the river. As on my last trip and in so many rural housing schemes, I am horrified by the contrast between the soulless line of cement cubes built by the Government for the new fishermen’s village, and the vitality and harmoniously integrated juxtapositions of the existing village huts, creating their own dynamic of light, shade, and privacy within central, shared spaces for community life and children to play. We decide not to go on the river this time - night is falling.
10th: Reena is maddened by the sight of Ambika and me, glowing with the ostentatious virtue and cleanliness of our early morning cold baths! She comments on the ‘normalness’ of the lives we lead here- looking, dressing and behaving just as we do in Delhi. Reading books, washing hair, changing into night clothes at night. No special rural equipment of bottled water or tummy pills, no special ‘roughing it’ wardrobe or footwear. I explain that this is ‘normal’ for us. A regular part of our working lives, month in, month out. Half-joking, half serious, I express equal shock at the peremptory way the film crew send messages to get the village loud speaker turned off, forbid people to use the hand pump, or tell the miller to switch off his threshing machine because it interferes with filming. In the city wouldn’t she consider a similar veto an infringement of her civil liberties? The alacrity with which village people respond is a sign of their warmth to strangers, but also of how brainwashed they are into thinking educated city folk have rights that they don’t.
Does the end result justify the means; how justified are all our interventions? Is the choice of sujni itself, as a vehicle to generate rural women’s employment and earning, an appropriate one? It certainly is not a solution that has arisen either out of the women’s own existing skills, or the demands of the consumer. When the women were drawing images of their lives and routines, embroidery didn’t figure in a single one! Streaming women into ‘womanly’ skills - stitching, embroidering, knitting, masala making - is the usual knee-jerk, rather patronising reaction of NGO Income Generation Programmes, but on the other hand it is a very harmonious, easy way to create employment without disturbing the traditional patterns of village life. And it needs no expensive investment or infrastructure.
The crew is off to the villages today, to interview the women in their homes. So we have a peaceful, uninterrupted day and are able to get on with the 3rd quilt. Not all the women participate in this one, as two groups are working on the other two quilts, constantly breaking in to show me their progress, anxious that they are getting the colours right. Quilt 2 (being done by Jaykali, Jamila, Rambadevi, Sumitra, Kaushalya Devi and Sindhu) is all shades of greens and browns. Within the thread combinations already selected for each quilt, the women are free to put the colours where they like, but this kind of controlled freedom is difficult for them.
Quilt 3 has a repeating motif of appliqué peepal leaves running round the border. Bits in appliqué patchwork were a feature of traditional sujni and we want to revive this. Several of the women are given pieces of waste cloth and I show them how to cut and fold the fabric to get neat shapes and make a rick-rack patchwork appliqué edging. The large figure drawn by Nirmala Devi is transferred onto the orange handloom, and the other smaller figures, trees, and huts transferred or drawn by hand around it. Archana, Nirmala Devi and Anju would be much happier if I dictated this process, while I am adamant that they plan and execute it. Of course there is a bit of me that is dying to be a totalitarian autocrat, especially when I don’t like what they have done - but I suppress this; reminding myself firmly that since I am always stressing I am a ‘product developer’ rather than ‘designer’, I had better live up to that role!
Ambika meanwhile does various exercises with the women: getting their life stories, and doing some gender and group-formation games with them. She also makes them draw their version of yesterday’s filming and workshop. Cameras, mikes, and equipment loom large, the humans are considerably smaller! Tunna, Vibha’s little son, sticks firmly to my side, saying little but smiling sweetly, eyes shining brightly in his absolutely spherical face, always ready for a cuddle. He and 8 year old Ujwal, his elder brother, are so lovable and bright - what will happen to them? Will they become like all the other hopeless, lumpen, semi-literate men one sees listlessly hanging around everywhere; their only highs zarda and country liquor? Is it simply one’s gender and female bonding that makes one find the women here so much more appealing - physically, intellectually, emotionally - than their men?
By evening all 3 quilts are designed, coloured up, and in progress, and we set off for a tour of the nearby villages. The bamboo and thatched roofs, set in green groves of mango and palms, give a falsely idyllic appearance to homes that are cleaner and neater than most Bihar cities, but bare and poverty stricken. A red rose creeper on the mud wall of one hut shines out like a beacon of colour and hope. Pied Piper style, we pick up a procession of children and girls as we go. Everyone wants us to visit and we have to be firm that we cannot and will not drink tea everywhere! The sujni women vary in age from 70 plus to 14 or 15; the elder ones traditional in sarees, their heads covered, while the younger girls wear salwar kameez, and even nail polish. But their aspirations and expectations of life are similar and limited; and most have the same dangerously passive dependency on some external force - be it husband, father or ADITHI - to be the dominant agent. As always, Nirmala Devi has a more robust approach: “The people who forbid us women to go outside our houses to work won’t feed us when we starve inside, so why should we bother to listen to them?”
11th: Today (our last day) we are going to Muzaffarpur, in a renewed search for interesting, local, raw material. I’m worried at the dependence of the Project on expensive, and difficult to access material bought by Dastkar from Delhi. When supplies run out they fall back on more and more quilts and cushions in that dreary markeen.
But before we leave it’s my interview time! I’ve been dodging this. I feel very strongly that Dastkar and I are catalysts rather than protagonists in the sujni process. Also I hate being photographed! But Reena is adamant. Irritating, intrusive, and inconvenient though I find the filming, I like the way she knows exactly what she wants and goes for it. And I like her very much as a person. In fact, though our separate imperatives and agendas are quite different, and equally obsessive (theirs to capture on film everything that is interesting, or picturesque, in the best possible light, place, and sound; ours not just to complete 3 original quilts but to draw the women into their creation - however slow and torturous this may be) we mercifully all get on very well together - able to tease and laugh together, even when we find each other a bloody nuisance. Discovering in the process, in a typical Indian way, an endless web of interrelated friends and connections! It’s amusing too, to see Dastkar’s work and ourselves simultaneously through two very different pairs of eyes - the urban, professional perspective, and that of rural women.
On camera, we discuss the whole business of ‘interventions’, and the differences between this and other Dastkar projects. The problems and challenges of working without an existing craft and design tradition, or the framework of a known market demand. Are we creating an new, indigenous craft tradition that will flourish and flower into the next millennium, or will sujni in Bhusara die if ADITHI and Dastkar were to disappear?
We set the women various tasks for the day before leaving - I’ve taught Kaushalya, Geetha Devi, Archana, and Ambika Devi the ornamental, sujni, squared quilting stitch the day before, as well as zig-zag, patchwork appliqué, and want them to practice it. Some are making posters for the Disaster Mitigation Institute’s International Competition in Sri Lanka (Dastkar is coordinating the Indian entries, and Nirmala Devi’s personal experience of earthquake, floods and fire results in some powerful visuals, and a wonderful feeling of movement and drama) Other women continue work on the 3 quilts - gradually springing to life as colours and elements take shape.
In the auto rickshaw there are 8 of us! Apart from Kailashji, Satya Narain, and Nirmala, Ambika, and me, there is a very frail, very old, sick woman going to hospital, accompanied by her son and grand daughter. Every bump in the long, long journey must have been agony - she is all skin and bone anyway. I point out a bus called “AMBIKA - FLYING BEAUTY” to Ambika. It’s been good to spend time with her - field trips are great times to talk, and it’s been ages since we traveled together. From being the Dastkar baby, she’s grown enormously in these 2 years; beneath her gentle, quiet exterior (she was given the sobriquet of “Amicable Ambika” at her recent Gender Training Course!) her instincts are both sensible and sensitive - mercifully free of development jargon!
Muzaffarpur was a dead loss fabric-wise; though we did buy some khadi for men’s kurtas. En route and in the city we didn’t see a single woman wearing a traditional handloom weave. The dim lights, crowded, chaotic, dirty streets with tangled open electrical wires and liquid piles of garbage, derelict buildings, and unkempt public spaces contributed to our general depression. The only bright notes were a nice fish lunch, and seeing the fat proprietor of Anupam Handlooms, who’d been so rudely off-putting when I’d tried to look at fabric last time, now all betel-stained smiles, plying us with tea and paan, and personally unrolling bales of whatever caught my eye.
We didn’t get back till evening, and there was a babble of packing, final instructions, and plans for what happens next - we leave at dawn tomorrow. It’s been decided that the 3 Asia Society quilts will be completed and brought to Delhi when MVSS come for the Dastkar Nature Bazaar in mid-March. 2 or 3 embroidery women will come too, and we will have another mini-workshop, plus put any final touches needed on the quilts. It’s amazing that they now seem quite ready to come to Delhi!
Everyone then goes to watch the rushes of today’s filming, and Archana comes up for a private chat - including sex and marriage. She has decided that (like me) she doesn’t want to marry. I encourage her to be her true self, but say that for me - urban, educated, with my own home and income, part of a family and social structure where single women are taken for granted, and need not be solitary or celibate - to be unmarried is much, much easier than for her. The community in which she will spend the rest of her life is very different. She should not take categorical decisions just yet but stick out for the freedom of choice.
12th: With a target of 6 a.m. we actually manage to set off at 7, picking up Ghoshji and his newly wed wife en route. Kailashji has fever but is determined to come. Emotional farewells and hugs are exchanged, with, in the case of the film crew, an additional exchange of visiting cards, and promises to keep in touch. Vibha reminds me I have to send paper patterns, I remind her she has to send me khakas. Kaushalya Devi, Geetha Devi, Ambika Devi, Anju, and Archana, who have spent all 5 days of our stay with us, get ready as well, to go back home to their villages. Geetha and Kaushalya are at MVSS for the first time; they are taking Quilt 3 with them, and will form a new group in their village, Badokhal. While we were working out colourways yesterday, it was chilling to hear them quite casually discussing how often they’ve been tempted to kill themselves - only the thought of their children prevented them.
Our check in time is 11.30 but we want to trawl the market for fabric. When we reach Patna at 10 we discover the government handloom shops open only at 11 or 12! How on earth can a State administered like this function? All along the road there are signs showing how desperate people are for some mechanism to uplift and improve themselves. Every fourth building has a board announcing it is the Red Carpet School (Approved), or Top Teaching Temple Tutorials, or some equally ambitiously and optimistically named educational institution. They all are obviously equally impoverished and inadequate. The sign for the Bright Buds Public School and Hostel (Co-educational) proudly offers Computer Classes, Gymnasium, and an English Library - it is housed in half a tumble-down, three room villa. At least sujni (if properly used) offers the women a unique, earning skill - distinctly their own.
We’re happy to be going home - the torpid, sad squalor of Patna, only relieved by ragged pre-Elections buntings and blaring microphones, does not encourage loafing or nostalgia. But it’s been a good trip, with both the women and the MVSS organisation considerably more up-beat and involved than on my last visit. The only regret is that so much of what we had planned to do remains incomplete, with Reena and her crew also shooting their film simultaneously. Their priorities and requirements of the women and MVSS, (and us), were inevitably diametrically the opposite of Ambika’s and mine! And one doesn’t know quite when we can return.
I’m dying to see the quilts completed; I’m thrilled by the change in the women - and I’m haunted by Geetha Devi’s words: ‘To work is forbidden, to steal is forbidden, to cheat is forbidden, to kill is forbidden, what else is left except to starve, sister?’
For the Asia Society 15.2.98.Background: In December 1996 Laila Tyabji and Veronica George of Dastkar spent 6 days in Bhusara conducting a design and production workshop and evaluating the organisation and the women’s needs. The objectives were to get to know the MVSS organisation and staff and understand their work structure, to assess the skill levels and potential of the group, to develop a new range of products and designs and source local fabric for the group to use as raw material, to work with target women from all the MVSS villages and develop their own design skills, as well as to oversee production for the forth-coming DASTKAR Bazaars and evaluate MVSS's production capability and product ranges for future marketing interventions, including export. At the end of that first 1996 workshop Laila wrote:“The apathy and lack of involvement was catching. I have seldom felt less creative, enthused or motivated myself - the lack of reciprocal energy was like a stone wall. One longed for the creativity and opinionated gutsiness of the Kutchi Rabaris, the tenacity and determination to learn and earn of our Ranthambhore women, the pride in their own skills and curiosity about others' of the Sandur Lambanis.”DASTKAR, a Delhi based NGO for Crafts & Craftspeople, provides a variety of support services to traditional artisans - including training, credit, product development, design and marketing - working with over a 100 grass-roots producer groups all over the country. Dastkar strongly believes in craft and the alternative sector as a social, cultural and economic force of enormous strength and potential. Helping craftspeople, especially women, learn to use their own inherent skills as a means of employment, earning and independence is the crux of the Dastkar programme. Laila is a founder member and Chairperson of Dastkar; she is also one of the in-house Dastkar designers. Her specialty is textile-based crafts, especially embroidery and appliqué, using the traditional craft skill and design tradition as a base for products with a contemporary usage and appeal. Projects includes design and skill development with the chikan workers in SEWA Lucknow, Ahir and Rabari mirrorwork in Kutch and Banaskantha, Madhubani painting, sujni, lambani and kasuti embroidery in Bihar, Maharashtra and Karnataka. A major project is the Ranthambhore Artisans Project in Rajasthan - turning traditional materials and skills into employment and earnings for village communities around the Ranthambhore Tiger Reserve. Part of Dastkar’s artisan programmes are an annual series of Exhibitions and Bazaars held through the year, both in Delhi and other Indian cities. At the Dastkari Bazaar craftspeople (many of them in the city for the first time) bring and sell their own stocks of goods directly, make their own bills, book future orders and learn the ways of the urban marketplace. The use of the Bazaar as a training ground in marketing, consumer trends and the importance of correct costing and sizing, design and quality control is a core component .Groups are helped to design and plan production in workshops prior to the Bazaar and to evaluate sales and customer feedback after it. The Bazaars are a testing ground for new products and better sales, but also an affirmation of the strength, skill and sustainability of Indian crafts and craftspeople. MVSS has been attending DASTKARI BAZAARS and interacting with Dastkar since 1994. It also supplies stock to the Dastkar Shop in Delhi, run on a cooperative basis. SUJNI QUILTED EMBROIDERY Mahila Vikas Sahayog Samiti, Bhusara Village, Muzaffarpur District, North Bihar.Slow stitches - telling stories Muzaffarpur district in Bihar is deceptively green and lushly serene. The media reports of violence, corruption, exploitative political and inter-caste tensions seem at such variance with the passivity and karmic calm that are also a feature of rural Bihar. The women embroiderers in Bhusara and their sujni quilted embroidery are a paradigm of similar paradoxes and contradictions: The meticulousness of the thousands of fine stitches contrast with the apathy and casualness with which the women work; their indifference to earning higher wages by more systematic production a denial of their poverty and need. MVSS (Mahila Vikas Sahyog Samiti). is a small, autonomous Society supported by the Patna-based NGO, ADITHI under the leadership of Kailashji, a social worker who had worked with Jai Prakash Narayan in the Land Reform Movement, before returning to Bhusara, his native village. MVSS is centred in Bhusara, a village of about a 1000 families, but spreads out to 350 sujni craftswomen in 10-15 villages in the environs. Other MVSS and ADITHI projects in the area, include agriculture, health, education and fishery. (Bhusara is perched on the banks of a lake.) Anju and Archana, two young, partially educated local girls, are in charge of coordinating production, and are paid a salary. Others, including Nirmala Devi and Vibha, who trace the designs, are paid on a piecework basis. MVSS's objective is to reach all sections of the community, and the beneficiaries are both the upper-caste, homebound women who traditionally did sujni, and women from the really needy, desperately poor hutments on the outskirts of the villages who work in the fields and otherwise never handled a needle. There are middle-aged women looking to supplement family incomes, as well as very young girls, ‘passing time’ before marriage. MVSS operates from a small two-storey house in the middle of Bhusara village - it is more of a home than an office. The women and young girls sit around on the floor and verandah, stitching the quilts, bedspreads, and garments in an amiable but desultory way characteristic of Bihar. They like the human contacts and ease of the work they do, they enjoy the end product, but feel no involvement with it. Chinta, her husband, and four young children live off a couple of hundred yards of cultivated land; she earns an average of a couple of hundred rupees - but she appears to nurture neither ambition or greed. Anju, just married, has a supportive husband and in-laws who are happy to have her work. Sarita was married at 11 to a husband who is a deaf mute. There are many similar tragic, but familiar stories. Drunk, disabled, absentee or otherwise unemployable husbands, wicked mothers-in-law, property that has been mortgaged away to pay debts. Nirmala is everyone’s surrogate mother; widowed, always complaining but endlessly energetic, she is the driving force that keeps the organization going. Most cushions and bedcovers are made on white `markeen' Coloured mull or handloom is used for sarees, kurtas and dupattas and, when the group can afford it, tussar for stoles and jackets. A Dastkar objective is always to use, if possible, locally available raw material as the base for any products it develops. This serves 2 purposes:
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Blue Pottery of Delhi,
Preface This study is being undertaken to facilitate the revival of the dying craft of the Blue Pottery of Delhi. The broad objective of the study is to analyse the origin and the present status of the craft, current socio-economic conditions of the craftsperson, and the major problems and challenges affecting the growth and development of Blue Pottery of Delhi in particular, and the craft sector, in general. 1. Synopsis Blue Pottery of Delhi is one of the many languishing crafts of India of India. It is a distinct stoneware pottery a with rich glazed blue surface, and beautifully painted Mogul motifs in shades of blue and other colours as accents, on a clear, white body. The craft is of Persian descent, brought to India by the Pathan rulers, who got artisans from Persia to make glazed blue tiles and jalis to adorn their magnificent architecture. Once a flourishing craft, Blue Pottery of Delhi is today on the verge of extinction; with only one practising craftsman left, the future of the craft seems uncertain. There are many problems enveloping the craft: problems pertaining to design development and transfer of skill; lack of proper marketing, declining demand; non availability of good quality raw material; want of incentives from the government, etc. This study tries to analyse the situation and bring to the fore the issue threatening the existence of the craft. Study Areas and Methodology Study areas:
4.1.4. Processing of Raw Materials
Preface This study is being undertaken to facilitate the revival of the dying craft of the Blue Pottery of Delhi. The broad objective of the study is to analyse the origin and the present status of the craft, current socio-economic conditions of the craftsperson, and the major problems and challenges affecting the growth and development of Blue Pottery of Delhi in particular, and the craft sector, in general. 1. Synopsis Blue Pottery of Delhi is one of the many languishing crafts of India of India. It is a distinct stoneware pottery a with rich glazed blue surface, and beautifully painted Mogul motifs in shades of blue and other colours as accents, on a clear, white body. The craft is of Persian descent, brought to India by the Pathan rulers, who got artisans from Persia to make glazed blue tiles and jalis to adorn their magnificent architecture. Once a flourishing craft, Blue Pottery of Delhi is today on the verge of extinction; with only one practising craftsman left, the future of the craft seems uncertain. There are many problems enveloping the craft: problems pertaining to design development and transfer of skill; lack of proper marketing, declining demand; non availability of good quality raw material; want of incentives from the government, etc. This study tries to analyse the situation and bring to the fore the issue threatening the existence of the craft. Study Areas and Methodology Study areas:
- Geographical location of the area
- Historical background of the craft and the region
- Social, cultural, economic, and health issues
- Production process: material, tools, equipment, and technique, and design and quality
- Marketing, packaging, and economics
- Softer issues of occupational health hazards, development, education and gender issues
- Identifying problem areas and suggesting alternatives.
- Collection of existing information from: magazine articles; books; gazettes
- Field visits
- Interview with the artisan
- Visit to the workshop
- Collection of samples of raw material.
- Photographs of products in stock.
- The information gathered was sorted and compiled into a document.
4. The Craft
Delhi Blue Pottery is a kind of glazed stoneware pottery. The body is not made of clay but mainly of Silica (burbura) mixed with glass powder; gum, fuller's earth (multani mitti), and bicarbonate of soda (sajji) as minor additives. Owing to its low plasticity it cannot be moulded on the potter's wheel; it has to be moulded by hand. But this facilitates shaping and easy joining; shrinkage is low while drying as well as after firing. The green body is covered with a slip consisting of silica, glass powder, and fine wheat flour to seal the pores and cracks and give a clear white base for painting. The glaze used is lead based, due to its low firing temperature. 4.1 Raw Materials 4.1.1. Items a. Raw Materials for Preparing the Body. For the preparation of the body the basic raw materials are quartz and green glass; sajji (soda bicarbonate/bentonite) is used as a minor additive; and katira gum is used as binding material.- Quartz: This is abundantly available in the state of Rajasthan. Quartz, the major component of the body, is the source of silica in the body. The melting point of quartz is high, so it can take great temperatures. Silica gives the body stability and strength.
- Green glass (kaanch): This is brought from Jaleshwar, in Uttar Pradesh. It is green in colour and available in rock form, but this particular variety is no longer available. The artisan is having trouble sourcing it or replacing it with other available raw material(s): as it has never been tested, hence the quality requirements and the composition is not known. In Jaipur artisans have started using glass cullet, which is a waste product obtained from the glass units in Firozabad (Uttar Pradesh).
- Gum (Katira gum): It is a natural resin of a tree with adhesive properties. Gum is used to increase the plasticity of the green body for shaping as well as to strengthen the unfired articles on drying. Katira gum is easily available in provision stores as it is used in food products.
- Bentonite (sajji): Also known as papad khara, this raw material is edible and is believed to cure indigestion. It is probably impure soda bicarbonate. It is easily available in provision stores. Sajji adds plasticity, as it is believed to absorb moisture from the atmosphere.
- Fuller's Earth (Multani mitti): This is used to add plasticity to the body as, like sajji, it retains moisture for a longer period of time, thus helping the body to retain its shape. It is easily available in provision stores.
- Quartz: (same as in the body composition)
- Glass: (same as in the body composition)
- Fuller's earth (maida): This is used for the preparation of the paste, which holds the materials in suspension. It gives a uniform coating of engobe application. Maida is fine wheat flour; an item of daily household consumption, it is easily available in all provision stores.
- Copper oxide for blues (tamba ki pal)
- Cobalt oxide for blues (retah)
- Pevdi (used in white washing) mixed with copper oxide for green
- Chrome oxide for green.
- Glaze raw materials. A vitreous glaze is prepared to coat the body and give it a smooth lustrous shine after firing. Since the glaze is a low temperature one a frit (a mixture of all the glaze raw materials heated to form molten glass which, on plunging in cold water shatters) is prepared. The frit is grounded to form the glaze.
- Frit ingredients:
- Glass powder
- Red lead (Sindoor): This provides the lead oxide, which is one of the most important bases available for potters' use; it is an ingredient of several types of glazes. It is the only base that can be used with Silica to give low-moderate maturing glazes. Lead glazes are brilliant, lustrous and smooth, but easily scratched unless the silica content is high. Lead being poisonous these glazes are banned in some countries including India. In Jaipur, a lead free glaze has been developed.
- Borax (Suhaga): This is widely used as a flux for earthenware and other type of pottery and ceramics. Like silica it combines with bases to form glassy compounds after fusion. It increases the brilliance of the glaze it also lowers the thermal expansion and surface tension. Due to these qualities borax can be used in small quantities but large amount of it induces defects such as cracking, blistering, and thickening of glaze.
- The frit is crushed and mixed with maida. Maida is used to prepare the viscose paste, which holds the glaze in suspension.
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- Quartz: It is obtained in ground form, but has to be sieved to remove impurities.
- Glass: The glass used in the body is procured in crystal form, then broken down into smaller pieces using a hammer. These pieces are ground in a manual stone grinder, chakki.
- Gum: This is soaked in water over night then dried in the sun. Once fully dry it is cleaned and ground in the chakki.
- Bentonite and Fuller's Earth: These are also broken down into smaller pieces and ground in the chakki.
- Frit: For the preparation of frit, red lead is available in powder form and does not require any processing. The other ingredient borax is also available ground and ready to use. Glass is processed at the workshop as explained above. The frit is once again ground in the chakki and sieved.
- Flour: For the preparation of asther and glaze suspension, maida is dissolved in water and boiled to form a glutinous paste which is sieved through fine cloth and the fritted paste is used in asther and glaze.
- Colour oxides: The colouring oxides are available in the form of finely ground powders, which are ready to use.
- Quartz 40 parts
- Glass 4 parts
- Gum 1 part
- Bentonite 1 part
- Fuller's earth 1 part
- The dough is beaten into a thin slab of desired thickness, using a flat base, conical stone (thappa).
- The slab is tamped into the clay mould and the rim is finished using a metal scraper or knife.
- It is filled with moist ash to support the moulded specimen. The mould is inverted on a clay slab and the moist ash supports the green body as, it does not have strength to retain its shape.
- Drying: The green body is sun dried for a day.
- Finishing: Once fully dry, the ash is extracted and the article is sanded on the outside as well as the inside, using pebbles of amri stone. The rim is finished by rubbing the article on a slab of amri stone.
- Joining: The neck and base are joined using plastic mass of the same body composition.
- Drying: The article is dried once again for a day.
- Quartz - 40 parts
- Glass - 14 parts
- Maida - 5/4 parts
- Preparation of Asther: Maida is added to water slowly, and mixed well so that lumps do not form. The paste is taken in a vessel and boiled so that it thickens. This paste is sieved through a fine cloth mesh. Quartz and glass powder is mixed with the paste, enough water is added to the mixture to give the slip a dropping consistency. Care should be taken while adding water to get the right consistency: if this slip is thin, the body shows, and if it is thick the article cracks during drying. This slip is prepared in thick terracotta cauldron.
- Application: The article is dipped and swirled in the slip, coating the outer surface first. It is kept aside for drying. After the asther on the exterior dries, it is applied on the interiors and allowed to dry. The finer the quartz powder in the asther, the better is the finish.
- Drying: The article is allowed to dry for a day.
- Finishing: The article is finished using the sandpaper, and is now ready for painting.
- Painting: The design is coloured using colours prepared from different oxides, diluted in water.
- Preparation of gum solution: Gum is dissolved in water and colour stains are mixed in. Care should be taken while adding water so that the colour solution does not become sticky or too fluid.
- Application: The colour suspension is applied with the help of a fine brush made of squirrel hair.
- Frit:
- Glass - 40 parts
- Borax - 20 parts
- Lead - 20 parts
- Maida - as required.
- Grinding of frit: The frit is removed from water and allowed to dry. It is then powdered in the hand mill (chakki) and sieved.
- Preparation of glaze: Powdered frit is mixed with a glutinous paste made of maida boiled in water. Enough water is added to give the solution the desired viscosity. The solution should be thick enough to form a uniform and smooth coating.
- Application of glaze: The article is swirled in the glaze and left to dry. The articles are now ready for firing.
- A kiln is used to fire the blue pottery articles.
- The firing spans over five days.
- It takes a day to load the kiln.
- The kiln is fired for on night (5-6 hours). Firing is stopped when the glaze starts melting, and the kiln is unloaded on the third day, when it has cooled down.
- Fuel: Kikar wood is used as fuel to fire the kiln, as it does not generate smoke. About 4-5 quintals of wood are used in the artisan's kiln one firing.
- The Kiln: The artisan uses an up-draft kiln to fire his wares. The design of the kiln is similar to the kilns used in Iran: It is cubodal outside and the inside walls are round. There are supports of refractory clay projecting out on the inner periphery; these are used to support the plates on which the wares are kept.
- Kiln Furniture:
- Plates (takhti) made of terracotta.
- Props (pillars/sipahi) made of terracotta.
- The artisan does not know the origin and the composition of the raw materials he is using.
- The process of preparing raw material is labour intensive, time consuming, and tedious, as there are no machines available to the aid of the craftsman.
- The fabrication process is crude and time consuming, as it involves a lot of stages - moulding, drying, finishing, joining, and finishing. If it is not taken to the next stage on time the articles get warped, due to which the joints are not accurate, which causes cracks to appear on the surface after firing.
- Retention of dimensional accuracy as well as reproduction of identical pieces is difficult.
- Porous body leads to absorption of colour, painting is thicker, which makes the glaze crawl from the affected areas.
- If the frit is not finely ground the glazed surface develops pinholes, bubbles, and cracks, as the glaze does not melt evenly.
- The use of lead glaze obviates its use for tableware, as it reacts with edibles. This is perhaps the greatest drawback of blue pottery.
- Quality and composition checking of raw materials is important for selection of right kind of raw material. This would improve the quality of products, and also help the craftsman in finding correct substitutes and alternative raw materials in the wake of scarcity or non-availability.
- Low cost mechanised grinders for preparation of raw material would bring down the cost of labour, and the time consumed would be less.
5. Marketing
Blue Pottery was once flourishing in the heart of the capital and also got recognition from the Government. Hajarl Lal, Madan Lal's late father, was frequently invited to exhibit at the embassies; he had a good foreign clientele consisting of ambassadors and bureaucrats. He also supplied to the Central Cottage Industries Corporation's Emporium in Delhi. Madan Lal continued to do so but stopped when 'Dilli Haat' was set up; when the charges for stalls were hiked he stopped selling there too. Today he earns his livings by the little sales he makes to his foreign and Indian clients, who have come to him through records at the DC(H), and Dilli Haat or through his old contacts as he does not have the means to undertake any form of promotion. He exhibits at Dilli Haat sometimes, especially during the Diwali season. Packaging is another aspect which needs to be taken care of, as, at present there is no proper arrangement for it. Due to lack of proper packaging goods get damaged in transit, because of which the artisan is forced to sell locally and thus restrict his market. Packaging is done only in case of exports, which are rare, or when a customer insists on it, and pays for it. The Blue Pottery of Delhi has lost its market to Jaipur, which has gained so much favour and popularity over the years that many craft clusters, practising the craft have come up in the vicinity of Jaipur to satisfy the ever increasing demand for Blue Pottery products. The quality has also improved commendably due to the efforts of the Rajasthan Government: training programmes to develop skills; research and development to upgrade the quality; and technical and marketing assistance. On the other hand the craft in Delhi is on the verge of extinction; the situation is so had that only a few know that the craft is being practised in Delhi. Immediate steps need to be taken to give it a face-lift and increase the market share.6. Observations and Recommendations
6.1. Observations Quality Improvement The orders have decreased over the past few years as the quality has deteriorated due to lack of good quality raw material and the resulting compromises on quality. The articles are porous and fragile. Design Development The artisan designs his products, but has not received any training in this field. He faces difficulty in developing new motifs and forms: as a consequence that designs are outdated. There has been negligible design development and product diversification to suit the ever-changing demands of the customers, due to which many customers have been lost to competition from Jaipur. Research and Development The glaze used is hazardous to health and inappropriate for tableware; it has been banned in many countries and according to the artisan this negative publicity has had an adverse effect on the sales. Although a lead-free glaze has been developed at Jaipur, the artisan in Delhi has not been able to benefit from it, as the intervention has not reached him. Pricing Structure Pricing the products is difficult and no clear method is being followed. The process being labour intensive and time consuming it is difficult to assess the time, money, and labour spent on each article. Since every thing is done by hand, the entire process is time consuming, and it is difficult to price the individual products, as each article is unique. Marketing Assistance The craft needs promotion to expand its market and also to face competition. There is a need to develop forward and backward linkages. The craft needs image building and a strong regional identity. Till now the products are being sold only in Delhi. If sold in distant markets, the response would probably encourage craftspersons to produce more and to improve quality. 6.2. Recommendations- The artisan needs to be motivated and encouraged to improve the quality of his work and perform better.
- Financial aid could be provided to the artisan to build adequate infrastructure and take proper measures for quality control.
- Training programmes could be conducted where potters can be taught the technique in order to develop a cluster. Besides the skills, quality control and marketing should also be an integral part of these workshops.
- Marketing the craft strategically is very important. This calls for developing a wide range of products targeted at specific markets.
- Pricing is another aspect that needs attention. The artisan needs to be given input on strategic pricing so that the prices of his products are viable.
- The artisan could be given design input to meet the ever-changing market demand with product diversification and development.
7. Conclusion and Bibliography
7.1. In Retrospect: A question of Answers Blue Pottery of Delhi is a dying craft today but, it had a glorious past, and flourished in the heart of the capital under royal patronage. The investigation has given rise to a lot of questions, answers to which are crucial for the revival and growth of the Blue Pottery of Delhi. Why is it that, even though the artisan has both skill and experience, he is finding it difficult to cope with the competition from Jaipur Blue Pottery? The process has been simplified with the availability of processed raw material but the quality of products has deteriorated? Sales have gone down drastically and the artisan is finding it difficult to support himself and his family. The sales are occasional. The same artisan was honoured with awards and accolades a few years back and was flooded with orders. Why has he not benefited from the technological interventions made in the field; it is not as if he does not know of them. What brought the craft to its present state: is it the recession in the world economy; the competition from cheaper and more durable industrial products; the competition from other, similar crafts; or the artisan's incompetence? The same craft is flourishing at another place, then why is it fading away at the place where it spread from? What insecurities made the artisan's family keep it a secret; is this the reason behind its fading away? Had there been more artisans practising the craft in Delhi would the situation be better? What is it that needs to be done? There is demand for Blue Pottery which is evident from the flourishing clusters in Rajasthan. Is design development the answer to the problems, would the artisan be able to relate to the new contemporary designs in the same way as he would to the traditional designs? How do you preserve or enhance the craft's identity if it does not suit the market demand? What is more important: the craft or the artisan's livelihood… The survival of the craft calls for strategic policies for promotion and positioning of the craft and financial aids to the effect. Immediate steps need to be taken to save the craft of the Blue Pottery of Delhi, before it is lost forever. 7.2. Bibliographical References Atasoy, Nurhan & Raby Julian Iznik, The Pottery of Ottoman Turkey. India's Artisans: A Status Report (Published By: SRUTI: Society for Rural, Urban and Tribal Initiatives). Monograph on the Pottery and Glass Industries of The Punjab: 1890-91 (Published at: Civil and Military Gazette Press). Mukherji, T. N., Art Manufacutures of India. Powell, Baden, Handbook on The Manufactures and Arts of The Punjab. Singh, Gurucharan, Pottery In India.
Blue Pottery of Jaipur, Rajasthan,
| History of the craft Even though the exact origin of blue and white pottery in India is not known. Its transition in technique and design can be deduced. However, it would be difficult to say with certainty if the travelling armies, or trading convoys carried glazed tiles for architectural purposes from Lahore and Multan or whether craftsmen brought their techniques. Jaipur made its connection with the parent pottery traditions of China and Persia in the 14th century. Tracing the path of influences, it can be said the Central Asian and Middle Eastern glazing techniques came to India with the several successive Islamic invasions while Chinese porcelain continued to be imported to the Indian courts- both pre-Mughal and Mughal. |
| The extensive use of Blue pottery tiles in mosques of Arabia, Iran, Iraq, Pakistan and historic Indian monuments tell us about the long journey undertaken by this craft to finally settle down in Jaipur due to Royal patronage. The Jaipur story is much clearer. Man Singh I (1550-1614) was the first to bring the art of blue and white pottery to Jaipur subsequent to his interactions with the Mughals and through his campaigns in Afghanistan. In 1562 Maharaja Sawai Man Singh I offered his sister in marriage to Emperor Akbar, the first example of blue and white tiles in Jaipur is in the Nila Bury at Amber, which can be dated from this period. Having gained from the Mughal alliance with Akbar, both in stature and in wealth, Sawai Man Singh’s able successor Sawai Jai Singh set about laying the foundation of Jaipur in 1727. Lucrative offers were made to craftsmen from everywhere. Those in the neighboring areas and from Delhi, Agra and Mathura were among the first to come. However the death of Maharaja Sawai Jai Singh II brought decline and stagnation to the development of blue pottery. |  |
The second Maharaja to bring the art from Delhi was Maharaja Sawai Ram Singh (1835-1880).It was his initiative that the School of Art was established in 1866 at Jaipur and a great revival and rejuvenation of the arts was planned. This work was continued by his successor Maharaja Sawai Madho Singh II (1880-1922).
During the reign of the last Mughal emperor Bahadur Shah II (1837-58) there is a record of a Persian potter at Delhi. It is believed that he taught his art to a potter named Bhola. The kite flying brothers Churamani and Kaluram from Bayana near Bharatpur, who had painted frescoes in Palace of Maharaja Bharatpur were sent to Delhi by Maharaja Sawai Jai Singh to learn the art from Bhola. In Jaipur, the two brothers were given a home in Goonga Mehra ki Gals of Gangori Bazar. They were also given hereditary posts in Maharaja School of Art. Churamani’s son Jamuna Prasad and Kaluram’s son Sanwal Singh both worked and taught at the same school.
About Jaipur and SanganerAmber - Jaipur the craft capital of Rajasthan lies in the northeast of India. Ruled by some of the most enlightened rulers in Indian history, their patronage of art and architecture is vividly reflected in the works of their time. The city boasts of having some of the finest monuments in the world. Jaipur is called the “The Pink City”, for by law, all the buildings in the old city must be painted a deep saffron pink. Apart from being an important administrative, commercial and educational center, Jaipur has a variety of manufacturing industries. It is especially known for its arts and crafts like jewelry, enamel, hand painted fabric, stone sculpture and blue pottery. The large numbers of unemployed youth from various places near Jaipur were trained at Maharaja Art School to enable them to take this craft as a mode of livelihood. When the school was suddenly closed by Government of India, those artisans had started their own work at their respective places. This is how the craft flourished not only in Jaipur but also in small villages near Jaipur. They are • Neota -28 km from Jaipur; Jamdoli - 20 km away; Mahala at a distance of 37 km; Kotjewar - 60 km and Sanganer the main center for Blue Pottery. Sanganer is a hub of various handcrafts like hand block printing, handmade paper and blue pottery. It is 25 kms from Jaipur on the Tonk road highway. Kalayanpura is 2 kms inside Sanganer where the craft of blue pottery is practiced. It is well connected to Jaipur by road and easily accessible by bus. 50% of the population dependent on farming; however land is being cutup for housing and industrial projects. Land with better soil and water resources, grows both kharif and rabi crop and somewhere vegetables are also grown Rajasthani or dhundhani is the local language here. Rajasthani dialects have the same roots as hindi, and therefore it is not difficult for locals to understand hindi. The preferred colors for costumes are bright red, dazzling yellow, lively green or brilliant orange, highlighted by embroidery withsparkling gold and silver zari or gota. Women wear cholies, lehnga or ghagra and odhani and some women wear saris. The men dress in dhoti, shirt or kurta, turban (safa). The women are usually veiled, the education level is very low, child marriage still exists in the villages of the Rajasthan and there is a strong caste hierarchy. Production Process of Blue pottery |
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Form Design and colourThe form, colour and decoration seem to be directly influenced by Persian traditional art. It is found in the shape of drinking cups and water jugs, jars, bowls, plates and dishes of all shapes and sizes etc. They are glazed in turquoise, of the most perfect transparency, or in a rich dark purple, or dark green, or golden brown, or yellow. Traditionally the colour palette is restricted to blue, white and a lighter blue. Generally they are ornamented with the universal knot and flower pattern, in compartments formed all around the form, by spaces alternately left uncolored and glazed in color. |
Raw material and Production ProcessRaw material for the body(for an amount equivalent to 47 kgs of prepared body ) Quartz powder: 40 kgs.Rajasthan is the highest producer of the quartz. It is widely available at the cost of Rs. 3 per Kg. Earlier it had to be purchased from Beawar but now is easily available in Jaipur and in powdered form. |
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| White glass powder (cullets) : 5kgs. These are pieces of non-colored glass which can be easily procured at the cost of Rs.14 per Kg. The pieces of glasses are first washed and then crushed. It is then powdered in a hand chakki/grinder and sieved through cotton cloth to avoid big particles. |  |
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| Saji : 1/2 kgs. It is commonly known as papad knar. An edible soda easily available at cost of Rs. 4-5 per Kg. Multani Mitti ; 1/2 kgs. Easily available at the cost of Rs 8-10 per Kg and purchased in bulk. Katira Gum : 1kgs. It is a resin of a tree and available at the cost of Rs. 150 per Kg. Earlier green glass was used for the body composition that contained lead. It has now been changed to white glass culiets instead of green glass for a stronger, non-toxic body. According to the report, the body strength increased nearly four times from the improved composition and during firing the items do not get blackened. Firing range also becomes broader. | |
Joinery 1After moulding and sun drying, it is cleared and then finishing is done with the sandpaper. Then the base of the item is made and attached on the potter’s wheel.A vase, for example, will be madeup in four parts; a wheel turned neck; two molded hemispheres; and a wheel turned base.Every joinery requires sun drying so, article is again kept to sun dry for a day. |
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Lisai and GhisaiAfter sun drying for a whole day, the article is rubbed on a stone and then coarse sandpaper is used for finishing. This is called ‘ghisai’. The finishing is planned in such a way that would require joineries are made thinner than the rest of the body. After sun drying, the finishing is done with the thin solution of basic composition (body) to fill minute cracks and gaps from inside and outside of the item. This is called ‘lisai’. |
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Joinery 2Then the two or three pieces to be joined are aligned and stuck with the basic body composition and excess paste is removed from inside. It is leveled using a scale. After the joinery is finished and dried, the exterior is coated with the body slip and finished in the same manner as the interior. The final finishing is again done with finer sandpaper. Once finished, the pieces are coated with asthar (engobe). |
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FritRaw material In 50 Kg of white glass powder we needed other ingredients in given below quantities for the preparation of frit.
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Preparation of FritEach ingredient is finely powdered and sifted, mixed with a little water, and made up into white balls of the size of an orange. It is then put in a graphite crucible with a hole at the base. It is heated to a very high temperature in a kiln. Coal is used for firing so that can be reached at the high temperature. Borax reduces the melting point. When all is ready, the mixture is thrown in cold water, which splits it into splinters, which are collected and kept for glazing. This frit is then ground by the women folk of the house. |
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GlazingThe ground frit is mixed with water to form glaze. Here the consistency is important as too thin glaze will leave the pores exposed and too thick would make the finish matte instead of shining. The items are dipped in the glaze and swirled to remove excess glaze forming an even and uniform layer and then left for drying. These are carefully dried, sometimes indoors to avoid dust and other particles sticking on to the glaze Once the articles are dried it is again checked and glaze is put where it is missing. The article is now ready for firing. |
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Preparation for firingThe kiln furniture consists of plates and props. These are made of locally available terracota clay and fired. Now a days some craftsmen are also using cordierite plates. These new plates claim to reduce the breakage of articles while firing. An added advantage is that these plates remain undamaged for a longer period of time i.e. They have a longer life. The plates are flat and rectangular in shape. Before every firing it is necessary that kiln has to renovate. |
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Props are of clay only and in cylindrical shape which are broader at one end. The height of the props varies according to the height of the article that needs to be fired. The object is placed on the plate and then three props are put and they support the next plate that comes on top. In this way all the articles are stacked before firing. The plates have to be coated with a layer of quartz powder before any object is placed on it so that the molten glaze would not stick to the plate. To load a kiln one put has to go inside for the placement of articles. The loading of the kiln, being to centered takes too much time and labour. The central core has to be kept free for heat to move freely. |
FiringThe traditional kiln which is used for firing is up-draft kiln. In this kiln nearly 600 kg of wood is required for one firing. It has two fireboxes from which from which the burning wood is charged. The heat then travels through the center of the kiln and heats up the kiln. This firing has to be controlled to be gradual, so the items placed inside do not receive a thermal shock. After the required temperature is reached, the charging of wood is stopped as the oxidation starts inside. The heat then travels within the firing chamber from downwards and the open top serves as the exhaust. |
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| In approximately 4-5 hours, the firing is completed. The temperature of kiln reaches to 800° - 820 ° Celsius. To check the progress of the firing, small windows are there around the kiln which remains sealed during the firing. The kiln is left to cool for whole two days and it is opened on the third day. The firing is oxidation firing. The colour is transformed into bright colour by firing. A new down-draft kiln has been developed. This kiln is made up of fire bricks that can be heated upto 1300 degrees. These bricks are good insulators and hence no heat is lost and anyone can stand comfortably close to kiln while firing. | |
Limitations
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Book Review, Textiles & Dress of Gujarat by Eiluned Edwards reviewed by Jasleen Dhamija
| The fabrics, costumes of Gujarat and specially Kutch have attracted a number of writers from all over the world. Many influences through migrations and trade, led to the evolution of a way of life, which has richness and variety that gets reflected in their arts, crafts, ritual observations and rites of passage. The repertoire of techniques, designs, motifs is quite distinctive. Eiluned Edwards' book "Textiles and Dress of Gujarat has added to the innumerable publications. Each one had made contributions, with perhaps the most important in the seminal work of Jyotindra Jain in his catalogue for the Shreyas Museum. Vicky Elson's, "Dowries of Kutch", drew a lot of people to investigate the richness of the Kutch environment. Ofcourse, Judy Frater's contribution at many levels cannot be matched. Emma Tarlo broke new ground by examining the interconnection of the "Webs of Trade, Dynamics of Business Communities in Western India", as well as the changing social dynamics in which the apparel plays an important role. This publication has been very well researched and has a plethora of information, which would be very useful to researcher and students of textiles. It has succeeded to carry us from the past to the contemporary scene, but as can happen when far too much information is included in a publication, the more interesting facts are lost sight of. It is good that, the author explains the formation of "Modern Gujarat", which I think no other publication on textiles has done, but she should have gone into a little more depth. What is lacking in the sweep of history is the author has forgotten the impact of Central Asia from where many tribes migrated from the very early times by the land route and created a rich culture. Traces of these rich cultures can be seen even today. The importance of the links between Multan for trading with Central Asia and the Steppes from Ashkhabad, north of Caspian, could have been touched upon. Her chapter on Contemporary Dress where she explores "caste and community: modesty adornment and auspiciousness and pollution" is very well written. Her chapter on Constructed Textiles starts off with an interesting title "Fabrics of the Gods" and one thought we would get now some more interesting details, but again it is a collection of facts without any depth. We do not learn anything of the Dar-al-Tiraz of the beginning of the Islamic period, the movement of master weavers, the movement of Brocade from Syria and Bokhara, the Nakshabandhas who arrived in Surat and spread all over India. The embroidery chapter lacks the in-depth writings of other authors such as Rosemary Crill, Nasreen Askari, Gillows nor does it tackle the impact of the prohibitions on bead work and later embroidery by the Rabari community. The embroidery of Saurashtra, which has a rich tradition, does not feature at all. Craft Development and Entrepreneurship goes into the situation as it exists today and the appendix, which carries out the analysis of the construction of the garment, is excellent. In the breathless haste to cram all the information into the publication, she failed to bring out significant facts. If she had paused for a moment, she could have added certain details of the significance about some professions, of techniques, of rituals, of rites of passage. This would have added a dimension to the book, which would have carried it beyond a just an intensively researched publication. Had she put in a line to indicate that the nomadic namda makers, the Mansooris were Sufis, descendents of nomads of Central Asia and how the rhythm of zikr and namda making were linked. The patolas used as ritual objects were not only important in Gujarat, but played an important part in South East Asia. The significance of Ajrak the blue from Arabic, and its traversing half the world and perhaps being linked to the fragment of mordant dyed Harappan fragment found adhering to a silver jug, would have made us sit and pay greater attention to it. However, Ms. Edwards is to be congratulated in the wide coverage, which puts the study of Textiles & Dress of Gujarat in context. The richly illustrated book looses out because the layout is very poor and some photographs are repeated. Often the illustration is out of context and has no bearing with the text. The greatest strength of the publication is a fairly extensive research and the fact that it has been very well edited by Carmen Kagel. |
Book Review: ‘Phulkari From Punjab’ Traces Every Thread of Punjab’s Embroidery,
Sometimes repetitive, occasionally slipping into cliche, Anu Gupta and Shalina Mehta's book is nevertheless an important addition to the documentation of Indian embroidery. [caption id="attachment_198003" align="alignnone" width="747"]
The phulkari was both an art form and a powerful means of self-expression for otherwise non-literate Punjabi women. Photo: Author provided[/caption]
The phulkari was both an art form and a powerful means of self-expression for otherwise non-literate Punjabi women. Photo: Author provided
The sizzling, vibrant orange, ochre and pink satin-floss geometrics of Punjabi phulkari, once seen can never be forgotten.
That redoubtable 18th century Indian Memsaab, Flora Anne Steele, talking about the Phulkari embroidery of Punjab, called it “A work of faith, savouring somewhat of sowing in the red-brown soil.”
There can never be enough books on Indian Embroidery! No country has as many traditions and techniques, varying from region to region, community to community, as India, each uniquely itself but also unmistakably part of the Indian aesthetic. Phulkari too, its origins in Central Asia, was transformed by the culture and rustic dynamism of the women of Punjab into something distinctively Punjabi.
Anu Gupta and Shalina Mehta, the authors of Phulkari from Punjab: Embroidery in Transition, are both from the Department of Anthropology at Punjab University, Chandigarh. One did her PhD there and the other was a faculty member of 40 years standing. Anu Gupta is currently an assistant professor at the University’s Institute of Fashion Technology and Vocational Development.
Embroidery is a form of ornamentation and also earning for many communities; but equally importantly a needle and thread tells stories – of the flora and fauna, seasons and lifestyles that are the backdrop to the battles and dynasties listed in our history books. The appearance in a kantha or phulkari of a train, motorcar, or airplane illustrates the transition of transport from bullock carts and horseback to aviation more vividly than countless pages of prose.
Photo: Author provided[/caption]
The best thing about Gupta and Mehta’s slim volume are the women who emerge from its pages. And the rituals the phulkaris were made for. Many books on craft describe the tradition, the techniques, the ornamentation, the objects themselves – but forget about the makers. Without the who and why and when, the before and after, the story of craft remains lifeless. As is the case with phulkari itself. Now that the women themselves are no longer the creators, the embroidery has lost its joyous vitality and become mechanical.
Sometimes repetitive, occasionally slipping into cliche, Phulkari from Punjab: Embroidery in Transition is nevertheless an important addition to the documentation of Indian embroidery. Each thread is traced, from its origin to its final usage. The illustrations too, honestly portray the story of phulkari – both the glory of its heydey to its present decline.
Sometimes repetitive, occasionally slipping into cliche, Anu Gupta and Shalina Mehta's book is nevertheless an important addition to the documentation of Indian embroidery. [caption id="attachment_198003" align="alignnone" width="747"]
The phulkari was both an art form and a powerful means of self-expression for otherwise non-literate Punjabi women. Photo: Author provided[/caption]
The phulkari was both an art form and a powerful means of self-expression for otherwise non-literate Punjabi women. Photo: Author provided
The sizzling, vibrant orange, ochre and pink satin-floss geometrics of Punjabi phulkari, once seen can never be forgotten.
That redoubtable 18th century Indian Memsaab, Flora Anne Steele, talking about the Phulkari embroidery of Punjab, called it “A work of faith, savouring somewhat of sowing in the red-brown soil.”
There can never be enough books on Indian Embroidery! No country has as many traditions and techniques, varying from region to region, community to community, as India, each uniquely itself but also unmistakably part of the Indian aesthetic. Phulkari too, its origins in Central Asia, was transformed by the culture and rustic dynamism of the women of Punjab into something distinctively Punjabi.
Anu Gupta and Shalina Mehta, the authors of Phulkari from Punjab: Embroidery in Transition, are both from the Department of Anthropology at Punjab University, Chandigarh. One did her PhD there and the other was a faculty member of 40 years standing. Anu Gupta is currently an assistant professor at the University’s Institute of Fashion Technology and Vocational Development.
Embroidery is a form of ornamentation and also earning for many communities; but equally importantly a needle and thread tells stories – of the flora and fauna, seasons and lifestyles that are the backdrop to the battles and dynasties listed in our history books. The appearance in a kantha or phulkari of a train, motorcar, or airplane illustrates the transition of transport from bullock carts and horseback to aviation more vividly than countless pages of prose.
Anu H. Gupta and Shalina Mehta Phulkari From Punjab: Embroidery in Transition Niyogi Books, 2019
Over the decades the phulkari was both an art form and a powerful means of self-expression for otherwise non-literate Punjabi women. Guru Nanak in his scriptures stereotyped the notion of embroidery as a woman’s duty to establish her feminine worth (“Kadh kasida pahreh choli tan tu jane nari,”) but phulkari was much more than proving ones skills with a needle. As the authors say, embroidery could be subversive too, “translating unsaid emotions on fabric”. A phulkari ordhani was a heavy, all-concealing way of shrouding a woman’s shape and identity but the story its motifs and design told was all her own. As Jasleen Dhamija wrote in her beautiful autobiographical essay in my book Threads and Voices, the traditional Baghs and Phulkaris were all about women. Not only did they spin the cotton and often dye the cloth on which it was embroidered, but they were the ones who designed and wore it. They may never have travelled or seen the flowering gardens they depicted, but they created “their dream garden, their dream flowers” and “associated them with the ceremonies of rites of passage.” – marriage, childbirth, celebration… Even the embroidered phulkari of their shroud, dipped in the purifying waters of the Ganga, fulfilled “their desire to be wrapped in their dream garden of flowers for their final journey”. The story behind the stitches of Indian embroidery is both a parable and a paradox: craft traditions are a unique mechanism for rural men and women entering the urban economic mainstream for the first time, but they also carry the stigma of inferiority and backwardness as India enters a period of hi-tech industrialisation and urbanisation. Phulkari is a classic example. Once an essential part of every Punjabi bride’s trousseau, a sign of her skills and upbringing, embroidery became a stigma that educated, wealthy girls should eschew. As a result, authentic phulkari odhanis are seldom seen today. Most so-called phulkari (often from Haryana or Rajasthan) is a travesty – crude satin-stitch, the embroidery done from the front with the motifs block printed on georgette or voile, rather than with counted thread darning stitch done on the reverse of madder-dyed khadi, its threads hand-woven especially to facilitate the counted stitches. Each piece was a unique creation, with its own layouts and motifs, inspired by the dreams as well as the life of the maker. Eight-pointed lotuses and marigold flowers mixed with cotton bolls, cauliflowers and chillies, fields of wheat, goats and cows, and even jewellery and coins. Women churning butter, peacocks dancing, a scorpion or snake to avert the evil eye, a wedding party riding in a train, children flying kites…. Abstract geometrics combined with aspirational illustrations, each with its own song, women singing and stitching together. Charmingly if a visitor joined the group, she would add a motif or a few stitches, but in a different colour or idiom. [caption id="attachment_198005" align="alignnone" width="560"] Photo: Author provided[/caption]
The best thing about Gupta and Mehta’s slim volume are the women who emerge from its pages. And the rituals the phulkaris were made for. Many books on craft describe the tradition, the techniques, the ornamentation, the objects themselves – but forget about the makers. Without the who and why and when, the before and after, the story of craft remains lifeless. As is the case with phulkari itself. Now that the women themselves are no longer the creators, the embroidery has lost its joyous vitality and become mechanical.
Sometimes repetitive, occasionally slipping into cliche, Phulkari from Punjab: Embroidery in Transition is nevertheless an important addition to the documentation of Indian embroidery. Each thread is traced, from its origin to its final usage. The illustrations too, honestly portray the story of phulkari – both the glory of its heydey to its present decline.
Book Review: Civil Disobedience- Two Freedom Struggles, One Life. By L.C. JAIN,
| A man who says firmly at 85 that the loss of idealism is "unacceptable." We mourn his passing. L C Jain's posthumously published autobiography, lovingly put together by his son while LC lay dying, poignantly evokes his voice - always inspirational, never chastising. It also brings vividly to life a persona and an era that has much to teach us - as India flounders even as a handful of Indians flourish. "If our political class cannot give any inspiration or courage to anybody, how will our civilisation survive?" Jain asks. "We will break something of enduring value; we will injure the best interests of humanity." I first met LC 30 years ago. A group of us were brainstorming ways to bring Indian craft back into the economic and cultural centre-stage. Someone suggested we meet LC Jain. I remember that first meeting - his beautiful expressive face alight with enthusiasm and the conviction we COULD do something. It was he who gave Dastkar its name, urging that it was the craftsperson, the 'Dastkar', that must be our core and motivation, not just "reviving beautiful craft". His wit and wisdom illuminated every discussion, making Gandhian economics not only possible, but the only possible option. His years travelling India with Kamaladevi Chattopadhyaya as his mentor, setting up the Handicrafts Board, the Indian Cooperative Union, and the Central Cottage Industries Emporium, serving on the Planning Commission, helped signpost opportunities, highlight problems. He knew that simple practical details were as important as the long-term vision. A characteristic anecdote has him offering a tearful Partition refugee a bath and shave - as important to the young man's self-belief as promises of housing and jobs. As in his book, he taught us to avoid fuzzy sentimentality and table-thumping, encouraging one to look beyond policy to practice, and to analyse both Government schemes and Government implementation with objective rigour. The gap between the two, even in the idealistic early post-Independence days, chronicled by him in CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE, makes sorry reading. The seeds of corruption, nepotism, extra-constitutional cronyism, institutions that only perpetuated themselves, and centralised, top-down planning whose benefits never reached the supposed beneficiaries, were sown right from 1947. The saga of Chattarpur and Faridabad, communities conceived as utopian models of cooperative development, and begun with great passion and optimism, but eventually destroyed by red-tape, political infighting, and venality, is a dismal paradigm of the failures and flaws of Indian governance. CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE should be mandatory reading for bureaucrats and politicians. The book's title - CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE: Two Freedom Struggles, One Life, is itself a powerful metaphor. LC was always civil (except for the early bomb carrying forays of his student days - shocking to me, who knew him as a non-violent visionary!) but he never toed anyone's line - whether the much-admired Nehru of his youth or the External Affairs Ministry mandarins when he was, much later, India's High Commissioner in South Africa, appalled at the explosion of India's nuclear device. And when he serendipitously discovered true love with Devaki, he promptly broke off his previous engagement - equally civilly but firmly! As he makes clear in this book, the struggle for India's soul and individual human freedoms came much harder than the initial Independence from the British. One by one, his dreams turned into disillusionment - the Cooperative and Panchayat movements, Bhoodan land redistribution, Swadeshi, democratic decentralisation, the Gandhian system of basic education combining vocational as well as conventional schooling. All were destroyed by official apathy, motivated self-interest, or shoddy practice. Indira Gandhi's Emergency, and the expediency with which not only Congress politicians but most of civil society passively accepted it, followed by the broken promises and disintegration of the Janata Government which succeeded it, is a gripping chapter, tellingly entitled "Democracy Died at Midnight". The battle for equitable decentralised governance of a truly free India was an ongoing crusade he fought all his long life, until his last breath. A crusade he increasingly felt he was losing. LC's gentle loving ways belied his steely intellect and conviction, his total integrity. He always expected the best of people and as a result, willy-nilly we all DID become better and more brilliant! CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE is full of people, known and unknown, who were moved out of themselves by his persuasive charm and ended up doing extraordinary things: from Pathan refugees, once prosperous traders, who found themselves constructing their own houses, to Nehru finding time post-Partition to personally push reluctant ICS-wallahs into relinquishing their ill-gotten land for refugee housing, and Biju Patnaik flying his own plane to bring in Indonesian delegates to the first Asian Relations Conference. And everyone - Sarojini Naidu, Desmond Tutu, obdurate Gujjars asked to live side-by-side with Punjabi immigrants, even a deeply resistant Tamil Brahmin father-in-law, ended up loving him! CIVIL DISOBEDIENCE: Two Freedom Struggles, One Life is a portrait of an extraordinary man and the extraordinary, rapidly changing times he lived in. It begins in an era when the village postman came on horseback, with a trishul to guard the postbag, and ends in the age of the Blackberry and email -things LC used most effectively! He saw the transformation of the Congress party from a selfless grassroots national movement into what he called the Bata Shoe Company, "where the proprietor appoints dealers who appoint sub-dealers." However despairing, he effortlessly segued these differing epochs, cultures, values, and mindsets, without ever losing his own integrity and compassion - truly a man for all seasons. Even on his sickbed, in the last few difficult months, he thought of the larger picture, of others... From his bedside, came a flood of messages. The tragedy of Kashmir obsessed him. Planning what could be done kept him going. We promised him to try. "Sweetheart, you have made my heart dance," he messaged a few days before his death, when I told him the success of our young women's group from Baramullah. We will try to keep the torch he lit on his hospital bed burning, attempting to bring light and hope into the lives of young Kashmiri craftspeople, just as HE lit up OUR lives over the years. That torch burns brightly in this inspirational book. Read it. Pub: The Book Review Literary Trust. pp: 266. Price Rs 395.00. January, 2011 |
Book Review: Crafts Atlas Of India. Jaya Jaitly,
| I always have two open books on the round antique table in my hallway, chosen for their illustrations and subjects. They vary from month to month. There is a small horn-rimmed magnifying glass so visitors can examine the intricate details of courtly life in the Azimuth Edition of Shah Jehan's PADSHAHNAMA or the magical Machlipatnam kalamkari Trees of Life in Martand Singh's HANDCRAFTED INDIAN TEXTILES. Another week there could be Pauline van Leyden's sensitive photographic collages of RAJASTHAN or B N Goswamy's NAINSUKH OF GULER. Everyone, from visiting friends to the plumber and the policeman checking my passport details, stops to take a look - most find it difficult to pull themselves away. A universal favourite has been Aditi and M R Ranjan's amazing HANDMADE IN INDIA, a gloriously illustrated and detailed encyclopedia of Indian Crafts, co-published a few years ago by NID and the Development Commissioner (Handicrafts) Office. Now Jaya Jaitly's vibrant CRAFT ATLAS OF INDIA will also find a place. The two books have much in common - including their almost overwhelming weight and volume! Both are a compendium of Indian craft traditions; both group these geographically rather than by technique or material. This makes sense since so many Indian crafts owe their origin to local socio-cultural practice, or the availability locally of a specific raw material. It also means that mini-states like Goa or Pondicherry, usually ignored by craft researchers, find a place. Jaya Jaitly's book is more individual and anecdotal, the Ranjan book more exhaustive; stronger on technique and technology. What makes the CRAFT ATLAS OF INDIA so distinctive is the use of crafts idioms and folk art in the books design. These derive their inspiration from the stunning and evocative Crafts Maps that Jaya has developed over the past 2 decades. Starting with an All India map they are now 24 of them - each state being illustrated in the craft technique for which the state is best known. So papier-mache painting for Kashmir, for instance, and Madhubani for Bihar. This is a brilliant idea, and makes each map (or the corresponding title page for each section in the atlas) an exuberantly evocative work of art. Sadly, in the Atlas, fitting the image to the format of a double page spread has necessitated slicing bits of the text off the sides - with occasionally jarring results. Unlike the NID HANDMADE IN INDIA, which was the result of years of funded institutional research, the CRAFT ATLAS is Jaya's labour of love, done in the midst of a hectic professional and political life, using her Dastkari Haat Samiti organization (to whom the book is dedicated) as her main source. So there are obviously gaps and variations in emphasis, information, and inclusion, some of them subjective. Delhi for instance, gets much more attention than Chennai or Kolkota, even to listings of her pick of craft emporia and boutiques, a useful addition that is missing for other cities and states. And, while Jaya quite naturally includes her own charming Dastkari Haat Khan Market shop, as well as SANTUSHTI and TRIBES, it's surprising to find no mention of the KAMALA shop run by the Crafts Council, which stocks some of the best and most beautifully displayed craft in town, the re-vamped National Museum store, THE SHOP (which pioneered contemporized, crafted home accessories in the '60s), Kamayani Jalan's Alladin's Cave of textiles and crafts in Anandlok, or the amazing JIYO sample room at the Asia Heritage Foundation. Other surprise omissions are the wonderful Sanskriti Terracotta, Textile and Everyday Art museums at Anandgram, set in sylvan surroundings and full of stunning crafted objects; beautifully curated and maintained, and refreshingly different to the more institutional brand of sarkari museums. The photographs do not purport to represent the "best and finest" examples of each style and skill, but give the reader a general idea of the textile or craft, and sometimes of the craftsperson in the process of making it. The effect is an impressionist overview of the range and variety of Indian craft skills rather than a comprehensive encyclopedia of every Indian technique and tradition. The photograph of Lucknavi chikan white-work embroidery for instance, has a very pedestrian example of bakhia shadow-work, with none of the jaali work and interplay of over 25 different stitches that gives chikan its unique character and quality. Nevertheless, while each of us might cavil at what is left out, or how our favourite craft has been presented, the CRAFT ATLAS is not only a visual delight, but a very useful aid to anyone attempting to encompass craft in the sub-continent. It's an on-going shocker that such information and precise data, whether for the tourist or researcher, in a sector which should be India's pride, is not generally available. As always, one is stunned by how many crafts still exist in India thirteen years into the 21st century, despite the pressures of globalization and industrialization, and the corresponding marginalization of Indian craftspeople. All of us in the sector, quite naturally, obsess endlessly about the numerous threats to the survival of craft (15 to 18% of India's craftspeople leave the sector in search for more lucrative employment every decade), but so much does remain, just waiting to be properly invested in and supported. We sometimes forget too, how the efforts of Government, NGOs, and private entrepreneurs, has resulted not only in preserving but mainstreaming many otherwise unknown and localized skills, and how much better off we are in this regard than our neighbours in Nepal, Pakistan or Sri Lanka. Though we may complain about the rigidity and disfunctionality of Government Departments and Schemes for crafts and textiles, at least we have them! My mother loved and used craft all her life in both her home and her wardrobe, but the range of Bomkai, kasuti, and kantha embroidery saris, Lambani and Rabari mirrorwork, sujni bedspreads, Kutchi cutwork leather, Gond and Warli painting, banana fibre, ajrakh resist-dye printing, Bhujodi shawls, Bhagalpur and Maheshwar textiles, Mathura papercuts, Bastar dhokra and bell metal tableware, and a myriad other skills, textiles, and products that we take for granted, were certainly not accessible to her in Delhi or Hyderabad in the 50s and 60s - and the only chamba rumals and kani shawls around were antique pieces. At the same time of course, many of the crafts, textiles and objects that were a commonplace in my grandmother's home and wardrobe in the 20s and 30s are longer extant. The story of contemporary Indian craft is full of ups and downs, both sad and celebratory; and the winners and losers keep changing! One of the most interesting parts of the CRAFTS ATLAS is the introductory text in which Jaya traces the various socio-historic streams of Indian craft, and the way in which India's multiple cultures and geographies have led to this amazing diversity of materials and traditions. Invoking the well-known Francois Pyrard de Laval quote on how in the 17th century "Everyone from the Cape of Good Hope to China, man and woman, is clothed from head to foot in the product of Indian Looms", she introspects on how India became this cornucopia of craft skills, and why these declined from being the wonder of the world into their present disadvantaged state. How wonderful if the phoenix were to rise again from the flames, and Indian crafts and textiles (and the craftspeople and weavers who make them) regained that premier place in the global marketplace! This monumental and lovingly put together book will certainly aid those of us working to that end. In a PS, (in case I am suspected of plugging my own publication) I should add that the Dastkari Haat Samiti is quite separate to my own organization, Dastkar! Jaya was one of the six original Dastkar founders, and when she left to form her own organization she added Dastkar to its name. The two organizations, while both working with craftspeople, are quite separate, something that occasionally causes some confusion! First published in the Book Review April 2013. |