Journal Archive

Distribution: Where the product is currently available The product is currently available in Bangalore city, India What is it? Explain in non-technical terms the purpose of the project, the intended user and how it is to be used.Bangalore – a dump? Bangalore produces 2000 tonnes of wastes everyday. The centralized government composting plant can handle only 500 tonnes per day. The rest reaches dumps that are illegal. Till Bangalore gets a planned and efficient waste management programme, this situation is likely to continue. And the planned programme is nowhere in sight. The story today 70% of the waste generated in the average Indian urban home is organic wet waste. Bangalore had large houses with gardens and people composted in pits in their backyards. Now, they just throw the waste out onto the pile at the end of the road. The government tried to introduce a “Swacha Bangalore” campaign of collecting segregated waste at the doorstep. Our research revealed that citizens lost faith in this system once they saw that segregated waste is missed up again in the truck that transports the waste to the landfill site. Home composting – is it possible? We asked Bangalore homemakers about home composting. Here’s what we found:

There are many people who have never considered composting as an alternative waste management process.
- The perception of waste management being something that the government has to do is fairly widespread. Composting is “not my job”.
- Add to that the concerns related to the smell and files that are normally associated with garbage… and then
- The fear of having to do it yourself – what if don’t do it right?... And create a bigger mess
There are, however, people who are interested in the idea. However, they had some questions such as these –
- We don’t live in houses with large garden areas anymore. So how will I compost? Are there products to help me do this?
- Where can I find information about composting that is relevant, contextual and easily available as and when I need it?
- What are some of the common problems I could face, and how do I solve them?

	So a mere product range was not the solution. This project is about the design of an overall system that would deal with products, communication, service and dissemination – using lessons from eco-sustainability.

To have very visual material, that is easy to understand by our target customers and also try and make it available in different Indian languages

Problem	Objective	Challenge
Many people have never considered composting as an alternative waste management process.	To convert them into “believers”.	To convince them, and provide “good” answers to their concerns.
The wide-spread perception of waste management as something that the Government has to do. Composting is “not my job”.	To get them to take ownership for managing their waste.	To make them self-driven composters, not motivated by any extrinsic reward/device. To make it a ‘cool’ activity, rather than a chore (that is cumbersome, time-consuming etc.)
The smell and files that are normally associated with garbage need to be ‘managed’	To eliminate files and adour. To introduce new smells into process that and natural. (To gain acceptance of the presence of a few files)	To overcome mindsets, even of educated people, and to get them to believe that if managed well, this is a hygienic process.
The fear of having to do it yourself – “What if I don’t do it right?... and create a bigger mess!”	To create a feeling of being supported – that help is just a phone call away.	Strong service design and back end support material to be put in place.
“We don’t live in houses with large garden areas anymore. So how will I compose? Are there products to help me do this?	To design, manufacture, distribute and service a range of products that are functional affordable sustainable and aestical	These products must: be easy to use, fir into indian ways of living be easy to maintain be made of simple material
Where can I find information about composting that is relevant, contextual and easily available as and when I need it?	To have very visual material, that is easy to understand by our target customers and also try and make it available in different Indian languages	To do it without being intimidating and over burdening with scientific facts. To attract readers to become users. Should cover “How to…”, “FAQs”, “Troubleshooting” and “Success stories”.

Research: Describe the scope and constraints of the effort. What was innovative or unique about the methods used and their integration with the development process?

Three Focus Groups (with 6 people in each) were used to elicit the perceptions of Bangalore homemakers on “waste”, “segregation” and the idea of “composting”.
A questionnaire was used to get qualitative information from 150 residents of Bangalore. Through these, we understood the customers’ perspective – their needs, concerns and attitudes.

We studied 3 co-operative projects and one large Government-run project for waste management and composting.
We got several insights on the composting process – what works and what doesn’t, how it works etc.
We created and tested prototypes, to study different materials, sizes, and configurations. Some of these prototypes were tested in homes with feedback from the users. Others were tested in controlled environments.

The feedback from this testing led us to decisions relating to size, form, material, the range of products and services. We had constantly juggle between what scientists said could be done, what the market defined as the best process for composting, and the homemakers needs. This helped us reach our main insight and focus of our design – we were managing waste at source first and good compost was the by product. Resources: What information sources and standards were referenced. Include summary of published info that were useful in this programme with web links. Web Links

http:/www.ias.unu.edu/proceedings/icibs/ic-mfa/lardinois/paper.html
http/www.sandec.chSolidWaste/Documents/01-Composting/Decomp-India-Proceedings -V-11-03.sr.pdf
http:/www.gdrc.org/uem/waste/ initiatives.html
http:/aggie-horticulture.tamu.edu/ earthkind/compost/compost.html
http:/www.ceramicstoday.com/ articles/clay_horses.htm

Books & Articles

Manzini, Ezio & Jeqou, Francois (2003), Sustainable Everyday – Scenarios of Urban Life | Edizioni Ambiente, Milan
Weizsacker, Ernst Von; Lovins, Amory B & Lovins, L Hunter (1997), Factor Four Doubling Wealth, Halving Resource Use | Earthscan Publications Ltd, London
Wackemagel, Mathis & Rees, William (1996), Our Ecological Footprint – Reducing Human Impact on the Earth | New Society Publishers, Canada
Gulmaraes, Luiz E.C. & Steward, Fred (2001), Article: Micro Enterprises, lay Design and sustainable Innovation from Sustainable Solutions – Developing Products and Services for the future | Greenleaf Publishing Limited, UK.

What was the design solution and how is it environmentally innovative? The solution we designed is a brand and product + service bundle. The product is basically a terracotta container (or ‘pot’), which comes in a range of sizes and forms. The containers are designed to allow for aeration which is critical for composting. The design helps rotate and distribute volumes which makes composting at home managable. The user (i.e. the Indian homemaker) dumps the day’s organic waste into the containers, and has to attend to maintenance only once a week. The containers are modular so easy to replace if damaged. The products require less space than traditional compost pits. They are cheap and easily affordable, very easy to use and maintain, and of a form that Indians can relate to culturally. The service component involves helping the user with the minimal maintenance that is required – i.e. help with managing files and other pests, and rotating the pile of waste as necessary. Some of the significant aspects of this solution are listed below.

The product is the ‘first of its kind’There currently exists no such product, which is aimed at recycling/ managing waste at source – the Indian home.
The product is robust and sustainable
1. It is ‘open source’ – the design drawings, methods, process and user feedback will all be available on the Net at no cost. This is to enable micro-enterprises to sprout and flourish in different parts of India. A centralized production and distribution system will make the solution unsustainable. Our solution will also enable the product/ design to evolve, with local needs and solutions creating diverse and incremental value addition.
2. The manufacturing process is not capital-intensive. It uses indigenous knowledge and materials, and involves traditional potter virtually every part of this country, the process is very easily replicable.
3. A significant part of the product is the communication materials, user manuals. Potter communities cannot produce these, but because they are made available easily to urban households (through the Net), the communication material functions as a logistics-free bridge between the producers and the buyers/ users. No middlemen are required.
The service component plays to critical roles
1. First, it helps the product to be accepted by a larger community, even the “Doubters”.
2. Secondly, it offers opportunities to local communities, NGOs, micro-entreprenueurs to generate meaningful livelihoods.

*Eco Assessment: What processes, methods were used in your assessment?* The product is at an early stage of commercialisation. Extensive field tests will be conducted once a critical mass is out in the market. As this stage, we have conducted audits on waste generated by typical households, and how much of this is ‘compostable’. [We have found that upto 60% of the waste generated is compostable, reducing the load on the municipal system significantly.]
*Materials and production: How is it made and what materials are used.* Terracotta is the primary material for the products. The reasons for this decision are: It was not capital intensive Raw material is affordable and easily available locally. Terracotta’s absorption properties solved the problem of the Leecete that is discharged in the composting cycle. The material allows for rapid prototyping and iteration. It is possible to incorporate user feedback quickly and at low cost. This product allows communities that traditionally use this material a new product range that is linked to current urban needs. It breaks the “crafts are merely decorative” stereotype. We hope that this will allow new utilitarian products to emerge – like rain water accessories for architecture, outdoor products, etc.

*Aesthetics: How does the appearance enhance the product and encourage acceptance?* The appearance of the product achieves several things: There is an old tradition in South India of using terracotta for making votives and granary objects. These craft traditions through hereditary dissemination have created very refined skills in production and marketing. The aesthetics of this product taps into this cultural and social paradigm. As those products served their time, this range of composters serves our urban needs now using the same materials and processes of manufacture. They look good enough to want to buy and use. Composting is traditionally associated with bad odours, files and so on – it has negative connotations. On the other hand, the first response of most customers when they see the products is “Oh, I like them!, they do not look ugly, I feel like composting, I want them in my garden!” Gardens in India are associated with terracotta pots. The semantics of the material imply values of “green” “back to earth” and “basic”. We also have poetic traditions where the pot and terracotta are used as metaphors to describe the symbiotic cycle of life. *How does the design solution benefit the user? (Performance, comfort, safety, ease to use, quality of life, universal function and access)* It gives the user a immediate tangible method of reducing waste at source. Its not “a noble idea” anymore – it’s a “doable” thing. So it empowers and replaces a feeling of apathy with a feeling of creative solution finding. The products are Fun to buy (a bright yellow delivery van and a great service interface) Effective – that they actually convert organic waste into compost ‘Cool’ – in India, historically you had “lower” castes do this job – we had to make this whole task fit into a “cool” urban way of doing things. Versatile – to fit various sizes of households. (Bangalore has many DINKs – Double Income No Kids!) Products dispel the notion that composting is too much work, because of their manageable size. The comprehensive range of product sizes allows a to-be user find one that ‘fits’ her perception of how much she can handle, no more.
Business: How did the design improve the clients business? (Such as cost, profits, regulatory compliance, liability reduction, waste/ energy/toxin reduction, worker benefits, eco-recognition/certification, market penetration, higher value/ perceived quality, documented customer satisfaction, brand elevation, new opportunities etc.)“Daily Dump” the brand we created for the client, has just launched commercial operations – so the impact of the design on the business is yet to be fully realised.As of now, however, the client’s business has benefited in the following tangible ways:
Reactions from Daily Dump’s brand creation and initial customers are extremely positive. In 55 houses in the city of Bangalore, the composters are working well – and customers have reported high satisfaction with both the form (attractive, aesthetic) and the usability (easy to use, helps me manage my waste very effectively, no files or other pests reported).
Word-of-mouth marketing has already begun working. Daily Dump has at least 150 potential customers, who have placed orders and are waiting only for the communication materials to be printed/available on the net before launching on their own waste management / composting at home. The potter community has benefited from the initial orders placed on them by Daily Dump (INR 50,000 – USD 1000. This represent roughly 65% of a potter’s monthly turnover).

Armies of the Rajputs, Mughals and Tipu Sultan were renowned for their weapons. Every state had its own forging unit and the metals were locally procured and crafted. Not only where they the sharpest and strongest but each was a work of art, carved and bejeweled. The range and magnificence of the arms found in India was astounding as can be seen from the extensive visual documentation available. Any miniature painting of any tradition which has a male as its subject shows him in full armored finery. It was an art form held in the highest esteem, a honed science which, with the right combination of heat, metal and forging created arms to suit the physiognomy of the soldier.

Today, with the multiple innovations and developments in warfare, traditional weapons: swords, daggers, shields, scabbards have been made redundant. The once proud traditional armourers, the Gadi Lohars, are turning their metal working skill to create objects such as cooking utensils and picture frames in order to survive. Though there is a tiny demand for swords as decoration, arms and armory making is a dying art. Damascening, the inlay of gold and silver wire on iron objects, was traditionally practiced by the Siklikar community in Rajasthan for the Rajput warriors. . These weapons of destruction were exquisitely ornamented by a complicated process the first step of which was of etching the design, then heated on a stove until red hot and then cooled. The object is clamped in a vice and the process of embedding wire into the metal commences with silver or gold wire laid into the grooved surface, this is then pressed in and flattened to a smooth even surface with a rounded moonstone.

Of the many craft industries in India, a lot of them are changing with the times. Some of them are gradually growing in popularity. A greater number are still unknown, and may die out in time. Then there are the many crafts which are on the brink of extinction. Dhandu Siklighar's craft is one of those. His youngest son, who accompanied him to Delhi, answered all our questions. In Chittorgarh, Rajasthan, where he comes from, his father's generation is the last to pass down the knowledge of making weapons and armor. While he helps his father make the swords and shields, his knowledge is not complete, and it is doubtful that the next generation will carry on the trade. Most of the grandchildren in the family help, but they also go to school, and will probably attend college.

In his village, almost everyone is Hindu. The people of his caste - the Sikhlighar caste - all work with metal. Traditionally, members of this particular caste did not go to educational institutes or get office jobs. Even today there is a handful, perhaps two or three out of the twenty houses, who are literate. The rest are mainly manual laborers working in construction. Farming does not bring a lot of money. This is changing though; as more and more people are migrating to big cities, looking for an education and jobs. For centuries, families like his have been making armor and weapons. First for the Rajput nobility, that actually used them in battle. Along with swords, shields and armor, they also used bows and arrows and spurs for elephants. With the growing ammunition industry the traditional weapons of warfare were replaced by guns and cannons. Apart from armory, the families also made coats of arms for the noble houses of Rajasthan, a practice that continues till date. Different houses had different symbols, and that is where Dhandu Siklighar gets his designs from today. For example, the sun is a symbol for all of Rajasthan. Other houses or places often had a Ganesh, or crossed swords. However, most of the customers now are usually antique dealers, or interior decorators. And most of the weapons are used for decorative purposes. As a result, the art of making actual swords and shields will soon be lost. In Delhi, Dhandu Siklighar sells carved shields, swords with intricate sheaths and coats of arms, among other things. All the swords themselves are blunt. The scabbards are more valuable for the work done on them. Often, he fashions swords out of plywood, which are simply used as fillers for the sheaths, covered in velvet or made of brass. The actual making of the swords and shields is quite basic, the carving usually takes longer, and is more complicated. Most of the iron is available in the village itself, or from a neighboring forge. After heating the coals, the iron is melted. Then it is put in a special mould, depending on what is required. Some of the tools used, including the moulds have been passed on for generations. He shows us one of his files, which is at least a century old. For scabbards, the iron is placed in a sword mould, and then hollowed out later on. Shields are usually beaten into shape, and then part of it is carved out. Once it cools, the designs are made with a file.

Unlike a lot of other trades, armor is hardly ever sold at fairs. In the village in Chittorgarh, hardly any people come to buy old weapons. Most of their customers come to their shop in Chittor, but there are still not enough to get by. As a result, the family has started to adapt their skills and make other objects out of iron that can be used by people in the village, like cooking utensils, or everyday essentials for crops and rearing animals. Daily customers from the village provide them with a constant flow of income. The only fear is that with this progress, old methods will be abandoned and soon forgotten. Now that part of the family has come to the city, they are starting to change their focus, and make target a different kind of consumer. Even as we talk, Dhandu Sikligharis designing a picture frame on paper, which he will cast and then carve out of iron, or brass. It is the first time he has attempted anything like this before, and if it goes well, he hopes to get more orders of this kind. The family is always evolving its craft, because it is the only way they can continue to work with metal and survive. Though this is a fast-changing craft, the technique of working with metal may soon be forgotten. If nothing changes, this once proud family that made swords for nobility will soon be reduced to making picture frames and empty shields. On the one hand, that will be a disappointment to many of the older generations in the family. On the other hand, their ability to be enterprising and change shows how their creativity can truly promote their future as craftspeople.

In the kaarkhanas or workshops in Udaipurin the Mewar region of Rajasthan a unique and unusual form of glittering ornamentation called Danke-ka-Kaam is embroidered on to textiles. Danka are small gold and silver square metal faceted discs, not larger than 1.5 centimeters that have been hand-beaten to form a facet that glints and reflects light akin to a diamond. Stencils are used to transfer the motifs including paisleys, flora, peacocks, betel leaves, vines, geometrics and scrolls as metallic zari yarns are worked in the zardozi technique around the faceted danka couched on to sumptuous and brightly colouredsilks, satins and velvet with the help of several needles, from sewing needles to the hooked needle locally known as ari. The danka lies at the heart of the opulent embroidered ceremonial poshaksworn by Mewari Rajput women at weddings and festive rituals. This traditional garment comprises of a kanchali (blouse) ghagara (full length) gathered skirt and odhna (head) mantle. In the last few decades danka has also been embroidered onto saris and other garments. Danke-ka-Kaam remains relatively unknown outside its own geography. The Danka kaarkhanas are mainly located in the colloquially named Boharwadi or colony of the Bohras where the making of the danka pieces and its embroidery are practiced by the small Bohra Muslim community who migrated to this area in the 16^th century and continue their traditional practice today. SaifuddinZariwala is the senior most of the practitioners. Now in his 70’s he is the seventh generation of his family practicing the craft. Whereas, Kaizer Ali Motiwala who learnt the craft from his father lives and works in the BadaBaazar area and is a fifth generation practitioner of the craft. While a little over 25karigarsengaged in danka embroidery, the sole custodian of the skill today lies withBabuBhaiQutubudinZariwala who has passed on the family tradition to his daughter SidhikaBanu. It is in their karkhaana where the danka is meticulously crafted. The women of the Bohra community help with the winding of the kasab, the metallic yarn used in the embroidery. Additionally, the women are also engaged in the make of fine lace with silver and gold kasab, however, the same remains largely uncommercialized and is done for personal use. This craft is said to be known and practiced by all the Bohra women in Rajasthan and is considered as essential a skill as knowing how to cook. Included in the list of languishing crafts, the skill and the making process remains undocumented and thus solely relies on oral traditions. Danke-ka-Kaamlies waiting to be discovered to be given a new lease of life. [gallery ids="165418,165419,165420,165421,165422,165423,165424,165425,165426"] First published in the Sunday Herald.

Dasavatara, (Das=ten and avatara =incarnation or descent) of Lord Visnu, is the most popular concept of Hinduism, which has been widely worshipped by the Hindus in one or the other form.' Stone, bronze, terracotta, painting on pata (cloth), a wood were the most accepted material on which a number of images of Visnu were made.' Apart from these materials, ivory was also used for making the image of a deity. The earliest reference of deity made from ivory is of seated Buddha from Kashmir region, which belongs to eighth-ninth century A.D.' From seventeenth century onwards several images of gods-goddesses were made in ivory and National Museum at New Delhi has a good collection of such images.'' Among the various gods-goddesses images, the most attractive images are the Dasavatara of Lord Visnu, which has been intricately carved on three objects. First, is the most attractive example of a small home shrine, second is a box and third is the manuscript cover. Small and beautiful, all these ivory objects have been carved with high quality of aesthetics, in the most outstanding manner. The focus of this paper is twofold; first to look at the aesthetic qualities of Dasavatara images of the National Museum collection and second aspect is to examine as to why these objects were made. Especially when, the ivory being a bone medium, is forbidding for worship. Before discussing any further, I would like to discuss the three objects illustrating Dasavatara images.

STEPPED HOME SHRINE

Magnificently carved, this small ivory shrine depicts the most popular ten incarnations of Lord Visnu's images (fig. 1). All the images are carved in round and beautifully arranged on a stepped base, which is made of sandalwood, but figures are made of ivory. Four armed image of Matysa (fish) avatara has been placed on the topmost step and the very next step of the shrine depicts two avataras; Kurma (tortoise), Vardha (boar). The third step illustrates the images of Narasimha (man-lion), Vamana and Paragurama, while images of Rama, Balarama, Krsna and Kalki incarnations are fixed on the foremost frontal step. All the images are in standing posture and stands on double lotus oblong shaped base. Matysa, Kurma, Varaha, Narasimha and Kalki images are four armed, which conveys the idea of the God's supremacy. All of them hold larikha, cakra in their two hands, while the other two hands are in abhaya and varada mudra except Kalki incarnation, which holds a sword and a shield. Remaining images; Vamana, Parasurama, Rama, Balarama and Krsna are two armed and hold different attributes. Vamana holds umbrella and water vessel while Parasurama carries axe and bow. Rama holds bow and arrow and Balarama is carrying the mace while the other hand is in abhayamudra. Krsna is carrying the stick/flute and sankha in his two hands. All the incarnations wore dhoti as a lower garment and are adorned with jewellery like; necklace, bangles, armlet and kiritamukuta (crown) except Vamana, who is without crown. Carved in round, all the images illustrate the intricate details with prefect body proportion and great aesthetic qualities. The sandal-wood base of the shrine is fully covered with ivory sheet and backdrop of the shrine is decorated with perforated ivory screen. Jalidar (lattice work) screen is divided in three parts by the European style pillar. Shades of black on the base of the ivory shrine look beautiful because of the jail work of the screens. Stylized full-blown flower pattern on top of the screen adds charm to the object. An ivory strip on the wooden edges of the steps and base of the shrill depicts the foliage pattern. The pillars at the back and tiny knobs on the edge of shrine make I attractive and complete. In Trivandrum, south India, artists were the specialists of making such images.' The screen and the base of shrine are decorated with black paint and this reminds the craftsmanship of Mysore artist.6 The delicate plain images carved in round appears to be from Trivandrum, which have been fixed on painted base in the backdrop of screen providing a beautiful example of Mysore school of ivory painting of south Indian tradition. The intricate carving with great art and aesthetic places this piece to the period of late eighteenth or early nineteenth century A.D.

BOX FOR KEEPING RELIGIOUS OBJECTS

Small rectangular ivory box depicts Dasavatara images of Lord Visnu on the sidewalls pa of the box an Dravidian style temple architecture is on the lid's inner portion (fig. 2). Remaining portion of the box is plain such as; upper portion of the lid, walls of inner portion and base of the box. Three out of four sidewall panels illustrates ten incarnations of Visnu, which have been worked in small compartments like arrangement. Each compartment is divided through pillar and has arched decoration on the upper portion of the compartment. The front wall panel depicts four incarnations, arranged clockwise, Matsya, Kt-Irma, Varaha and Narasititha. Next side panel illustrates Vamana, Parasurama and Rama incarnations and the fourth side panel illustrates the three forms of Visnu; Balarama, Krsna and Kalki avatara. All the incarnations are in standing re and are carved in low relief. The third wall panel of the box, which is at the back, depicts the elaborate Rama Darbara scene. Rama-Sita is sitting on throne in the center with his brothers and the Hanuman standing on the right side, while saints are sitting on their thrones on the left. The inner portion of box's lid portrays Dravidian style temple architecture. The innermost portion of the temple depicts two images of Lord Visnu. In the first, he is reclining on Sesanaga in the other form. He is in standing posture and flanked by Bhu Devi and Sri Devi. Door guardians Jaya-Vijaya are standing on either side of the entrance gate. Small Devi shrines are ar the entrance and around the main shrine. Depiction of Garuda, saints, Devis are in small compartments, which have been arranged vertically on both sides. All the incarnation images have been carved in relief and to highlight the figurative aspect the images more boldly; artist has painted the images with light green colour. To give the three mensional effect artists has used the red and black colours on the background of the images, ich adds attraction to object. This appears to be the workmanship of Mysore artists of early nineteenth century.

MANUSCRIPT COVER

The manuscript cover in two parts has been carved with Dasavatara images on the reverse side while; obverse side illustrates the floral design (fig. 3). Each cover illustrates the five incarnations, which have been carved in compartments under a niche. The front side of both the manuscript covers depicts bold floral creeper and foliage of flower and leaf along with full-blown lotus motif in the center, which is having hole to thread the manuscript. One side of the cover depicts the God's first five forms, which are: Matysa (fish), Kurma (tortoise), Varaha (boar), Narasimha .(man-lion) and Vamana (dwarf). All the images are crowned and four-armed; in two of the hands they hold sankha and cakra, while other two hands are in varada and abhaya mudra. Similarly, the other panel illustrates the next five forms of Visnu, which are: Parasurarna, Rama, Balarama, Krsna in the form of Jagannatha and Kalki incarnations. All the incarnation icons carved in low relief, but the images are showing a lot of power, energy and every one on the move. The small manuscript cover follows the proper sequence of incarnations. Krsna's Jagannatha's depiction as well as workmanship of this object appears to be done by the Orissan artisans of nineteenth century.

RELIGIOUS TEXTS NARRATION REGARDING MATERIAL FOR IMAGE

In all the three objects, artist has carefully followed the iconography of Visnu and a proper sequence of His incarnations, as mentioned in the ancient texts. No doubt these are great work of art, but the question is why these images were made? Whether, these are made for worship or these are made just for decorative purpose? When seen under the light of religious sensitivity of Hindus, they never recommend for making the deity's ivory images. Worship of deity's personified form or icon started somewhere in first century A.D.' Before that, man use to worship the nature. Then, early Vedic Aryans' religious life revolved round the glorification in prayer and yajna.⁸ Gradually, image worship became the popular religious and philosophical solution to overcome from the difficulties faced by the human being. Its practicality made the thinkers to find out the suitable material, the appropriate tala-mana (dimension and iconometry) of the icon making. And then a detailed description was made regarding the iconography of deity, size, proportion of body, `ayudha' which they use to hold, their dress, ornaments, seat, etc. Several texts were written which talked about almost the whole aspects related to iconometry. The important ones are Agama literature⁹', Puranas¹⁰, Samarangana Sutradhara¹¹, Aparajita Prccha¹², Rupamandana ¹³, Visnudharmottara¹⁴, etc. The icon planning is not a ritual but also a scientific pre-requisite. Any planning, if it is scientific must start with correct proportions as laid down in the sastras, before fashioning an image out. These texts talk about the materials as well, in which the deity has to be made. Many of the Vastu Sastra texts mention the type of materials from which an image of a deity can be made, which are six,¹⁵ seven,¹⁶ eight¹⁷ or nine¹⁸ in number. Even Samarangana Sutradhara goes further when it says that by making deity's image in different materials and worshipping it, the gain of a devotee is different, which says:¹⁹ Icon made of The rewards gained Gold Health Silver Fame Copper Progeny Stone Landed property and victory Wood Longevity Lekhya Wealth Lepya Wealth Ivory as a medium for making deity's icon was not mentioned in most of the iconography texts except one reference, which is in the Agama literature. According to Agama literature, six varieties of materials are recommended for making the images of deities which are; wood, stone, precious gems, metals, earth and also a combination of two or more of the aforesaid.²⁰ Another authority mentions three more mediums, besides six, which are brick, kadi-sarkara (a preparation the chief ingredient of which is the limestone) and danta (ivory).²¹ From seventeenth century onwards, a lot of images of God and Goddess were made in ivory. This was the phase when a lot of Christian images were made in ivory under the influence of Europeansn²², who came in India for trade, but also brought their religion. Picking the ivory artwork as souvenire by the European official at the time of return to their country land after finishing their duty in India also encouraged the ivory carvers to experiment new subject and variety of objects.²³ Probably all these circumstances became the reason for the use of ivory for making the Hindu God and Goddess images. Bengal, Orissa, Mysore, Trivandrum became the center for making the deity's image in ivory during this phase. Stepped home shrine, small box for keeping religious things and manuscript cover, all these are objects appear to be made in Mysore centre and of date late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. It is not very certain the use of such images however one cannot deny the decorative use of such images of if at all these were used for worship then only within the home shrine. This reminds of the Bengal's tradition of making Durga images and some ivory Durga images, perhaps carved for home shrines during the nineteenth century have survived in the collection of museums.²⁴ In the end, one can say that whatever may be the use, aesthetic quality of such images is highly appreciated, which everyone should enjoy.

Figure1: Ten incarnation of Visnu

Figure2: Dasavatara images of Visnu on side wallspanels of the ivory box

Figure3: Reverse side of the ivory manuscript cover (courtesy: National Museum New Delhi)

References The early references of ten incarnations of Visnu are found in .Satapatha Brahmana and Taittiriya Samhita. Details are in T.A.G. Rao, Elements of Hindu Iconography, I, pt. I, pp. 119-223, Delhi, reprint 1993; K.S. Desai, Iconography of Visnu, Delhi, 1973, pp. 62-41; N.P. Joshi, Prachin Bharatiya Murtivigyani, Patna, 2000, pp. 97-105. Khajuraho temples depict number of Dasavatara images in stone. See K.M. Suresh, Iconography of Visnu from Khajuraho, Delhi, 1999, pl. 16-17, pp. 33-74; Large scale metal Vaisnava avatara frame from Devsar published by P. Pal, The Arts of Kashmir, Asia Society, fig. 47, 2007, p. 65; Jor Mandir group of temples, Bishnupur, depicts incarnations of Visnu images in terracotta published by A.K. Bhattacharya, Bishnupur Land of wrestlers, in P. Pal (ed.), Marg, Mumbai, 2003, pl. 9, p. 107; Dasavatara figures are painted on the pata published by J.P. Das, Puri Paintings, Delhi, 1982, pp. 58-59. National Museum has wood carving panel depicting Dasavatara images from Tamil Nadu. P. Dwivedi, Indian Ivories through the Ages, Delhi, 1976, pp. 101-105. Gansa- pl. 2; Visnu Sesasayi- pl. 3; Krsna- pl. 4; Radha- pl. 15; Krsna- pl. 14, published by K. Lai, Indian Decorative Arts, exhibition catalogue, Dresden, Germany, 1984; Dwivedi, op. cit., p. 134. A similar type of images has published by T.A. Gopinath, cit., p. 123, pl. xxxv. K. Pal and B.K. Roy, Ivory Works in India through the Ages, Census of India 1961, Delhi, 1967, 1r vol. 1, pt. VII-A, p. 109; Dwivedi, op. cit., pp. 128-129. N. Banerjee, Development of Hindu Iconography, Calcutta, 1956; G. Michell, Introduction to Indian Sculpture, In the Image of Man, U.K., 1982, p. 14. N. Shukla, Vastu Sastara, vol. II, Gorakhpur, 1958, p. 27. Tala mana is Agama literature's chief contribution to the canons of iconometry, D.N. Shukla, , p. 55. Matysa Purana mentions silver, copper, precious stones, wood, iron, lead, stone, brass and pp mixture of two or more metal. Bhavisya Purana refers glass, silver, copper, stone, wood and painting, published by B. Malviya, in Visnudharmottara mei Murtikala, Prayag, 1960, pp. 108, 109. Samarangana Sutradhara written by king Bhoja, who was the king of Dhar. He ruled Malwa around 11th century. Author provides the all information about architecture and iconography, D.N. Shukla, cit., p. 55. Aparajitaprccha is written by Bhuvandeva, which provides more information about the Dravidian architecture and its iconometry. D.N. Shukla, cit., pp. 55-56. Rupamandana is a post Samarangana and mirrors some of the later phases of development of Hindu Iconography, D.N. Shukla, cit., p. 70. Malviya, op. cit., pp. 108-09. Agama literature, Rao, cit., p. 48. Samarangana Sutradhara, p. 94, and Bhavisya Purana, 108. Sukranitisara, Malviya, cit., p. 108. Matysa Purana, Malviya, cit., p. 109. N. Shukla, op. cit., p. 94. Rao, cit., p. 48. Rao, cit., p. 49. Desai and Gorakshkar, Images of Christianity, Ivory and wood icons from Goa, The India Magazine, June, 1985, pp. 40-47. Archer, Company Paintings, London, 1992, pp. 225-26. Dwivedi, cit., p. 133; M.K. Pal and B.K. Roy, op. cit., 1967, p. 107

First published in Kala: The Journal of Indian Art History Congress 2008-2009

Many of those entering the big orange doors of the Dastkar shop in Hauz Khas Village, in search of a hand-crafted gift or embroidered kurta, are quite unaware that anything except lower prices and the absence of air-conditioning mark it out as different from the other 70-odd shops and boutiques that surround it. Others, activists and NGOs, question why Dastkar, a registered voluntary society and development organisation, has anything to do with a "commercial" activity like marketing. For Dastkar, however, the Dastkar exhibitions and Bazaars and our shop - run on a non-profit basis, with craftspeople owning the merchandise, and donating 20% of their monthly sales to the running costs - are a linked and essential part of the support services we give to craft producer groups all over the country and. Helping craftspeople learn to use their own inherent skills as a means of employment generation and self-sufficiency is the crux of the DASTKAR programme. Giving them a market to do so is the culmination of as well as the catalyst for the varied DASTKAR projects, training programmes, product development inputs and loan capital assistance to our family of craftspeople. The Dastkar shop and the Dastkari Bazaars are where we test-market not just the potential of Dastkar-developed products, but the efficacy of Dastkar-developed solutions to the problems of the craft sector in the current economic climate. Is craft commercially viable today; or is it just a subsidized development sector cop out? Much depends on the intervening agency or NGO. The means to earn and be independent is the carrot that can lead rural craftspeople into the development process. Similarly, an attractive cost-effective product is the carrot that can tempt the urban consumer into contributing towards that development. Guiding the process - from identifying the skill and creating awareness of it's potential in both craftsperson and consumer; developing, designing, costing and then marketing the product, and finally (but as importantly) suggesting the proper usages and investment of the income generated, - is the role of the NGO or development agency. And there's the rub..... A cause, however meritorious, or a slogan, however emotive and catchy, does not sell a product. The consumer does not buy out of compassion. The end must be competitive - not just in its worthiness of purpose, or the neediness of its producer - but in cost, utility and aesthetic. The handicrafts sector is always thought of as a very comfortable place to create more income and employment, especially for women. It is a home-based industry which requires a minimum of expenditure, infrastructure or training to set up. It uses existing skills and locally available materials. Inputs required can be easily provided and these are more in terms of product adaptation than expensive investment in energy, machinery or technology. Also, income generation through craft does not (and this is important in a rural society) disturb the cultural and social balance of either the home or the community. The energy of a new source of employment and income can have a catalytic effect in revitalising communities that were as denuded and deprived as the arid, devastated landscapes around them - Urmul, SEWA Lucknow, Banascraft, Ranthambhore, Sandur Kushal Kendra, are just some of the examples Dastkar has been personally involved in. SEWA Lucknow started in 1984 with 12 women, a tin trunk and 10,000 rupees. Today there are 3,800 women and an annual turnover of over two hundred million rupees! But there are dangers. Success stories are to be learnt from, not blindly followed. The craft sector is already a very crowded place and the existing market inadequate for the number of producers trying to squeeze into it. We should think carefully before creating more. Strategies, however successful, should not become static. In the Dastkar Ranthambhore Project, (started 4 years ago to provide work to women in re-settled villages displaced by the Ranthambhore Tiger Park) the 100-odd women today sell about eight lakhs of goods a year through DASTKAR. But, as numbers and production capacities increase, they have to think of markets and products with an outreach beyond Hauz Khas Village and urban bazaars. The next step is their own shop in Ranthambhore, selling products developed for village consumers as well as tourists visiting the park. Similarly, SEWA Lucknow gradually built up its production capacity, brand name and turnover for the first ten years, selling one-of-a-kind kurtas and saris, exclusively through it's own periodic exhibitions and sales. Today - with sales at each five day exhibition an unmanageable 7-8 million rupees - it needs to, and is in a position to, branch out into wholesale and export orders; and is exploring the possibilities of an all-India infrastructure of franchise marketing. All too often when we think of employment generation for women; we think of that employment as a kind of handout or hobby. We should be very, very sure that that employment, and the payment for that employment, is not just a subsidized placebo, but an integrated part of a long-term economic strategy. An NGO or women's group however, often comes together with different priorities and objectives - health, social awareness, environmental issues or education. The income generation component of their project is tacked on later, when they discover that without an immediate economic solution it is difficult to make an entry into the target community, or win their confidence. It is then tackled in an off-the-cuff, short-term way by people who, whether they are grass roots activists, Gandhians or missionary Fathers are obviously not professionals in merchandising and marketing! All too often, making money (let alone a profit!) is dismissed as the least worthwhile and meaningful component of the project - a rather degrading activity for a social welfare organisation. I agree that income generation, by itself, should not be considered a synonym for development. It cannot - and should not - be. It is, however, if used skillfully, the entry point for many other aspects of the development process - education, health and family planning, social awareness, women's upliftment. The primary aspiration, the first request, of human beings everywhere is economic freedom - from husbands and fathers, from exploitative landlords, from money lenders or middlemen, or whatever. Therefore it is frightening that this crucial aspect, on which the livelihoods and future of lakhs of men and women depends, is undertaken in so casual a manner. So often the key decisions of identifying the product and it's potential market are taken quite at random. There is no market survey, no checking of locally available raw material or un-tapped traditional skills, no costing, no identification of potential buyers or marketing chains. There are no production plans or financial forecasts. Endless schemes for tailoring units, patchwork, knitting, weaving are initiated. Unemployed craftspeople become Trainers and, in turn, train more unemployable people to make more unsellable products. Endless cross-stitch 'Duchess sets' and crochet table covers proliferate, regardless of a glut in the market of thousands of similar, useless, badly put together and over-priced products. Subsidized discount sales, stipends and grants disguise the economic unviability of the stock-piles of unsold goods. The inherent skills, strengths and motifs that exist in every traditional community are not even studied or understood. Nowhere in the commercial sector would the development and sale of thousands of lakhs of rupees of products (let alone the livelihoods of thousands of people) be left to part-time amateurs (however well meaning) with no experience or training in economics, product design or merchandising. But in the craft and development sector, a bureaucrat (who has come from the Waterworks Department and will be in Family Planning next year!) can become a arbiter of what a export line of soft furnishings should look like; or a nun be forced into making decisions on employment strategies for empowering thousands of tribal weavers. Obviously they have no alternative except to plunge in and follow their instinct. The imperative to do something and to do it soon, is just too strong. The field organisation does not know whom to contact, and the institutions that are supposed to help, whether NID, the Export Promotion Council, State Development Corporations or the IITs and Marketing and Management Institutes, are often very remote - both geographically and in their understanding of the problem. So, more carpet training centres start in non-wool producing areas at a time when the traditional carpet industry is already in recession; Tribals are encouraged to laboriously embroider satin-stitch tea cosies with Little Bo Peep on them (regardless of the fact that the intended consumer increasingly drinks his tea 'ready made' in a mug!); Meanwhile industrialised units in Trans-Jumna replicate tribal jewelry in white metal to meet the export and retail demand of frustrated buyers unable to buy the traditional product in its traditional place. Kantha embroiderers are given designs out of WOMAN & HOME; a well-meaning Managing Director of Orissa Handicrafts sets up a Training Scheme to teach Kantilo bell-metal craftspeople to copy Moradabad Brass; a highly skilled craftsman is brought to the level of an unskilled one by a well meant but pernicious daily wage scheme. There are hundreds of similar, unthought through, emotively conceptualised but potentially damaging initiatives all over India today. Like any other entrepreneur, the NGO should explore the gaps in the market before production, rather than saying, "Well, I've got this product, let's see where I can shove it in". This is ridiculous and self-destructive. Nor should one say, "X did this and it was very effective so lets duplicate it on an all-India basis". The success of the SEWA Lucknow experiment had people approaching DASTKAR to start chikan embroidery training units in places as far-flung as Madhya Pradesh and Bangladesh - each of which has its own unique heritage of much more appropriate local skills! The Sandur Manganese Company ran a Welfare Project for Lambani women at a loss for twenty years, before Dastkar suggested that the rich, inherent embroidery skills of the women could create much more marketable products than the machine tailored, badly constructed pink plastic bags and bibs they had been trained to make. The Lambani women went on to sell 3 lakhs at their first solo exhibition and now have export orders from all over the world. Simply getting the product right is not enough either, without the right market outlets to match. NABARD recently approached DASTKAR to replicate its Ranthambhore project in villages throughout the area; several hundred had been sanctioned by the State Government towards rural development in the district. But when they were told that the creation of craft production units on such a scale would mean investment in a matching all-India network of marketing outlets and advertising, they disappeared, never to be heard of again....! Amul Dairy is the rural development success story. It gives employment to 16 lakh people. But it would not be able to do so without an appropriate distribution system; however good the milk, butter and cheese. India is unique in still being able to produce a hand-crafted product at a price that matches, or is even cheaper than, it's factory-made mass-produced counterpart. But public awareness of the cost-effectiveness, functionality and range of craft products is limited by their being sold only in exclusively "crafty" outlets. Hand-crafted leather juthis and bags should be sold with other leather products; hand-crafted baskets, bed linen, durries and planters be available in neighbourhood household emporiums; hand-crafted furniture in furniture shops rather than once a year at the Surajkund Mela. A mind-set that restricts anything hand-crafted to a line of Government Emporia on Baba Kharak Singh Marg, the Crafts Museum and an occasional Bazaar, will only succeed in the increasing marginalisation of crafts and their producers. So will the idea that craft should be purely decorative bric-a-brac, and that tourists and the urban elite are its only target customers. The current much coined terms "exclusive" and "ethnic" are singularly limiting and inappropriate when marketing skills and products with a potential producer base of 23 million! Those of us working in the craft sector are often accused of concentrating on the aesthetic rather than the economic; the cream rather than the bread and butter. Crafts in India have many applications, and an incredible potential. We should neither neglect the simple utilitarian crafts, or down-grade those that are art forms. It is sad to see the functional basketry and matting of the North East gradually being squeezed out of their State Emporia because they occupy more shelf space and are less value-per-unit than costume jewelry and garments. It is equally sad to see the living skills that made the Taj Mahal reduced to making pillboxes. Serving tea in bio-degradable terra-cotta khullars on Indian Railways is often used as a paradigm for the practical, rather than esoteric, usage of craft. I agree, and far prefer the taste of earth to plastic. However, a khullar is the simplest item in the Indian potter's repertoire. He is capable of making many other creative, useful and value-added products. I think the recent addition of planters, jars, lamp and table bases an equally exciting example of matching traditional producer skills to changing consumer needs. It has added a new energy to road-side potters colonies all over India, that might otherwise have died when the frigidaire replaced the surahi in the urban Indian home. Every area, every community has a different tradition, a different need, a different capacity. Production and marketing plans should be based on these. Ideally an NGO should link the craft community to a consumer community which is close by; using locally accessible materials to make products in local demand. That way, both NGO and craftsperson are in control of the dynamics of production and market, supply and demand. One of the most satisfying Dastkar projects was where a group of women weavers from Tezpur approached Dastkar for help to enter the urban Delhi market. Dastkar product development, design and organisational inputs helped create a product that now sells so well in the local Assam market that they do not need the Dastkar Bazaars and Delhi market at all! All the more disappointing therefore, that so many activist groups and NGOs opt for the urban retail market of exhibitions, sales and Melas, instead of the rural and institutional marketing that would be so much more appropriate to their areas of expertise and experience. Free too, from the moral dilemmas of a Gandhian organisation making and trying to flog high-price, high-fashion garments; or radicals agonising over whether to advertise in the Hindustan Times! In recent times, the survival of many drought or disaster-prone areas of rural India has depended on craftspeople re-discovering the skill and potential of their hands. As Ramba ben, a craftswoman from a Dastkar project in Banaskantha told me, "The lives of my family now hang from the thread I embroider". So, I do think income generation through the marketing of craft is something that can work - both commercially and as a catalyst for change and development. But it will only work if we think it through very carefully - with our heads as well as our hearts; with reason as well as caring. First published in the CAPART magazine 'Moving Technology'.

Background In 2006, the All India Artisans and Craftworker’s Welfare Association (AIACA), based in New Delhi, and the international NGO, Aid to Artisans (ATA), began a three year public-private partnership to implement the Artisan Enterprise Development Alliance Program (AEDAP) in India. Most handicrafts created by Indian artisans are made with the intention of being sold commercially, yet many remain unable to reach the market. The aim of AEDAP was therefore to support Indian artisan enterprises to become more competitive in the market. The objective of the program was to leverage skills and expertise; to bring human, material and financial resources to bear on addressing various challenges throughout the supply chain related to Indian craft production and marketing.

The Design Intervention The term ‘design intervention’ has been widely adopted to describe the process of linking designers to craft enterprises. The concept is that the designer will bring a new approach, or a different way of seeing artisanal skills and expertise, and share their design capabilities and understanding of global market demands. The designer does not impose but rather ‘unlocks’ the potential of the existing skill by tweaking it to make it more saleable to consumers and in so doing may transform a craft that is struggling to find a market. Here, the designer operates at the intersection between the commercial economy and artisan, serving as the bridge between maker and market.

Implementation AIACA and ATA selected and paired a designer with a craft group. The designer then spent time on-site for a period of up to two weeks with the craft enterprise. The designer was required to assess the situation, then work to find design solutions to the obstacles the craft groups were encountering in reaching the market. In the first two years, the designer was a US-based consultant who worked on site with the craft enterprise. In the third and final year a local Indian designer was located on site with the AEDAP partner. The designer was provided with mentoring support from designer-mentors in the US, who provided inputs and advice on colour and product range. A total of 17 groups participated in the AEDAP design intervention.

The Craft Enterprise DR is based in the Sawai Madhopor district of South-East Rajasthan; they are located adjacent to one of the world’s most famous natural tiger reserves. Many local people were removed from their traditional lands in the creation of the Tiger Reserve and re-settled in areas just outside the Park. As a result, they lost their access to wood, water and farming lands. In order to support these villagers to rebuild their social and economic life, Ranthambore Foundation was created to work with the displaced population to work on rebuilding the displaced communities’ social and economic foundations through various income generation programs.In 1989 the Delhi- based craft NGO, Dastkar, took charge of the income generation programme for the village craft people. The target group were not professional artisans. Instead, craft skills were being practised in an unstructured, undeveloped way, mainly as a means of reusing and recycling waste materials such as rags, or newspapers to create items of daily use.Dastkar began its work training local people, building on these craft skills to create livelihoods. The enterprise now works with approximately four hundred women artisans. They have constructed a craft centre, which also doubles as a retail space and functions as an informal gathering place for the community, where the women can gossip, sing, and work together. DR provides life insurance, health insurance, a provident fund, and a micro-credit system for the women artisans and their families.

The Designer The Aid to Artisan (ATA) designer, who was paired with DR, Jane Griffith, had experience as an international development consultant and high-end retail executive. The combination of business development expertise and practical field experience in developing countries meant that the designer had an understanding of value chain management in rural-based craft organizations. The designer had, in addition to, designing light manufactured and handmade goods in the home, fashion, and gift industries, also worked in a marketing role with experience in implementing targeted marketing campaigns on behalf of artisans. This combination of experience meant Griffith was well positioned to develop market driven products that could help DR expand its market. Market Opportunities DR has a sales and retail centre from which to sell its products, with ample space to display all their products. This retail store is a significant advantage for DR, as it is adjacent to the Tiger Reserve which is a thriving tourism hub. DR is situated in an ideal location near the major hotels and at least two tour buses visit the group every week. A range of hotels, from government run budget accommodation to exclusive five star resorts, offered sales opportunities for DR via their retail outlets. Whilst the AEDAP had been structured to support Indian artisans to connect to global markets, Griffith’s analysis of the tourism industry identified that the most viable business proposition was investing in local sales. At the time, the US market was glutted and mature; in contrast, the domestic Indian market was strong, and rapidly growing. A focus on the immediate market also meant that DR reduced its dependence on sales from external factors in the export market, such as volatile, seasonal fashion trends. They also reduced costs related to transportation. Therefore, the strategy was to create products that could tap into the sales potential of the tourism industry.

Design Objectives Based on consultation with DR, along with an assessment by AIACA and ATA, the designer was given the following objectives:

Examine market opportunities and market niches where DR products may be positioned and design products accordingly
Develop more commercially viable and marketable products to increase sales
Expand upon the current production line, and create product differentiation across function, styles, and colours according to market demands
Find solutions to limitations of material sourcing, design and production capabilities given DR’s remote location
Develop products that meet market standards on price, design, and quality
Increase the competitiveness of DR artisans in the domestic and international market

Design Inputs DR’s main product line was hand block printed products. Griffith saw this market as saturated and flooded, with both conventional and contemporary products. To give the products a competitive edge, new applications and new ways of interpreting the block prints needed to be developed. However, there were limitations; for instance, whilst DR craft workers were adept in sewing, finishing, stitching, and the construction of simple products, due to some restrictions in terms of access to raw materials and pattern making skills, most products had to remain unstructured. A solution to the limitations was to introduce colour as a main focal point that could give DR a competitive advantage in the market. Therefore, Griffith introduced vibrant colours in blue, pink, orange, and green; these made the products ‘pop’ and became an important element in the collection.

Griffith also developed more comprehensive product lines that could be put together into collections according to colour, style, and print. Griffith and DR also recognized the importance of including the iconic Tiger motif on products. The Tiger was DR’s Unique Selling Proposition (USP); it is a motif developed from a children’s after school workshop that Ms Laila Tyabji, the Dastkar Chairperson, had initiated and facilitated. The motif was turned into a block print, and served as a popular product for tourists, who wanted to purchase a souvenir of their trip to the tiger reserve. Dastkar Delhi was instrumental in the development, and use of a range of animal block prints, that have been the key to the success of Dastkar Ranthambore’s past, and current, collections. The Tiger, along with the other animal block prints, continues to identify DR products, and makes them immediately recognizable, which has been central to creating the DR brand. The key design inputs provided by the AEDAP designer were as follows;

Tiger motif block prints in different shapes and sizes
Expansion of colour range to include a vibrant palette
Introduction of new materials and new fabrics
Improved quality of base materials
Expansion of product lines to include bags, small pouches, and bedspreads
Product collection of gift items focused on the tourist market
Conventional forms were extended to forge new products
Standardized sizing was implemented across all product lines

The Outcome There was a measurable increase in sales, both in the domestic (Figure 1.1), and the international market as a result of AEDAP (see Figure 1.2). Whilst the products had been developed to improve sales in the local tourist market, the products that were created also generated DR’s first sales and volume orders in the export market. DR received its first export orders for the AEDAP line. Whilst their domestic sales account comprise the bulk of their turnover, their export figures have continued to grow. They also recorded a growth in their domestic sales, with the AEDAP collection selling strongly in their retail store. Due to the success of the first design intervention, DR invited Griffith to design another collection for them, which also generated sales. The increase in export activity was also, due to AIACA and ATA’s active promotion of DR’s products through strategic marketing activities which included the Craftmark Catalogue, and booth space at International Gift Fairs, including the New York International Gift Fair, and the Export Promotion Council for Handicrafts (EPCH) India Handicrafts and Gift Fair. The Trade Fairs have continued to generate a diverse range of buyer leads for Craftmark, leading to sales and long term linkages with buyers, some with large import networks and distribution channels. Trade fairs have generated buyer leads, sampling orders, and commercial orders. AEDAP groups also benefited from ATA’s established presence in the market as the go-to source for buyers of international handicrafts and artisanal products. As a source for ethically produced, handmade products, ATA’s long term engagement with the US market has opened up many opportunities for AEDAP groups.

The Right Mix An important element in DR’s success was the ongoing support it has received from Dastkar, a society for crafts and craftspeople, based in New Delhi that aims at improving the economic status of craftspeople, thereby promoting the survival of traditional crafts. It was founded in 1981 by six women, who had worked in the craft and development sector including Laila Tyabji, who is the current Chairperson. Similarly, the marketing support from AIACA, particularly through their Craftmark- Handmade in India, market access program provided export sale channels, and opportunities. In particular, the DR Manager, Ujwala Jhoda has been a key element in their success; her level of professional management meant that there was a fast turn-around time for sampling and sourcing new materials, so that design suggestions were put into action. Jhoda has operated DR as a business enterprise, ensuring high quality finishing of products, on time delivery, and consistent pricing; this has helped to build DR’s reputation amongst domestic and international buyers and led to repeat and new orders. According to Griffith, a good manager is essential for the success and growth of an enterprise and she believes that even with exceptional products, poor and incompetent management will mean that an enterprise can fail. In addition to their Manager, DR has embodied a culture of innovation, which has made it receptive to embracing change when it is needed. For instance, they were amongst the first hand block printing groups to install a water management system where waste water is collected and purified for reuse. From a marketing perspective, DR had a very strong story of women’s empowerment, poverty alleviation and community development to share with consumers and buyers, and this added value to the strong product line.

Postscript: Design as business development strategy The implementation of strategic design improved sales for DR, and generated income for its craft workers. Due to the impact the AEDAP design intervention had on DR’s sales, the organization now continues to work with designers, introduced, and set up by Dastkar, and including the Pearl Academy. The AEDAP case study demonstrates how appropriate design interventions can bridge the gap between traditional artisan skills and mainstream markets, and make a craft enterprise more competitive.

The Nizams (r.1724-1948) of Hyderabad (present capital of Andhra Pradesh) are well-known for their gems and jewellery collection (Bala Krishnan 2001a: 28-37). However, their contribution towards costumes is less known so far is equally important and significant. In the field of costumes, Nizams have the credit of popularizing achkan, serwani, dastar and the western costumes. Under the influence of their Begums they patronized the traditional handloom also i.e. zari brocade pathani odhani and saree, ikat telia odhani and lot of embroidery decoration on the outfit (Morwanchikar 1993; Mittal 1962: 26-29). Besides traditional attire and western costumes Nizams promoted the gold embellishment on costumes and clothings, popularly known as masala-ka-kam. Among all the Nizams, the sixth Nizam, Mir Mahboob Ali Khan's contribution in the field of textiles is especially noteworthy. He was passionate for the good clothes, besides the jewels. To store his large collection of clothes, he built 72 m. (240 feet) long wardrobe at Purani Haveli, Hyderabad. The wardrobe was on either side of the hallway and had one hundred and thirty-three built in cupboards to accommodate his large collection of clothes, shoes, hats and accessories (Kumar 2006: 53). He was the first Nizam to wear western clothes and often wore western suit and English hunting gear, (Bala Krishnan 2001b: 15. The archival materials and photographs housed in various collections are the main source of information to know about the lifestyle of Nizams and their Begums. Apart from archival materials, the Nizam's actual costumes, clothings and furnishing materials, housed in Chowmahalla Palace. Purani Haveli and Salar Jung Museum (Vardrajan 2002: 23-51) at Hyderabad, also provides valuable information of fashion trend of that period. Some of the scholars' have worked upon on that, however objects belongs to Nizam's period but housed outside Hyderabad has been less studied and published, so far. In this context a painted ivory ganjifa set, which is in the collection of National Museum, New Delhi (Kedareswari 2001: 12; Bala Krishnan 2001: 14-25) is an important source of information for many things. The set of ninety-six ganjifa cards show well-dressed male and female portraits and their stylish attires, which makes this set unique. It also helps in analyzing the various outfits prevalent in the last quarter of nineteenth century of Hyderabad region, which is the main focus of this paper. Men's Costumes The first Nizam, Mir Qamur-ud-din (r.1724-1748) was initially appointed as the viceroy of Deccan by Mughal Emperor Aurangzeb. He was an able and brave leader and soon Mughal Emperor awarded him with the title Nizam-ul-Mulk Fateh Jung and later on with title ‘Asaf jah' from which dynasty was known afterward (Bala Krishnan 2001: 28-37; Kumar 2006: 24-48). The Asafphs adopted the lifestyle, court traditions and machinery of administration of the Mughals. Initially, the royalty and nobility of Hyderabad region had used Mughal style dress.. The available pictures illustrate Nizams in choga or jama or angrakha, as an upper garment and paijama as the lower garment (Kumar 2006: 48; Bala Krishnan 2001: 20). These were either made of fine muslin, silk brocade or velvet fabric, which were either woven or embroidered with metallic threads with beautiful floral patterns. These skillfully embroidered chogas were probably used as a ceremonial dress, which can be seen even in the coronation picture of the sixth Nizam. The sixth Nizam, Mahboob Ali Pasha, (r.1869-1911) and seventh Nizam, Mir Osman Ali-Pasa, (r.1911-1948) prefers the achkan and Serwani along with churidara paijama and dastar (turban in Turkish language). The seventh Nizam had worn red coloured brocaded silk serwani for his coronation in 1911, which is in the collection of Chowmahalla Palace collection in Hyderabad (Rao 1963; Prasad 1984). Gold brocade achkan, serwani with brocaded paijama and dastar of white colour was the favourite style of Nizams. Similar kind of attire is also visible in the ganjifa cards. The National Museum ganjifa set depicts less male figures. The first number of each ganjifa group (Pathak 2004: 449, 453, fig. 2, 8) of the set is always Maharaja, so there are eight male figures besides few in the gulam group. Male are shown either in tight fitting achkan or serwani along with churidara paijama as main attire. Turban or dastar and patka or belt can also be seen in most of the ganjifa card paintings. One thing is common in all the images of Maharaja that their garments were made of zari brocade fabric (fig. 29.1). Other male figures are shown in stripped or plain achkan or serwani and coloured paijama. The jama and angrakha are the close fitting attire, which has high waist portion, but wide flared skirt part. The length of attire falls sometimes up to the ankle. The latter one continued to be worn by the Hindu nobles until the 'early decades of the twentieth century particularly on ceremonial occasions. Somewhere in the last quarter of nineteenth century, the jama and angrakha were replaced by the achkan and serwani, which was probably created just to counter the European's tight fitted coat (fig. 29.2). The presence of French and British officials in royal court might have inspired the Nizams for adopting these buttoned chest coat style achkan and serwani. The shoulders of these silk brocade achkans and serwani have drooping curve like a coat, instead of straight shoulders of choga. The graceful flare of these costumes was tailored to a length just below the knee. During the last quarter of nineteenth century, jacket and waistcoat became fashionable among the royalty and aristocracy. These jackets and waistcoat were made of zari-brocaded fabric. With the good colour contrast these costumes were embellished with metallic threads (zari threads) depict beautiful floral motifs. The skilled local artisans use to do the beautiful, dazzling and bold karchobi embroidery work. With the upper garment ackhan and serwani, men use to wear paijama as lower garment. Paintings of the ganjifa cards depict two styles of paijama's during the late eighteenth and early nineteenth century. The first one was the tight fitting (known as churidara) and second one was the broad opening (known as tuman) paijamas. These paijamas were made of satin silk, zari brocade and masru material (Kumar 1999: 70, 74). Plain_ check or floral patterned paijamas generally illustrate vertical or horizontal striped designs. The Nizams use to wear patkas, the waistband, over the jama, which was wrapped around the waist and end panel falls on the front. As reflected in some of the early records that probably in the beginning Nizam’s wearing style of patka were influenced by the Mughals. These patkas were made of either lightweight cotton or silk materials, which usually have heavy end panels and borders woven with metallic threads. The end panels are either woven in Paithan or Chanderi or asavali technique or embroidered with zari threads. However, the later Nizams did not continue the same style and it became soon obsolete altogether in the early twentieth century. The sixth and seventh Nizams introduced the trend of using belt (Kumar 2006: 117-118) (fig. 29.3). In the beginning Asaf jahi's rulers had used the turban similar to Shah Jahani style headgear. Most probably the Mahboob All Pasa had introduced the smartly stitched turban in the shape of crown, known as dastar. The interesting aspect of the dastar is that certain colours were fixed for the use of certain people. For example the Asaf jahis wore fine muslin dastars only of bright yellow colour and adorned with torah a turban crescent), which nobody else was allowed to wear. The Paigah families (Salar Jung, etc.), who were the next important family after the royal, wore pink dastars and the colour for other nobles was also allotted according to their status in the court (Kumar 2006: 118). With the available archival information and ganjifa cards illustrations gives the view that the Nizams use to wear quite stylish attire and introduced many new outfit also, which slowly became fashionable from the end of nineteenth century. Women's Costume In the absence of the authentic records and actual costumes of first five Nizam's wives, it's very difficult to ascertain the authentic view of women's dress of that period. However, photo archive and costume collection of the sixth and seventh Nizam, which was housed in Chowmahalla Palace, gives some information. Here the ganjifa set of National Museum is an important work of art as it provides more information about female's costumes. Around seventy ganjifa cards depict female portrait out of ninety-six cards, which provide variations in their costumes and different wearing styles. The usual presumption is that Nizam's women also copied the Mughal Begum's Style (fig. 29.4). They use to wear peswaz, angrakhi, paijama and dupatta. Pesvaz is a front open long sleeve garment having tight fitted high bodice portion and flared skirt part, which has length up to ankle. Angrakhi is also an upper garment, which have tight fitted waist and flared skirt, however the length is not so long. Churidara paijama is like the men's one, however women use more patterned and bigger fabric for it. The dupatta is worn to cover the head and waist and its bigger portions falls in the front. The length and width of dupatta used in southern remain always bigger in compare to northern region odhani. Probably the term dupatta comes from Hindi word du and patta. The word du stands for two and patta or pat means fabric. When the usual width of odhani (odhani is a sort of fabric) is doubled from the normal odhani probably it is known as dupatta. The most interesting par is that women had worn dupatta in number of ways, as evident in the ganjifa cards set. As appeared from the photo archival records and costumes that women usually wear kurtii-choli-sidha paijama and khad dupatta in around late ninetieth century. The silk brocaded sleeveless kurta have distinctive keyhole neckline probably taken from peswaz (fig. 29.5). These kurtas were either woven with pattern or embroidered with metallic threads with intricate floral designs. Short sleeved choli were usually richly embroidered with badla, gota work and a kurta is worn over it. Sidha paijama is a tight fitting paijama, which has seam on the side, not in the front. Long dupatta is worn in such a manner that the full end panel falls on the front and popularly known as khara dupatta. These khara dupattas were usually woven or embroidered with bandobast or masla kind of zari embroidery work. The Chowmahalla Palace collection of costumes has some such dresses. In this collection some of the velvet and satin jackets and servani are richly embroidered with metallic threads and these were stitched for princess and other children. Sometimes net anrakhi or pesvaz's embroidered with mukesh work were also made for young prince or princesses. The close observation of National Museum's ganjifa cards gives the impression that three types of female costumes were prevalent in that period. The first group is of pesvaz/angrakha-paijama-dupatta/cap; second is the set of sari-choli and the third group is of choli-paijama-dupatta. Female illustration of the first group paintings is less in compare to other groups of paintings. The first group of paintings illustrates females, in rich and beautiful peswaz/ angrakha as the upper attire and churidara paijama as lower garment (fig. 29.6). The upper garment has tight fitting bodice and flared skirt portion. Front open peswaz's sleeves are full in length and lots of zari decoration gives the royal look. Women generally drape dupatta in two styles; either just placed on the left shoulder, like a stole, or covered the breast portion where both the end falls at the back. Second group of attire in these paintings are the sari-choli/blouse which are good in number (fig. 29.7). Most of the paintings show women in heavy zari brocaded sari worn in ulta pallu, where end panel of sari rest on the left shoulder and sometimes it covers the head (fig. 29.2). These heavy zari brocaded Bandrasi or Paithani saris were usually maroon, green. purple, royal blue and yellow in colour. Generally, these colourful brocaded saris were worn with contrast colour choli like; golden choli with maroon sari or maroon choli with yellow sari. The maximum number of paintings in this set is of the third group, which depicts females in short choli-churidara paijama-dupatta (fig. 29.8). Good contrast colour outfit is portrayed in these cards such as; maroon choli with golden paijama and purple odhani or yellow choli with orange paijama and blue odhani, etc. The wearing of dupatta is interesting, one end of dupatta is tucked in paijama from left hand side than covers she back and comes in the front than goes to the left shoulder from where it falls at the back. Apart from stitched garments, women of Hyderabad court and nobility use to wear sari also from last quarter of nineteenth century as portrayed in several ganjifa cards. In fact by 1910s and 1920s the sari was already being worn at the more progressive courts across the sub-continent. Around 1930s and 1940s photographs of Princess Niloufer, the senior daughter-in-law of Nizam VII (Mir Osman Ali Khan) shown her draped elegantly in silk saris (Kumar 1991: 70) . Although the sari collection of Chowmahalla Palace is rich and has variety; silk and zari brocade saris of Bandrasi, Asavali and Paithani. Besides silk saris cotton plain or striped saris are also in the collection, but less photographs are available in which women are wearing sari. These saris were woven with pure silk borders and end panels and perhaps woven somewhere in western Andhra or in southern Deccan. There were lots of art and artistic activities during the Nizam's period. Costumes, textiles, jewels, jewellery and decorative arts objects, were created in their period, which are still admired and loved by the people, who use to visit the Salar Jung Museum, Chowmahalla Palace and Purani Haveli at Hyderabad. In fact Nizams were the great patrons of traditional handlooms also, which is still being made by the dedicated weavers and embroiderers. Their love for best things have encouraged the weavers, embroiders to come from all over the world and they use to create dazzling and magnificent fabrics for their masters. Today's Servani, achkan, waistcoat, jacket, trousers were introduced during the Nizams period. Portrait paintings done on the small ganjifa cards are a beautiful evidence of variations of male and female outfit prevalent in that period. This is a unique example of last quarter of nineteenth century style in Hyderabad region. Notes

Achkan and serwani is tailored right fitting coat like attire. Both these costumes are full in length up to the knee, full sleeves and have front open, which is buttons on the left panel to tighten the attire. Dastar is the stitched headdress like cap. Western costumes were shirt, trousers, coat and hat.
Rahul Jain had worked on the exhibition of costumes and clothing's of Chowmahalla Palace in 2001-02 and a booklet has been published by the Nizam's trust.
The ganjifa set has ninety-six small circular cards and a rectangular box for keeping the cards. High quality painting work done on these

cards indicates that this set might have been made for royal use. A similar ganjifa set, which is in a private collection in Germany, has been inscribed by the name of Asmad Jung Bahadur.

Masru is a colourful striped fabric, which is manipulation of cotton and silk yams in such a way that lusteres silk yam remain as upper surface, while cotton remain as lower yam, which come in contact of cotton yarn. Masru fabric is used for paijama and other stitched garments.

Bibliography Bala Krishnan, Usha R. (2001a) Jewels of the Nizam, IBH, Mumbai. Bala Krishnan, Usha R. (2001b) Nizam's Jewellery, (exhibition booklet) National Museum, New Delhi. Kedareswari, J. (2001) Nizams of Hyderabad, In: The Nizams' Jewels, Hyderabad. Kumar, Noopur (2006) Hyderabad Portrait of a City, Hyderabad. Kumar, R. (1999) Costumes and Textiles of Royal India, Chritie's Books, London. Mittal jagdish (1962) Telia Rumals of Pochampalli and Chirala, Marg 15, No. 4. Morwanchikar, R.S. (1993) Paithani: A Romance in Brocades, Delhi. Pathak, A. (2004) Some Rare Ivory Miniatures From The National Museum Collection, New Delhi, In: Naval Krishna and Manu Krishna (ed.), The Ananda Vana of Indian Art, Varanasi. Prasad, R.H. (1984) The Asif Jahas of Hyderabad: Their Rise and Decline. New Delhi. Rao, R. Setu Madhava (1963) Eighteenth Century Deccan, Bombay. Vardrajan, M. (ed.) (2002) Libaas : Indian Costumes Through the Centuries,-. Exhibition Catalogue held at Riyadh, Delhi.

Changing lifestyles and market structures mean that weaving is not a viable profession anymore. What's the way out?Hand-woven fabric is the product of Indian tradition, the inspiration of the cultural ethos of the weavers. With its strong product identity, handlooms represent the diversity of each State and proclaim the artistry of the weaver. It is not thread alone but the weaver's imagery, faith and dream that create heritage fabrics which have undoubtedly placed India on the world map. Handlooms rank second only to agriculture as an industry. The handloom sector boasts of 3.4 million weavers according to a census conducted by The National Council of Applied Economic Research (NCAER) in the year 1995-96 whereas in 1987-88 it was 4.3 million and the drop of nearly a million is all too significant and in the present scenario rather bleak.The Kancheepuram sari with its korvai designs may become a museum piece sooner than we think, so also the cotton korvai saris, with the weavers disinterested in weaving them. A cotton sari fetches the weaver Rs. 270 per sari as against Rs. 2,500 for a silk sari. A master weaver in Kancheepuram quotes the example of an MNC which sends buses to pick up young adults who are the children of the weavers. Even if it is an unskilled laborer's job, he can pick up around Rs. 250-300 a day and what's more, there is "prestige" attached to a factory job! What's worse is that our Southern traditional weaves are being pirated through importing weavers from Tamil Nadu. For most handloom weavers it means sitting at a loom for 12 hours at a stretch and even longer if it is festival or wedding season. Many of those interviewed swear that they will not subject their children to work in a profession which drains them. Most of them develop orthopedic problems and then it is too late to move to other professions when they are past the prime of life.Indirect Impact "The adversities that the farming sector continues to face have considerably affected the survival of many subsidiary activities and are a strong contributing factor for the downfall of the weaving industry. This indirect impact cannot be ignored," says Dr. Shyamasundari of Dastakar Andhra. "While the weavers have encouraged their sons to be educated in professional courses, they have overlooked the fact that actually it is weaving that supported their education making them engineers and doctors." That the exodus of young handloom weavers from their traditional occupation is steady is all too apparent. Cheaper synthetic fabrics flooding the market is one of the reasons and of course the failure to access and adapt to newer markets. The market which was originally located in rural areas has shifted to urban areas. The weavers were selling their products to co-operatives but it is these co-operatives who have not been able to locate ready markets.One of the interventions by the Government is the Swarnajayanti Gram Swarozgar Yojana (SGSY); specially formulated to help the 19,500 weavers engaged in the production of low cost saris and dhotis for Free Distribution Scheme (FDS). The weavers, who in the past were capable of creative weaving, sank into a blissful state of complacency, knowing fully well that whatever they wove, or however bad the quality, it would be accepted. The number of saris and dhotis woven were much more than the number of beneficiaries and as a result, the godowns of Co-optex began to swell with stocks of these saris and dhotis. Consequently, the FDS had to be discontinued in 2001.Left Stranded Nearly 19,500 weavers were rendered jobless and faced severe socioeconomic problems. Highly skilled weavers, like the ones from Virudhunagar, who were weaving 80s by 120s, did not know how to recall their skill. It was a time of great unrest and these handloom weavers were in a state of flux. It was a Catch 22 situation. With powerlooms dominating textile production all over India, and encroaching on the handloom sector's traditional market, the handloom weavers, in a desperate situation, drifted towards powerlooms, finding that work here was an easy substitute. Children were sold as bonded labor to bosses and without money to release them the bondage looked permanent. They went into building construction and brick making besides other jobs. Even older weavers took to new occupations and traditional skills were fast languishing. The situation looked grimly bleak.A proposal was charted out for a special project which would help these weavers learn new skills, regain lost ones and gain exposure to the countless possibilities of fine weaving and the project planned in different stages such as identification of the project implementing agencies, skill and technology upgradation, entrepreneurship development, and infrastructure development. The State Government sanctioned 25.36 crores for the Project. NIFT became the implementing agency. Training has been imparted to the weavers and new designs have been developed in saris, dress material, shirtings, and household linen. New markets were located as also export markets.With the government doing what it possibly can, beneath all the fluff, there are layers of discontent voiced by the weavers. The main grouse is the fear that they would be left midway with new schemes that they find bewildering and the inability to access new markets based on past experiences. Besides, the psychological impact that a complete turnabout would bring is not really understood by the so called guardians of the traditional vocations. A great degree of sensitivity is required when working in these areas.Pawns in a Game Cut to the Varanasi weavers. A BBC World TV broadcast focused on the plight of weavers in Varanasi facing the impact of Chinese "Benares brocade saris" imported at a fraction of local prices. Again this is a story of utter poverty and despair and the weavers not wanting to remain tied to a crippling tradition. Thousands of weavers around Varanasi became pawns on the chessboard of a capitalist system of merchants, brokers and bureaucracy. Vilas Muttemwar, Congress Lok Sabha member from Nagpur, raised the plight of the region's weavers in Parliament, saying about 20 lakh weavers in Vidarbha were seriously hit by the government's "casual ad-hoc policy and unhelpful attitude" towards problems relating to supply of yarn, credit support and other related facilities. "As a result, a large number of weavers are on the brink of starvation," he maintained. Uzramma of Dastakar Andhra says that the handloom industry portrays a vibrant scenario even though it is in a state of flux. "The point to be made is that the State does not recognize its tremendous potential, not only for rural employment, but as a viable economic activity which does not need the huge investments of infrastructure and capital which conventional industries require," she says. So what are the options left to craft activists who are concerned at the plight of the weavers and a craft tradition which is languishing? Says Ashoke Chatterjee (former President, Crafts Council of India), "our finest craft skills need immediate protection, which means reaching the weavers at the apex of a pyramidal supply chain. The active participation of the trade is recommended, difficult though this may seem in the light of current attitudes and past experience. The present condition of decline in weaving reflects the changing social structures, values and most importantly changing markets. Simultaneously, working with authorities, NGOs and activists in and around Varanasi, or other affected areas, one could attempt a relief fund to address immediate survival needs of families affected by death, debt and starvation." The only solution as I see it is to lobby for the languishing craft and handloom weaver through press reports, the electronic media, plays, short films and whatever is needed to address the existing problems. Our Indian fashion designers have a wealth of traditional material to dip into and they could harness traditional skills to showcase their designs which could give the Indian weaver exposure in international markets. Without action the death knell sounds loud and clear.

Issue 1, Summer 2019 ISSN: 2581- 9410 This setting could be anywhere in the world. In a village or in town, at a seminar, marketplace or an exhibition, and though the language may change, craftpersons and practitioners across the globe are asking the same question “What can we do to protect the traditional handcrafts we produce? How can we establish our rights over our community knowledge and our heritage of making? The counter-question that could be posed is “Why would hereditary craftpersons and practitioners who hand make products of tradition and heritage be interested in grappling with these esoteric global issues of protection, intellectual property rights and other issues? “ These questions are significant in our times for craftspersons and their communities. They are equally vital in the larger national interest for policy makers, economists, lawyers and cultural activists. The answers are complex and multi-layered. Divided into three parts this essay attempts to investigate these issues that confront craftspersons and their communities; offering up some options that can guide the way. The first part provides a background by briefly contextualising the historic landscape that has conditioned the responses, both globally and locally, to traditional products of know-how, skills andknowledge of indigenous and other communities. The second part situates the craftspeople within the context of intellectual property (IP) rights by examining legal instruments sited within the intellectual property rights (IPR) system that are appropriate and germane to the protection of products and expressions of indigenous and community manifestations of know-how and skills. An overview of the scope of each IP instrument along with the exceptions and limitations of protection of each legal instrument is included. The third part deconstructs alternate government and non-government, institutional and administrative arrangements that may lie within or outside the legal system yet serves to protect rights over community knowledge and its material manifestations. And though the subjects intertwine and overlap the essay in addition includes community initiatives and other instances where voluntary codes, benefit sharing, and other options have ensured some level of protection to traditional knowledge holders. Each route explored will be enlivened through micro case-studies and examples of prevailing regional, national and local experiences and practices SETTING THE CONTEXT/SITUATING CRAFTSPEOPLE AND COMMUNITIES “… for an individual or nation to become a customer, we endeavour to make the articles which we know to be liked and needed and these we offer for sale. …and if the supply of these is to come from (name of country/organisation blanked out) they must be imitated ...” These words could be from the minutes of a confidential meeting taking place anywhere on the globe today. But they date from 1886 and were written by John Forbes Watson the former director of the South Kensington museum that was to then become the Victoria and Albert museum in London.[i] This policy was not unusual for its times and nor was it a policy that was invented in those times as since ages past commercial and economic interests dictated this commonplace practice globally. Tacit in this stratagem was also the universally accepted tenet that objects, shapes, colours and patterns of indigenous cultures were regarded as a freely available emporium of readymade ideas and goods that could be ‘picked-off-the-shelf’ and appropriated. While the events of the past are not the focus of this essay the subject cannot be avoided as there are only rare instances of the mention of copying associated with the indigenous crafts and textiles that are made by communities. This is in the face of charges of infringement by and of designers and issues of brand product identity that are frequent in the print and digital media with counter-charges dominating social media platforms. This detritus of entrenched patterns of production and consumption embedded as conventional norms in the past continue in practice today as they have been hard to dislodge. These are some of the issues that craftspeople and their communities confront. Immersed as they are in cultural and symbolic values this enduring and seemingly ageless appeal of traditional handcrafted products continues to attract the attention of manufacturers worldwide. In the now global design culture products and patterns are freely traded. A cursory search on the internet reveals a huge cache offering authentic copyright free designs from books, CDs, websites, social media like Pinterest and more. This is not a new trend as the widely disseminated classic publication in this genre was first published more than a century and a half ago. In 1856 Owen Jones regarded as one of the most influential design theorists published his influential design sourcebook ‘The Grammar of Ornament”. The publication included historic and current designs from countries as far apart as Egypt, Arabia, Persia, Greece, India, China to Turkey and other countries and cultural periods. It continues to be reprinted and accessible forming the backbone to the continuing circulation of patterns, shapes and motifs for adoption. Another example of the same genus is the circulation of the actual samples for adoption whether it is objects, traditional arts or textile samples. And one example from among the many world-wide instances is the 1886 Forbes-Watson collection of over 700 handloom and handcrafted textile samples that were collated for copying and mass-production by the industrial mills of those times. These so called “IPR free” designs peddle a marketing of culture that communities have honed over decades often centuries of aesthetic development. A visit to any museum is a testament to their creativity as is a visit to their homes and workplaces today. Their hand-making, daily practice and diligent hard work on products that are executed through indigenous techniques, with vocabularies of motifs and colours, composition and style have been rooted in culture and history that the communities have justly been famous for. Yet craftspeople have all seen their traditional arts featured on a range of objects; symbolic block-prints and embroideries that have been machine printed; handlooms replicated on the power-loom. Craftspeople, artists and weavers who have sewn and embroidered, cast and moulded, engraved and etched, printed and painted, created forms and motifs that have made famed through the millennia – these keepers of community identity and the bearers of culture seem to have no place in popular conversations on ‘design’ and ‘brand’ and apparently, no perceived rights or ownership of their familial and community knowledge, knowledge that has been handed down orally from their ancestors and honed with daily practice. Disconnected in the past by a toxic combination of distance, time, status, finance and voice it had lead (as it continues to do so now) not only to income and business losses that threatened hand production, but equally to a loss over the collective knowledge of their forefathers. This was and is further compounded by feelings of marginalisation and helplessness by their inability to prevent or effectively deal with this copying and faking. And while craftspeople and their communities who were at the receiving end of this free-riding are now questioning this the leitmotif of our times is the manner in which ideas, designs, images and products circulate both in physical terms and on digital media. In this accelerated world of fast fashion and immediate consumption the need to fill stores (online and brick-and-mortar) often overrides appropriation. The timeless appeal of the handcrafted goods which require no investment in product development with cultural and symbolic values and an ageless appeal that adds up to a sum that is greater than its parts is now more in demand than ever. National statistics, export figures, empirical studies and anecdotal data on handicrafts all point to a bullish market (to use a financial term). Implicit in this is a worldwide appetite for products of traditional craftsmanship. While this is cause for celebration for many it is mixed with a large dose of apprehension. This uneasiness is not misplaced as these hand tooled crafts are now demanded by a speeded up marketplace that has been primed to expect immediate delivery. These are customers with access to hyper-competitive online marketplaces with free fast delivery on over 40 million items all year long So are crafts that are handmade by traditional maker communities now open to being designed and redesigned for quick consumption? This is the overriding concern of craft-makers, their communities, of NGOs and others as cases of copying, replicating, manipulating and faking will only multiply. In addition this rising interest and demand runs parallel to developments in technologies of mass-replication from 3D printing, AI and other regular new technological developments that besides multiplying the numbers lower costs to a fraction of the handmade This essay does not enter into the politics of blame but the realities of transnational cultural flows and the diffusion of cultural forms with physical and digital inter-connectedness needs to be recognised. Existing narratives of cultural production have become far more complex with derivative, imitative craft forms leading in several instances to repetition and appropriation How are we dealing with this ? And our answer is “unfortunately not well enough.” an examination of programs offered for craftspeople to learn, diversify, innovate and upscale from across the world revealed that few if any provided insights on how to deal with this looming issue. The largest census of over 4.3 million weavers in India revealed that the greatest threat to the profession, livelihood and income of the makers was from the copying of their products by mechanised means.[ii] Craftspeople and their communities who were at the receiving end of this free-riding who had little or no recourse are now questioning this. Despite this wall of public and professional ignorance or indifference, craftspeople, weavers and folk and tribal artists now have access to means of recourse. The essay outlines the three routes that can be taken – individually or in conjunction to make protection effective and a powerful business and commercial tool for craftspeople and communities. IN CONEXT -Intellectual Property (IP) protection For communities their traditional knowledge and cultural expressions are not just cherished cultural, social and historical assets they are also valuable economic assets as they can be used or traded or licensed for income generation and economic development of communities. And as we all know in several countries the craft sector plays a vital social and cultural function while contributing significantly to local and national economies. For policy makers it is of importance as within the larger national interest the marketing of crafts contribute to the gross domestic product and exports of the economy. Besides, the intangible aspects of craft practice protect indigenous knowledge, preserve cultural identity, encourage diversity and inspire innovative practices. Of significance also is the issue of equity, fairness and what is just for holders of traditional knowledge to protect their culture, heritage and dignity. So it is in the regional, national, local and community interest for the recognition and protection to be accorded to this sector and the legal infrastructure of Intellectual Property (IP) protection to become an indispensable part of the tool-kit of craftspeople and their creative communities. Within the international IP system crafts lie within the domain of traditional knowledge, and while there is yet no formal worldwide accepted definition traditional knowledge encompasses traditional cultural expressions that includes distinctive signs, designs, appearance, style and symbols associated with this knowledge. In the case of crafts it can be stated as the know-how, skills and practices that are developed, sustained and passed on from generation to generation within a community and often form part of its cultural or spiritual identity. IP laws broadly speaking give craftspeople and craft entrepreneurs rights to the goods they create thus allowing them - the holders of these rights - to accrue the economic benefits from their creations. A powerful commercial and marketing tool it works towards not only protecting and defending against unfair competition but additionally helping to preserve the cultural identity and interests of the holders of those rights. Usually granted for a specified period of time,this powerful commercial and marketing IP toolkit works towards ensuring that economic returns are fairly conferred to the holders of the rights by protecting and defending against unfair competition. A by-product of IP being the preservation of cultural identity and upholding the interests of the rights holders. A further impetus to make use of IP tools are the studies that record a significant interdependence between the protections afforded products by the IP rights system and their successful marketing. Yet for craftspeople and craft entrepreneurs the IP system cannot be considered a panacea against all ills. This is for several reasons the first being that the IP tools that can be considered appropriate to promote the interests of craftspeople and crafts organizations are not necessarily geared to traditional knowledge based products. As traditional knowledge of crafts and its cultural expressions are usually premised on the concept of community property ownership and generally do not allow for the transfer of ownership of ideas from one generation to next whereas the IPRs are largely based on the concept of individual property ownership. The principal underlying protection of IP were largely conceived in the 19^th century though the first legislative act concerning trademarks was passed in 1266 much before the attention and concern in protecting the rights of craft groups and indigenous communities came to the fore. With the primary supporters of widening IP systems being the developing countries (with some marked exceptions) the issues of devising definitions of IP tailored to indigenous groups to encompass products based on traditional knowledge and cultural expression are being debated at the international level. The discussions on developing equivalent protection are still in a nascent stage. And though there are spaces of convergence such as collective trademarks, geographic indications, copyright, etc. that can and have been used the existing IP mechanisms are insufficient for holders of traditional knowledge. Further as we move ahead it will be noted from the examples that are presented that makers and their businesses often have to take protection under several IP laws to build an effective protection. In addition the IP systems complexities relate to the specific legal infrastructures that have been enacted within each national territory, the different types of IP laws available, and the minutiae of each of these laws, their limitations, their applicability, implications and impact on traditional craft practice. Added to this matrix is the financial aspect and the time input required to pursue cases through legal networks that needs to be factored in. Besides of course the homework and due diligence craftspersons and their communities need to do before undertaking the legal route. All this requires a systematic understanding of the IP system operational within the territory in which they are operating. This is an issue that cannot be discounted as it often deters communities from following up on what can be considered clear violation Sui generis or “a special or specific kind” However systems that refer to a special form of IP protection outside the known framework and are especially tailored to meet certain specified needs have been developed by countries to address the linkages between the intellectual property systems and the concerns of traditional makers and to protect their rights in their national territories. Termed as sui generis or “a special or specific kind” several national territories have developed their own sui generis systems to protecting traditional knowledge, innovations and practices. These are tools of positive protection that communities could employ to promote the products of traditional knowledge and gain the benefit from its commercial use through the special sui generis legislations. For instance Costa Rica, the Philippines, Peru, Kenya, South Africa, India, Thailand, Venezuela and other countries have put sui generis regimes in place though largely associated with biodiversity it is a start. However in 2000 Panama passed a Sui generis law - Panama’s special system for registering the collective rights of indigenous people’s for the protection and defence of their cultural identity and traditional knowledge and setting out other provisions - According to WIPO this sui generis system constitutes the first comprehensive system of protection of traditional knowledge ever adopted in the world. The objective of this particular sui generis law extending its protection to the collective IP rights, and the traditional knowledge of the indigenous peoples over their creations. Such creations include invention, models, patterns and designs, innovations contained in images, figures, symbols, diagrams and petroglyphs. In addition it includes the cultural elements of their history, music art and traditional artistic expression capable of commercial use. Law 27811 of Peru enacted in 2002 was for protection of Indigenous Peoples’ collective knowledge. Its objectives include protection, preservation and development of collective knowledge; fair and equitable distribution of benefits derived from the use of collective knowledge; use of collective knowledge to benefit indigenous peoples and the community; assurance that prior informed consent of indigenous peoples is obtained for use of their collective knowledge; access and benefit sharing; and prevention of patents for inventions based on collective knowledge of Peruvian indigenous peoples without proper acknowledgement.The Traditional Knowledge Act 2016 in Kenya seeks to protect and enhance intellectual property in and indigenous knowledge of biodiversity and genetic resources and ensure that communities receive compensation or royalties for use of their traditional knowledge. In Costa Rica too the law on biodiversity recognises traditional Knowledge. While an Act in Thailand associated with biodiversity also provides for conservation and sustainable use of medicinal plants that has spurred activity in the registration. Universal primer on IPR laws To make this essay relevant and of practical use to different craft traditions and to craftspeople from diverse parts of the world the authors have attempted to provide a universal primer on IPR laws to defensively protect their IP by preventing others from outside using or acquiring intellectual property rights over their traditional knowledge and its manifestations.This primer is based on straightforward definitions of terms, their scope and the exceptions and limitations. The choice of the appropriate IP tool depending on its suitability and relevance for the protection to be accorded is also explained. This primer identifies practical, accessible and often community-based means of using the existing IP system for the effective recognition, protection, management, marketing and commercialization of traditional crafts as cultural and economic assets. It is apparent from a study of National IP systems that there are often wide dissimilarities both in particulars and in approaches to the types and the details of IP laws practiced within territories. Thus laws need to be looked at through a national lens when IP protection is necessitated as these variations may have enormous practical business or other implications. This is the pragmatic route recommended to assessing the applicability and practicality for craft business needs within their own home countries on which decisions should be made. It must be noted here that some or all of the IPR laws and regulations defined may have been enacted in the country to which the practitioner belongs. However each country may have adapted or changed the IP legal requirements and/or tweaked their scope, their limitations and its exceptions and effective time periods within the territory in which the law is practiced. In addition they may have legislated additional IP laws for the protection of indigenous craft producers and communities. All this will need to be studied and factored in. Where country laws offer protection, it is limited to the national territory level and does not address protection of traditional knowledge beyond borders except in those instances where there are bilateral agreements between countries. The authors recommend that help of IP specialists be taken to understand these complexities. Further WIPO Lex, available at www.wipo.int/wipolex, is a useful source to find the IP laws in force in each country. For this IP primer the main source of information has been the World Trade Organisation documents and website as it provides a purview of international guidelines. However we have attempted to tailor them specifically in the context that is applicable for craftspeople and their communities. This essay limits itself to traditional craftsmanship requiring specialized and traditional techniques, skills and knowledge that are often of considerable antiquity and transmitted from generation to generation. When all necessary basic measures and procedures have been put in place crafts persons and their communities can start implementing an IP policy and strategy using the IP tool kit as an integral part of business and marketing strategy.From the examples set forth it will also become evident that for a more complete protection craftspeople may need to use more than one IP tool. Within the IP space traditional crafts can be categorised broadly into three separate components that can potentially be protected by a distinct form of IP. The first being the reputation and distinctiveness of the craft product that is derived from its style, origin or quality that can be protected by trademarks, collective or certification marks, geographical indications or unfair competition law. The second being its external appearance that can be protected by copyright or industrial designs, its shape and design. The third aspect being the know-how or the skills and knowledge used to create and make them that can be by patents, or as a trade secret. These forms of IP are examined herewith. Copyright Laws Copyright or author’s right recognizes the contribution of creators by giving them legal rights over their literary and artistic works and their scientific creations. These rights cover both the economic and moral rights. The economic rights protect copyright owners by ensuring them fair financial rewards as creators. This includes the right of the holder to prevent other people or businesses from copying their work, unauthorized reproduction and adaptation or making it available to the public without their authorization. The Moral rights protect the integrity and reputation of the creator. encompasses the right of the creator to be acknowledged as the creator of the work or the right of paternity or attribution. They include the right to prevent and object to any distortion, mutilation or other modification of, or other derogatory action in relation to, the work, which would be prejudicial to the honour or reputation of the maker or community. Moral rights last forever and cannot be transferred. Copyright protection spans literary works, including books, novels, poems, plays and newspaper articles; other artistic and creative works like films, music compositions, songs and choreography; paintings, drawings, sculpture, photographs, architecture, films and advertisements. Among the scientific creations it includes computer programs, electronic databases, maps, and technical drawings.However as Copyright Laws extend their protection to works by unknown authors/makers that have been transmitted from generation to generation and where it is often not possible to identify the author/s or creator/s; and works made by groups of authors/makers that are collective expressions within the local community, like crafts, they can also seek copyright protection. Copyright laws protect the tangible manifestation or expression of ideas or external appearances if they are “original” creations of their creators. Here the use of the words original needs to be defined as it is unlike its day-to-day nomenclature. Translated into legalese it implies that the maker needs to have created the work themselves rather than by copying it and the manifestation does not have to be completely new, very original or artistically creative to be protected. Though this may vary across national territories there is usually no need to register copyright works to protect them as the creator will automatically have copyright in their work by virtue of creating it or fixing it in tangible form. However in case of dispute it will be required to prove authorship of the work and its date of creation so a method – legal or other – for recording this is necessary. Obtaining a copyright allows craft creators exclusive rights to benefit financially for a fixed period of time. In most countries, a copyrighted work is protected for the length of the author’s life plus a minimum of another 50 years, though several countries have special legislation that extends this period for specific works of national importance. Economic Rights generally belong to the creator or creator community but can be transferred so that someone else becomes the owner. Further the holder/s of the copyright can also transfer or license their works by granting permission to specified entities to use the rights in specific ways. This could be in exchange for a one-off fee or periodic royalties (a percent based on the number of product sold) , permission to produce and brand certain products. In licensing the manufacturer bears the risk and responsibility for actually making and distributing the products. Some examples include the protection under the Australian Copyright Act that is valuable to all artists including Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander artists. The copyright Law of Ghana protects Kente Cloth that is produced by the Asante ethnic group and is closely associated with Asante royalty. When imitation Kente patterned cloths appeared around the 1980s the Copyright law responded by protecting this infringement and addressing the concerns of the community. The Copyright Act of Australia protects Dreaming stories that have been used through song, dance, painting and storytelling to pass on important knowledge, cultural values and belief systems to later generations among the different clans of Aboriginal communities of Australia. In 1994, a copyright infringement claim was brought by three Aboriginal artists against a carpet factory that had reproduced paintings. The Courts ruled in favour of the Aboriginal artists. The Copyright and Related Rights of the USA protected Mary Engelbreit a graphic artist and children's book illustrator who created successful greeting cards. Several well-known card companies bought her designs leading to further interest from other companies who were interested in licensing the artworks on a wide range of products. While retaining all rights to the work the artist copyright each design this gave her the freedom to license the same image to multiple manufacturers to be reproduced on calendars, T-shirts, mugs, gift books, rubber stamps, ceramic figurines etc. The Copyright and related rights in Mongolia protected Pashmina/ Cashmere as in the international cashmere industry, Mongolian cashmere offered some of the world’s finest available cashmere. The industry remains vital to the economy as cashmere wool is the third largest export with over one-third of the country’s population depending on income from cashmere for their survival. However, around half of all of cashmere wool produced in Mongolia was illegally smuggled out of the country, resulting in a loss of jobs and millions of dollars in potential revenue. After copyrighting the cashmere Mongolia further supplemented the protection with certification marks and by creating a strong brand image. Trademarks A trademark, also termed as mark, is a distinctive sign or combination of signs that identifies a product or service from other products or services on the market. It distinguishes the product such that consumers are able to discern and recognize the products or services from those that are sold or provided by others. Trademarks play an important role in marketing and branding as they allow a provider of goods and/or services to build an exclusive reputation and create loyalty among their consumers. A trademark is linked to one or more specific goods. With the owner of a mark having the exclusive right to use it within the relevant territory specified for the goods. They can prevent others from using it; and can prevent a confusingly similar mark in relation to identical or similar goods. In comparison with other IP tools trademarks are the handiest for individual craftspeople. Registering trademarks serves them in protecting their products' reputation and as a preventive to others free-riding on their reputation. The use of trademarks by craftspeople helps to distinguish their products from others that could be similar, or substitutes for them. It makes their products easily recognizable based on their image or reputation. It helps to facilitate customer decision-making and to select the product with the qualities inherent in the trademarked product thus helping ingaining or maintaining market share. Trademarks in addition enable the introduction of new products, and the repositioning of existing products. In addition a well promoted trademark extends the craftspersons reach over more distant markets than would be possible otherwise. Craftspeople can use their marks on tags and labels, by placing them on products, packaging, displays, in advertising, promotion and publicity and in a myriad different ways. The options available for developing a trademark are quite vast and include words or a word, letters, numerals, drawings, pictures, shapes, symbols, logotype, labels with any combination of two or more of these. Even the craftspersons name can be trademarked as can non-visible signs such as sounds or fragrances can be the subject matter of a mark. However to get a trademark the mark must be distinctive; it should not be generic, descriptive or deceptive in relation to the goods to which it is applied; and it should not be identical or confusingly similar to other marks that have already been registered for identical or similar goods. Words and illustrations that are considered to violate commonly accepted norms of morality and religion will be rejected or cancelled. In addition flags, official hallmarks, emblems of states and international organizations are also excluded from registration. In most national territories a mark needs to be registered to be protected effectively. Usually, the registration is for a period of 10 years though it can be renewed indefinitely by the owner. Registration grants the owner exclusive right to use the mark on, or in connection with, the products in the registration. In case of a dispute, it is helpful in proving ownership. Like other IP tools the trademark protection is territorial though the registration of a trademark in a national territory can be the basis for seeking registration in other countries. A trademark may be licensed to others by the owner while retaining ownership of the trademark. This could be through a formal licensing agreement of the trademark on the basis of franchising or merchandising agreement in exchange for an agreed fee or royalty payment. In addition, craftspeople can also sell or assign their trademark to others. In case of infringement of trademark rights where others may be using confusingly similar or identical trademarks legal action can be taken to stop violation. Some examples include the use of trademarks to identify authentic indigenous arts, as the Maori Arts Board in New Zealand, TeWakaToi, has done. While in 2019 Tenango de Doria, a village in Hidalgo, a state in central Mexico, acquired a collective trademark for a logo that marks the village’s distinctive crafts. In Canada, besides copyright protection trademarks, including certification marks, are used by Aboriginal people to identify a wide range of goods and services, ranging from traditional art and artwork to food products, clothing, tourist services and enterprises run by First Nations. Many Aboriginal businesses and organizations have registered trademarks relating to traditional symbols and names. In Kazakistan the designations containing elements of Kazakh ornament are registered and protected as trademarks. An interesting side-line to trademarks that I bring up here is the whole new Domain name or Internet address issue. Domain names as we all know are valuable property. They are singular, serving as unique identifier labels that indicate ownership or control of a resource. They are easily recognizable and memorisable names. And they allow for movement beyond physical location with easy accessibility both locally and globally. All that craftspeople want in a trademark. And given that a trademark right is territorial right while a domain name on the Internet is global. There are no easy answers as those who have faced this issue will tell you as often ownership of domain names can be confusingly similar for the same type of products in different territories. However we need to keep in mind that a domain name does not imply trademark rights and therefore legal action can be taken against the owner of domain name if it infringes or misuses of trademark rights. Collective marks The marks toolkit extends itself beyond the ownership and use of just one person, business or organization to a collective use where it can be owned and/or used by groups, and/or by an association or cooperative representing a group of people or businesses. Identified as a collective mark it is a valuable IP tool for craft communities and for indigenous groups. All authorised members of the group can use the collective mark for goods and/or services that conform to the criteria established by the association or cooperative they belong to. Some basic examples of the criteria could be that the makers belong to a certain community, or from a certain geographical area or are of common origin, or that they produce or provide the same or very similar products, or they meet a specified quality standard, etc. As Collective marks are the property of the association the mark serves as a distinguisher of products of the members of the association; it is also often used to show membership in such an association. The objective of the collective mark is to benefit the association as a whole. Specific benefits could include marketing of the associations’ products and building networks of collaborative efforts between members. As costs get spread over a group they are shared, this includes the costs associated with marketing and publicity. Additionally as collective marks demonstrate membership in the association and as all members of the association use the same trademark they are identified by the standards laid down by the association, their maintenance and compliances. This may provide a motivation to buy products bearing a recognised collective mark as it apprises consumers about inherent product characteristics signified by the collective mark It is usual for purposes of registration to state the regulations that govern the use of the collective mark, the membership criteria, listings of authorized users, conditions on use of the mark, limitations, etc. The duration of the mark and its scope of protection is usually the same as that of a trademark. However unlike trademarks usually collective marks cannot be licensed. A collective mark can also be used in conjunction with individual trademarks. Thus while simultaneously operating within the umbrella of the collective mark it allows for distinguishing own products from those of the association, thus offering wider benefits. For example in the Andean region of Peru the native potatoes here are well known. The Co-operativa Agraria de Producción Agríco la Sumaq Sunqu Ltd. registered a collective mark – SumaqSonqo -that communicated its reputation and quality and distinguish it from other potato varieties and thus enable the farmers to sell them more easily and at a higher value. 500 producers are the sole users of the collective mark and have to adhere to the specific quality standards established by the group. Geographical Indications or Protection of Appellations of Origin A geographical indication (GI) is a sign that specifies that a product originates from a country, region or locality and that it possesses qualities, reputation or characteristics that are essentially attributable to that place of origin. It can be used by all producers who make their products in the geographical region designated by the GI and whose products share those particular qualities represented by the geographical indication. Geographical origins can be of importance as products from certain places commands a premium due to the local soil or climate and other natural factors; or the skills, knowledge or traditions and other human factors; or a combination of the two. Most often used for agricultural products the GIs in force in 2017 those relating to “wines and spirits” accounted for 57.1% of the total, followed by agricultural products and foodstuffs (28.2%). Handicrafts too qualify for registration as geographical indications as many traditional crafts are based on processes and knowledge, carried forward by a community from generation to generation in a given region, use natural resources, and have qualities influenced by specific local factors. At present they account for 2.7% of the total GI’s in force. With China, Hungary, India and the Islamic Republic of Iran each have more than 100 GIs for handicrafts in force within their jurisdictions. The GI tag serves as an indication to consumers that a craft is produced in a particular place and has qualities that are only found in that place. It protects GI crafts against misleading and deceptive trading practices as false use of a GI by unauthorized parties is detrimental to the interests of consumers and legitimate producers. It protects its reputation or goodwill that has been accumulated over time as it ensures that consumers can get the genuine products rather than an imitation. In addition, they can prevent others from using a protected GI on goods that do not come from the defined area or do not possess the requisite quality or characteristics thus It safeguarding the market for the product for legitimate producers who suffer when business is taken away from them by imitators. The protection of GIs varies across national territories and under a wide range of concepts. It can be enshrined as a GI law or as a sui generis law or as an appellations of origin that is used for products that are linked especially strong way to a particular place with the legal protection being usually more stringent than for other GIs. In some national territories a GI can be protected through a collective mark and/or a certification mark, as laws against unfair competition, consumer protection laws that prevent those who are unauthorized from using the GI to mislead the public as to the true origin of the product. Sanctions can range from court injunctions preventing further unauthorized use, to payment of damages and fines or/and imprisonment. Industrial designs protection Industrial designs protection is offered in the IP toolkitto the aesthetic and ornamental aspects or outward appearance of a product. The protection being accorded is not to its functionality or how it works or what it does but its look and feel. It can include three or two-dimensional features, the shape, configuration, patterns, lines, colours; or a combination of such features of a product. It is accorded when a design differs quite significantly from existing industrial designs. The criteria for registration is that a design must be new or novel and original, implying that no identical or very similar design is known to have existed before; and it is considered to be original if it has been created by the craftsperson, artist or designer independently and is not a copy or imitation of an existing design. In addition some national territories also add the clause of individual character, where the design must produce an overall impression that is different from the overall impression produced by any prior design. The holder can licence the right for use by others For craftspeople and their communities there are some issues at stake here. The first being that for craft products, like others, the aesthetic aspects or distinct outward appearances can be protected. As aesthetics are important to customers success in the marketplace often depends on a craft products visual appeal and novelty besides its functionality. in the case of craft products where a wide range of competing products are available as the holder of a right has exclusivity over its use it gives competitive edge; the design being part of the brand image of a producer. The second aspect being that while designs inspired by traditional crafts products will not meet the prerequisite of novelty or originality and so cannot be registered, if they have been craftspeople can use legal means to invalidate or cancel the registration or file for infringement. The legal details to obtain industrial design protection can vary widely across national territories its protection confers the right to prevent all others from producing, importing, selling, or distributing products that have an appearance which is identical to, or does not substantially differ from, that of the protected appearance. The holder has the legal right to prevent the competitor from using the design and may file for damages for the unauthorized use of that design. The holder of the protection has exclusive rights, to make or market products in the territory where it is registered. The protection granted is usually for at least 10 years. With the design protection being held valid only for the national territory in which registration has been obtained In Canada, besides other IPR protections like copyright protection trademarks, certification marks only some have used industrial designs protection under the Industrial Design Act. However the West Baffin Eskimo Cooperative Ltd. filed over 50 designs in the late 1960s for fabrics using traditional images of animals and Inuit people. While in Kazakhstan, the external appearance of national outer clothes, head dresses/saykele, carpets/tuskiiz, decorations of saddles, national dwellings/yurta and their structural elements, as well as women’s apparel accessories, like bracelets/blezik, national children’s cots-crib-cradles and table wares/piala/torcyk are protected as industrial designs. Patents Patent system protects and promotes inventions by helping to ensure that inventors get a fair commercial reward for their inventions. An invention may be a new and inventive product (a technical solution to a problem) and/or a process (a new way of doing something). Patents are concerned with how things work, what they do, how they do it, what they are made of or how they are made. It is a rightthatallows an inventor to excludeothers from commercially using their inventionfor a fixed period of time usually limited to 20 years from the date of filing the patent application. It also applies only in the country/ies in which the patent protection has been obtained. When the protection of a patent ends at the end of its term the owner no longer holds exclusive rights to the invention. The invention comes into the public domain and can commercially be exploited by others. The patentability criterion requires that an invention must be new, not known in the body of existing knowledge in the relevant technical field i.e. the novelty criteria. The invention must also not be evident or obvious to a person skilled in the relevant field of technology based on what is already known in that field or another field of technology i.e. non-obviousness. And in addition the invention must be capable of being produced or used in any kind of industry including agriculture, or it must be useful and provide some practical benefit i.e. its industrial applicability or utility. The subject matter of the invention must fall within the patentable subject matter, as per the patent law. As patent offices in national territories vary widely on whether novelty and inventive criteria is assessed and if it is assessed how it is assessed it can impact craftspeople and indigenous communities in several way that relate to the concept of prior art. Prior-art being everything that is of relevance to the invention that was known or disclosed, in either whole or in part, before the date of filing the patent application. Products made with traditional knowledge can be considered prior-art if they have already been published; publicly used or orally disclosed; this will require proof of when and where it was used. The first aspect being those cases where patents have been granted and communities feel that the prior art aspect has not taken into consideration. In these cases patent office need to be alerted to rectify the decision by challenging it through the patent office itself and/or by filing an appeal to challenge it in a court of law. To declare a patent invalid it needs to be proved that one of the conditions for granting the patent was not fulfilled. The second aspect is the granting of a patent protection in the fields of crafts and visual arts. While traditional knowledge or prior art cannot be patented; what can be patented is new and inventive innovations developed using its prior art. If it meets the legal requirements of a patent model exclusivity over the use of their invention can be obtained. It may also be noted here that a majority of patents granted are for additional improvements in known technology Patents are granted in exchange for a full disclosure of the invention in the application, which is published so as to make the information contained in it available to the general public. The date of publishing this information varies across national territories. Once the patent is granted, the owner can exercise their exclusive rights to make or use the invention themselves or license rights to someone else. Both Kazakhstan and the Russian Federation have identified examples of protection of technical traditional knowledge through the grant of patents. While in South Africa in in the mountains of the Cedarburg, north of Cape Town the rooibos or red bushes/Aspalathuslinearisthat dot the landscape hold remarkably beneficial nutritional and health properties. the plant having been used for generations by the Khoi and the San the region’s indigenous peoples to treat a wide range of ailments. A company filed a patent application at the European Patent Office (EPO) for an invention entitled “Rooibos and Inflammation. The main claim of this patent application covered the “use of a composition comprising Aspalathuslinearisor an extract thereof for the preparation of a product to treat and/or prevent inflammatory disorders” besides other aspects. The EPO patent examiners refused to grant a patent as they considered that the claimed invention did not meet the requirements for patentability of novelty and inventive step (discussed in more detail below in the section on patents). As a result, the patent applicant withdrew the patent application and no patent was granted. Protection against unfair competition Unfair competition law supplements the protection provided by other types of IPR tools. As acts or practices that are anti-honest business practices can cause harm to law abiding entrepreneurs, to consumers and the public at large this protection discourages such practices. Again differing across national territories the laws on unfair competition vary though creating confusion, discrediting a rival business or its products or services, and using misleading indications are all generally prohibited. In several countries while no exclusive rights are granted and no registration is required protection is provided through parts of the legal system that deals with civil wrongs wherein one party can sue another to secure a legal remedy for the harm that other party has allegedly caused. In other territories specific legislation like the laws on unfair competition, trade practices or labelling exist. With regard to craft products their tangible and intangible aspects like reputation, distinctiveness and goodwill can be safeguarded using the unfair competition law, depending on the national territory. Those laws that apply to the use of misleading indications that imply that a product is authentically indigenous, or that it has been produced by a particular community, when it is not authentically indigenous or has not been produced by that community can be applied. The tort of passing off i.e.if someone passes goods off as if they were produced or endorsed by a particular community is of great relevance to craftspeople as they have been subject to this. In some territories passing off is considered to be an act of unfair competition and as such an offence in misrepresentation likely to deceive the public, and that this misrepresentation damaged or was likely to damage the craftspersons reputation and goodwill. Trade secrets The law of trade secrets or undisclosed information protects confidential information. In effect any confidential business information which provides a craftsperson or a business with a competitive edge can qualify as a trade secret. Generally, trade secret protection allows a holder of confidential information to prevent that information from being disclosed to, acquired by, or used by others without the holder’s consent in a manner contrary to honest commercial practices. Trade secrets protection has a relatively wide coverage and includes from technical know-how formulas to manufacturing processes and other knowledge that is based on experience and intellectual talent. It also encompasses the composition or design of a product, or the know-how necessary to perform a particular process. With business, marketing and commercial aspects including market studies, clients, supplier and consumer profiles and lists and other aspects included. For craftspeople those aspects of their business that they wish to keep confidential from their competitors because of its commercial value also fall into this space. This law is often a preferable alternative even in cases where other protection is available as it is the very basis for all types of intellectual property in those.Trade secret protection usually operates through two means. Either as a general protection against unfair competition through specific provisions provided by territorial laws or through cases that are taken to law courts and built up there to protect confidential information. Certain conditions need to be met for the application for trade secret protection to apply. For instance the information should have been kept as a secret or disclosed in confidence only to those who need to know it with measures in place to preserve such secrecy; as that which is generally known or readily ascertainable is not protectable as a trade secret. Another criteria is that the owner must have put in place proper precautions to maintain its confidentiality or secrecy eg. Non-disclosure agreements. In addition the information must have commercial value. If there is a breach of confidence, the trade secret holder will need to prove that the conditions for protection of a trade secret were met and that there was a breach of confidence. Furthermore, the confidential information does not need to be registered to be protected. The rights of owners of trade secrets can prevent others from improperly acquiring, disclosing or using them. While non-disclosures bind others to confidentiality. Interestingly even negative information qualifies for trade secret protection. Legal recourse is through a court injunction preventing further disclosure. Further the trade secret owner can also collect damages for any economic injury suffered as a result of the trade secret’s improper acquisition and use by a competitor. In Canada, it is now becoming common for Aboriginal communities to sign confidentiality agreements with governments and non-Aboriginal businesses when sharing their traditional knowledge. For example, the Unaaq Fisheries, owned by the Inuit people of Northern Quebec and Baffin Island regularly transfers proprietary technologies to other communities using its own experience in the commercial fishing industry. The techniques it develops are protected as trade secrets. In Australia the Pitjantjatjara Council of Australia was successful in preventing the sale of a book entitled Nomads of the Australian Desert written by Charles Mountford as the publication released significant and secret ceremonial information of the Pitjantjatjara people.The Pitjantjatjara Council claimed that information concerning religious and sacred matters had been given to Mountford in confidence. The court found that the information in the book held “deep religious and cultural significance to the plaintiffs” and that its unauthorized release might “undermine the social and religious stability of their community”. An injunction was granted preventing the sale of the book in Western Australia. This toolkit primer has attempted to demonstrate that the intellectual property systems can be brought into use by traditional craftspeople and their communities to stop others from infringing their intellectual property rights Beyond IPR: Institutional and administrative arrangements Besides IPR tools craftspeople have some additional institutional and administrative arrangements that can serve to protect rights over community knowledge and its material manifestations. While the continuing liberalization and deregulation of the trading systems around the world is creating a progressively competitive marketplace there is an increasingly vocal mainstreaming of demand for products that are handmade and are produced without exploiting workers, children and the environment. The membership of organisations, institutions, labels, that underline the key strength of traditional craftsmanship of its creativity, distinct heritage, cultural and symbolic aspects, processes employed or any other aspect can add to the layers of protection. Though there are several examples only some instances of those that operate internationally are listed here. In addition craftspeople need to examine those that operate within national territories or regions exploring those that provide protection that suit their requirements. Fair trade Fair Trade is an institutional arrangement designed to help producers in developing countries achieve better trading conditions. Focused on a long-list of products, including traditional handicrafts, it provides labelling for products that are both exported overseas or consumed within domestic markets. The movement seeks to promote greater equity in international trading partnerships, through dialogue, transparency and respect. It promotes sustainable development through improved social and environmental standards and offering better trading conditions; and securing the rights of marginalized producers while buying products from producers at a fair price. The fair trade movement gathered momentum in the late 1960s and is present in some form or the other in many countries. It was in 2002 that the first International Fairtrade Certification Mark was launched with the aim of improving the visibility of the Mark in retail stores, facilitate cross border trade, and simplify procedures for both producers and importers. By following certain certification norms members can become part of the association that includes use of a labelling system and mark. Currently the certification mark is used in over 50 countries and on a wide range of products. There are several recognized international fair trade certifiers, including Fair Trade International, Make Trade Fair, Eco-Social, Fair Trade associations based in USA, Europe, UK, India and more. According to Fairtrade International, nearly six out of ten consumers in the developed world have seen the Fairtrade mark and almost nine in ten of them trust it. Fairtrade Cotton Program mark This mark from the Fair trade Labelling Organisation (FLO) can be used by companies on textile products or garments which contain an agreed percentage of Fair trade-certified cotton. This can range from 10% to 100% of the cotton used in their overall supply chains and is different from the Fairtrade mark because it applies to a company not a product. Fair Wear Fair Wear Foundation (FWF) is an independent, non-profit organisation that works with companies and factories to improve labour conditions for garment workers. FWF members agree to work towards implementation of the FWF Code of Labour Practices and to having their factories independently monitored. The FWF code comprises eight labour standards based on ILO Conventions and the UN’s Declaration on Human Rights. The FWF label doesn’t guarantee a certified product, but signifies that a company is making efforts to improve working conditions in its supply chain and has at least 90% of its factories under monitoring. Certification mark A certification mark indicates that the goods or services are certified by the owner of the mark to conform to certain standards or characteristics. As they can certify a wide range of issues they are relevant for traditional crafts. For instance that the craft product is hand-made; belong to a certain geographical origin or that the products are made by women; no children were employed in the production process; that the products are made by a craft communities and share certain characteristic features; that the material used are 100% recyclable etc Certification marks may be used by anyone who can certify that the products involved meet certain established standards; they are not confined to any membership. The label used as a certification mark will be evidence that the company's products meet the specific standards required for the use of the certification mark. Registering and using a certification mark can help craft communities to distinguish their crafts from others and while they cannot prevent the sale of imitations they can create a distinguisher of what is genuine. In addition it can help raise public awareness as to the authenticity of the goods certified. An important requirement for certification marks is that the entity which applies for registration is considered "competent to certify" the products concerned. The owner of a certification mark allows anyone to use it provided they meet certain prescribed standards. There are certain differences between the certification mark and others items in the IP toolkit. For instance, though similar to the collective mark as both inform about certain characteristics of the products marketed under the mark, the main difference is that unlike collective marks that may only be used by a specific group of individuals or enterprises, e.g. members of an association, a certification mark is not confined to any membership and any craftsperson who complies with the regulations that meet the prescribed standards can use the certification mark. In addition the certification mark can be used along with an individual trademark as the fundamental difference between a trademark and a certification mark is that the trademark identifies an individual trader, while a certification mark serves as a guarantee to some characteristics of the products. The most well-known certification marks is WOOLMARK which is the registered trade (certification) mark of the Woolmark Company. It certifies that the goods on which it is used are made of 100% wool and comply with strict performance specifications set down. It is registered in over 140 countries and is licensed to manufacturers who are able to meet these quality standards in 67 countries. Another well-known certification is Hallmark that certifies the content of noble metals like gold, silver and platinum that is struck on to items. In Panama for example, authenticity labels or certifications are used on molaswhich are the distinctive textile panels produced by Kuna craftswomen. These labels guarantee their authenticity and combat the widespread sale of cheap mola imitations. The ToiIho certification mark is a promotional initiative for Maori artisans, visual artists and businesses; Harris Tweed is a certification mark used for cloths that are woven by the islanders of Lewis, Harris, Uist and Barra in Scotland. Besides applying for Copyright Mongolian cashmere - an industry that is vital to the economy as cashmere wool is the third largest export and over one-third of the country’s population depend on income from cashmere for their survival - also implemented a certification mark and created a strong brand image for Mongolian cashmere wool. Ethical labelling Ethical labels allow for consumers to take responsibility for their purchasing choices by assuring sustainable, fair and ethical trading systems. There are several initiatives that give varying degrees of independent third party assurance about green, sustainable, organic, fair trade and other ethical product dimensions. Addressing a wide scope of concerns that gives visibility to the supply chain of who made it, under what conditions, etc. The increasing use of ethical labelling has helped consumers take moral responsibility for their economic decisions and actions. The presence of this label give consumers the feeling of "doing the right thing" through their purchase choices. As more than ever consumers place a value on these labels, and in most cases are prepared to pay a premium price for the ethical assurance given. However there is still some confusion about the number of ethical dimensions and the credibility of the endorsing organizations. Carbon and Water Footprint A products carbon or water footprint is the total sum of the greenhouse gas emissions (CO2e) produced or the water used throughout a product’s lifecycle, including its production, distribution and use. The certification of this measure is also of interest to consumers as it provides an assurance on a wide range of environmental claims related to products, that besides carbon footprint include carbon neutrality; water footprint measurement, use of energy etc. In addition Besides international or regional certifications, craftspersons and their communities can operate either individually or collectively under registered word mark or logos and slogans to give identity to their products and provide additional value Word-Mark or Brand A word-mark or brand is usually a distinct text-only typographic treatment of the name of a company, institution, or product name used for purposes of identification and branding. Examples can be found in the graphic identities of the some of the most well-known organisations in the world like Apple, IBM, Samsung etc. The organization name is incorporated as a simple graphic treatment to create a clear, visually memorable identity. The representation of the word becomes a visual symbol of the organization or product. In several territories a word-mark may be registered, making it a protected IPR though in most cases word-marks cannot be copyrighted, as they are not necessarily original. The word-mark is one of several different types of logos, and is among the most common. It has the benefit of containing the brand name of the company for instance the Coca Cola logo as opposed to the brand mark used by Apple Logo A logo is an imprint, a graphic mark, emblem or symbol used to aid and promote public identification and recognition. It may be of an abstract or figurative design or include the text of the name it represents as in a word mark SLOGAN A slogan is a short and striking or memorable phrase used in advertising with the goal of persuading members of the public or a more defined target group and appealing to the audience. For example the worldwide dissemination of ‘a diamond is forever’ Going Viral Given the digital world of instant information and access coupled with the ease and speed of mass-production that can flood the market with look-alikes and imitation products it seems to be an insurmountable challenge for most craftspeople. However on the other side of the coin are also several worldwide examples of the use of the power of the digital to redress and recompense damages to traditional communities of makers. For instance while social media sites have demonstrated their potential of processing fake news they are also a potent instrument for righting wrongs. Content posted on social media sites has the potential to spread virally over networks like Facebook, Twitter, Instagram, Pinterest etc. through sharing and resharing by a large number of users thus managing achieve widespread coverage. Listed here are just two examples that have reverberated in international media based on stands that have been taken by individuals or communities when faced with copying. Since 2012 in Mexico three indigenous communities have accused eight luxury brands of cultural appropriation and plagiarism according to Impacto, a Mexican organization that helps Indigenous communities protect their intellectual property. One of the cases was of a famous French brand that retailed $290 “bohemian” tops that were copies of indigenous designs. The community held an hour-long press conference denouncing the plagiarism and invited the French designer to visit the community to see how they could work together. More recently, one of the most prominent fast-fashion brands has been similarly accused of cultural appropriation from Indigenous communities. Further the InstitutoNacional de Antropología e Historia (INAH) in has partnered with the Registro de Patrimonio Cultural y Mercado to protect the patrimony of Indigenous communities by creating a map that will highlight communities affected by plagiarism, what infractions might be applicable, and who is doing copying. The map will help INAH investigate each case, provide a legal mechanism to protect communities, and create policy that will guarantee compensation and credit be given to these groups. Similar in 2018 in India a French luxury brand was accused of plagiarising a hand block-print pattern by a design studio. The case went viral on social media and the matter was satisfactorily settled in a matter of a few months in an out-of-court settlement. However social media again is not a cure-all and needs to be handled with kid-gloves it is important to understand its power without underestimating its opposite and contrary aspect In conclusion this essay has attempted to start the process of building an understanding of the tools that crafstspeople and their communities can use to protect and promote their traditional knowledge, their cultural expressions and its material manifestations. The importance of continuing this conversation in a rapidly evolving world cannot be over emphasised. Yet to make informed decisions about which tool is most appropriate and when and how to use it more study, legal counsel and a study of the laws within each national territory are a must Note :Data sources For this essay the information and data on IPR is from WIPO - World Intellectual Property Office https://www.wipo.int. Established in 1967 WIPO is the global forum for IP services, policy, information and cooperation. It has currently a membership of 192 members and it administers 26 international treaties. However it is recommended to all readers to refer to laws within their own national territories and to seek advice on all legal issues from IPR lawyers [i]Watson, J Forbes.The textile manufacturers and the costumes of the people of India.1886. Indological Book House, Varanasi, Reprint 1982.Pp 2-3 [ii] NCAER Census survey of handloom weavers 2010-2012

Issue #007, Winter, 2021 ISSN: 2581- 9410

Copyright, as the name suggests, is a great example of irony! Contrary to what the word suggests, it is the right to not be copied. Conceptually, it is the inherent protection that is enjoyed by certain types of creative works, against their reproduction by others. Copyright protection extends over written work (irrespective of its ‘literary’ merit – including, not only poetry and fiction, but even source code of software programs), artistic work (patterns, paintings, sketches, posters etc.), cinematographic works (audio visual content), sound recordings and musical compositions and dramatic works. The only requirement to assert copyright protection is that the work should be tangible and not merely residing in the imagination of the creator. Copyright protection commences automatically from the time a work is created and its registration is not necessary (although it is beneficial as a proof of title). However, Indian copyright law has some interesting quirks that specifically impact the fashion design space and are therefore important for designers/ artists to know. There are two separate laws that cover the field – the Copyright Act and the Designs Act. The first is understood to typically extend to 2D works and the second to 3D works; although that is a rather broad categorisation. Several independently protectable artistic works arise in relation to a block printed pattern – the first is the copyright over the underlying drawing which would form the basis for the block, the second is the block itself and the third is the garment on which the block print is applied – on the garment it is not only the print that is protected, but also the specific sequence of applying the blocks and the colour combination. Seen from the lens of the copyright and design laws, the underlying drawing is protectable as a ‘copyright’, the block is protectable as a ‘design’ and the finished garment, both a ‘copyright’ and a ‘design’. Design protection extends not just to the print/ pattern on a garment, but to a unique drape, cuts and folds, weaves etc. The Designs Act needs a design to be registered in order for it to be protectable, unlike the Copyright Act. Therefore, if a design is unregistered, it can be copied at will and the designer will not have the legal means to prevent it from being copied. The law says that if something is protectable both as a copyright and a design and is not registered under the Designs Act, you get ‘free’ copyright protection until such time that 49 copies of the work are made. Once you’ve made the 50^th copy of a work, the copyright in it is over. In other words, a designer who makes a small collection of finished articles with the same pattern (i.e. less than 50) need not ever apply for design registration and will still be able to prevent others from copying her patterns, while one that expects to mass produce, is best advised to apply for registration of the patterned garment under the Designs Act before launching it in the market. Of course if the same underlying print is used on different garments, such as sarees, scarves, shirts etc. and less than 50 pieces of each garment have been produced, then the design is still protected. The most critical aspect about a design registration is that it must be ‘new’ when you apply to register it – that means, the product on which the design is applied cannot have been launched in the market already and if it has, then the design will no longer be registrable. If you are a designer who creates patterns used for block printing and your patterns have been used to make more than 50 pieces of a single type of garment, does it mean you are no longer protected simply because you failed to secure a design registration? The answer is no. Don’t forget, there is always a copyright protection you can claim in the underlying 2D artwork used to prepare the block – since the artwork and the block are identical in all respects and the artwork enjoys copyright protection and not design rights (which do not need registration and subsist even if reproduced more than 50 times) you are safe from attack by unscrupulous copycats. As a lawyer, most cases I have fought for designers have invariably involved unregistered copyrights in the underlying pattern rather than registered design rights in the finished garment. The discipline and planning that is required to ensure that you regularly apply for design registration is often a tall order for small establishments, despite the fact that it is not a very costly exercise. While it is good to have a registration, many designers feel that it is not worth investing time and money on one set of designs when fashion changes so frequently with the seasons. A conversation about design or copyright protection to safeguard against copycats will not be complete without, at the fundamental level, qualitatively appreciating the level of skill and artistic contribution that is required to actually claim copyright protection as a ‘designer’. There is a popular myth in the design world that if you take an existing design and make 7 changes to it, it will be treated as a new design. I salute the creator of this myth as it’s gained more credence than the actual law itself! In reality, the test in law is rather eloquently called the ‘sweat of the brow’ – if your act of design creation involves your own creative expression, then you have created something new! Simply put, reproducing a paisley from an old pattern book with minor changes or in a different colour combination will not make it protectable in copyright law. An outline of a paisley with an interesting design variation is what is protectable. Even then the protection is not for a paisley as a concept but that specific iteration with the colours and patterns within it that are unique. In photography, if three different photographers take photographs of the Taj Mahal, each of them will have a copyright over their own specific photograph with its own unique angle, lighting and perspective of the monument, and can prevent others from misusing their own photograph. Naturally, their right will not extend to either the Taj Mahal itself, or to preventing others from independently photographing the monument. In textiles for example, if a weaver is given non-specific instructions to weave, for example, alternate rows of blue peacocks and pink turtles without specifying the shape and contours of the motifs, the ‘designer’ cannot claim copyright over the finished product. The true creator of the product is the weaver, the sweat of whose brow has given shape and vision to the generic instructions and the copyright in the resultant motifs therefore belongs to the weaver. What does one do when one’s creations are copied? To answer the question, it is important to understand that the critical aspect of pursuing a claim legally is, meticulous documentation. Another myth about legal proceedings is that they are incomprehensible, difficult and long, when in actual fact, meticulous recordkeeping can simplify and shorten legal proceedings with remarkable ease. A number of times designers whose works are copied choose to merely vent in the media and not pursue the action further – as a consequence the copycats are emboldened. Those who do pursue legal action – from Ritu Kumar to Tarun Tahiliani, from Sabyasachi to Satya Paul, the court process can serve to not only vindicate a claim of copying and help recover costs and damages against the unscrupulous copycat, but equally, to serve as an example to others, who then know who to avoid! Even before knocking the doors of the court, a good starting point is to send out a legal notice to the copycat, forewarning them that a lawsuit will likely follow if they do not withdraw the offending garment and/or make good the losses of the designer. In the notice, it is critical to demonstrate one’s own rights over the copyrighted work, with dated proof, and also illustrate the elements that have been copied and explain why a case for copying is clearly made out. A well drafted notice often does the trick, and the copycat prefers settling the matter before it reaches the court. The recent example of Christian Dior arriving at a settlement with People Tree for an undisclosed sum, after the latter accused it of plagiarising one of its prints, is a good example of how a claim backed by evidence, can achieve the desired results. In the absence of a registered copyright or design, meticulous documentation of creation of the pattern as also dated evidence of its “launch” will help sustain a claim against a third party who has copied it, especially if the evidence points to the third party clearly having used the pattern at a later point in time.

Issue #007, Winter, 2021 ISSN: 2581- 9410

Brand identity, design marks and the feting of designers is now an almost daily feature of our morning newspapers and television shows with a plethora of manufacturers vying to endorse and publicize their brands. Charges of cheating and infringement of design are not infrequent in these circles and counter-charges grab headlines, serving as still more fodder for the publicity mill. However, amidst all this babble of newsprint and televised footage, there is a marked absence of any mention of copying associated with the many hundreds of indigenous crafts and textiles that exist in this country. The Bronze castings of the Sthapathis of Swamimalai, the dhokra metalwork, the brilliantly woven Paithani, the hand painted Kalamkari and the hundreds of other masterpieces that India has been justly famous for are clearly delineated brand identities that have been honed over decades –often centuries – of aesthetic development, technological fine tuning, daily practice and diligent hard work. Executed through specific techniques, with vast vocabularies of motifs and colours, composition and style, and rooted in culture and history. Is this deafening silence because there is no copying of these hallowed traditions? Or is it because there is a widely accepted view that copying from traditional craftsperson’s and weavers is acceptable, and, in fact, even given tacit approval? We have all seen a Warli painting featured across the pallu of one famous designer’s sari, a Madhubani motif on a jacket of another; iconic block-prints that have been screen-printed, a handloom replicated on the power-loom. Craftspeople, artists and weavers who have sewn and embroidered, cast and moulded, engraved and etched, printed and painted, created forms and motifs that have made India famous through the millennia – these keepers of our identity and the bearers of our syncretic culture seem to have no place in popular conversations on ‘design’ and ‘brand’ and apparently, no perceived rights or ownership of their familial and community knowledge, knowledge that has been handed down orally from their ancestors and honed with daily practice. A visit to any museum in India or overseas is a testament to their creativity as is a visit to their homes and workplaces today. Despite this wall of public and professional ignorance or indifference, craftspeople, weavers and folk and tribal artists now have access to a means of recourse. It is this that is the subject of this paper. As a signatory to the Agreement on Trade Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPS), administered by the World Trade Organization (WTO), India now has a legal instrument in place to provide the judicial framework of rights and principles with the associated policies and procedures in place to prevent this misuse. There has been a widespread awareness of the business and trade value of Geographical Indications and in various Western and other countries across the world this Act has been in existence, in some form or the other, for several decades. The Geographical Indications (GI) of Goods (Registration and Protection) Act, a sui generis legislation, was introduced in India as recently as 1999. Its rules were notified on 15th September, 2003 and the GI Act – applicable and extending its protection to natural, agricultural and manufactured goods and products – finally came into force in India. The GI Act is historic in that it provides for the first time a means of protecting the trade-related intellectual property of communities as a public collective right. I would go as far as to say that this Act has started the process of democratizing the law for indigenous and creative communities –for the creators and producers of traditional handicrafts, folk and tribal artists and the weaver communities but also for traditional Indian manufactures, medicines and foods. The basic concept underlying GIs is very simple, and is familiar to any shopper or merchandiser who chooses to buy or stock one brand versus the other. Champagne over sparkling wine, Darjeeling tea over a blend. By definition, a Geographical Indicator or GI is an indication of a name, or a figurative representation or geographic location or any combination of these that suggests the geographic origin of the goods to which it is applied. This indication, when conferred, identifies goods as having certain special qualities, characteristics and/or reputation which is essentially attributable to its geographic origin. For instance, Mysore silk, the agate stone craft of Cambay, the coir-work of Alleppy in Kerala, the screw pine craft of Kerala, the tussar of Gopalpur, Salem silk, and the sikki grass products of Bihar. Although a GI is basically a notice stating that a product originates in a particular area, it is not necessary that it be named or branded by its geographic location. The product may also be termed otherwise as in crafts such as Nirmal painting, Chamba rumal, Nakshi Kantha, Ilkal Saris, Ganjifa cards, Pashmina, kasuti embroidery, phulkari, and chikan embroidery². A GI can be applied for by any association of person or producers or any organization, NGO, Trust, Society, a community board or authority that represent the interests of the producers concerned.³ For example, in the case of Banaras brocades, four organisations have come together to register the GI. Likewise, Mysore silk has been registered by the Karnataka Silk Industries Corporation Ltd (KSIC), Kullu shawls, by the State Council for Science, Technology and Environment and Madurai sungudi, by the Department of Textiles, Government of Tamil Nadu. Since the introduction of the law, the GI registry office based in Chennai has moved fairly rapidly and has till date registered over 194 GI’s of which handicrafts, folk and tribal art and handlooms number 118, ⁴ while several more are in the applied-for pipeline. The registration of a GI is valid for ten years and can be renewed on expiry. There is no limit to the times of renewal. The validity of the registration can be extended indefinitely. The GI has been granted to iconic products like Kancheepuram silk, bidri, Madhubani paintings, Molela clay plaques, Kani shawls, phulkari, chikan embroidery as well as to the lesser known Solapur terry towel and the Bhawani jamakkalam.⁵. Once a GI is registered, the holder community has legal protection for their products and can take the matter to court if their rights are infringed.⁶ Simultaneously, by registering GI in India, the holders can then proceed to register their product in other countries that have the GI law in place. The GI confers exclusive legal right to the holders of that particular GI to produce and market the GI goods. Production and sale by anyone other than the producers concerned – whether in India or overseas – is a punishable offence under the GI law. Once registered, the existence of the GI forms the basis for ownership and the basis for initiating action to curb piracy as well as the entry of spurious goods into the market by others.⁷. Such activity, if proved, will render the persons liable for the common law tort of ‘passing off.’ .⁸ Government statistics estimate that over 110 lakh people – 65 lakh in handlooms and 47.6 lakh in handicrafts – craft and weave in over 2000 distinct clusters located across the length and breadth of predominantly rural India. Disadvantaged both economically and socially, an overwhelming majority belong to the weaker and more vulnerable sections of society. These immense numbers are the skilled creators of products that have immense brand recognition and goodwill built over generations and that have over the millennia defined India and the Indian identity. This law of GI is in place to benefit and protect them while simultaneously also benefiting the consumers and users of their creations. Why do our artisans, artist and weavers need GI protection? We are all aware that there has been a decline in the market for craft products and handloom. A key factor to this decline is the unchecked and rampant competition of products from mills and factories that are mass- produced replicas of the handmade and hand-woven; products that I would go so far as to call fake and spurious. These products misrepresented as handcrafted and hand-woven are marketed as handmade and traditional, and are often sold under the name of the craft or weaving cluster. Accessing customers through urban and export distribution channels, these replicas are available in stores in India and across the world, often at a fraction of the cost of the original. Not only is this unfair to the traditional community of skilled makers, it also effectively cheats the consumers and the public at large. The ubiquitous mass-produced plastic gods and godesses that are rapidly replacing the terracotta painted figures can be seen in even a casual survey. Likewise, the mass-produced bandhini tie and dye saris of Rajasthan and Gujarat, replicating the traditional craft in polyester. The same is true of the rubber reproductions of the Kolahpuri chappals of Maharashtra, screen-printed imitations of Madhubani and Warli paintings and the resin-cast copies of the traditional wood carvings of Andhra, Kashmir, Karnataka and Kerala. The iconic block prints of Bagh, Bagru, Sanganer, and other centres available in cheap printed copies. The famed hand weaves of Banaras now replicated on the power loom without so much as a nod of acknowledgement. The list goes on and the examples are endless. Copied, sold cheaper and misrepresented in the market, these imitations have had a direct reflection on the earning and employment of craftspeople and handloom weavers, resulting in immense suffering and hardship. Unable to compete against the machine and simultaneously having been robbed of their USP, skilled hereditary artisans are giving up their ancestral occupations and opting for menial manual labour in order to survive. A few have also been known to have taken the still more extreme measure of suicide. The GI umbrella is a valuable business asset, providing a defensive and positive protection to the economic and moral interests of the creators who have been vulnerable in the past to powerful trade and commercial interests.

Why do the consumers need protection?

Handicrafts, folk arts, embroidery and handlooms have over the millennia enjoyed a large market, and are bought and appreciated by a wide consumer base. Consumers are now often misled into believing that the product they are buying is genuine. Once the GI is conferred it becomes illegal to misrepresent the place of manufacture or to pass of goods as the goods of another place or to mislead and deceive consumers into believing that a product is manufactured elsewhere. GI protection is in place to provide a stamp to original goods by controlling piracy and entry of spurious replicas that are sold on the back of traditional products and the reputation and goodwill they enjoy. So is the GI a panacea for all ills? Well, it’s a start. The question that is now exercising all who work in this sector is how can dispersed, home-based, rural makers leverage the GI effectively to their advantage as well as that of the sellers and buyers of all handmade goods? The pre-eminent value conferred by the GI umbrella is that by naming or branding the goods it underlines that these goods have special qualities derived from their unique locations, and are therefore are different from other products created elsewhere. With current trends of manufacturing being out-sourced to anonymous far-flung areas, the GI GPS locate the product pointedly in its historic, cultural, environmental roots, thus giving consumers a distinct clear alternative to unidentified mass-produced products, often leading to premium prices for products. Secondly, the GI is a potent tool of product differentiation, in effect a seal of uniqueness. Applicants need to furnish details on the qualities that make the product unique and special. This may be the links between the terrain, climate and the product, as in the case of the Bagh hand block-printed textiles which due to the special qualities of the Baghini River in which they are washed, retain a luster and brightness of color that is unique. The product’s USP may also be the reputation and goodwill it enjoys. Examples of this phenomenon are the Kanjeevaram sari and the Banarasi wedding brocade sari are iconic textiles, which due to their history of excellence continue to enjoy high consumer demand across India – it stands to reason that the weavers whose ancestors have toiled to create this brand recognition and goodwill be the beneficiaries of this goodwill. The product may also be identified by the production technique and raw material used; for instance, the technique of turned wood lacquer defines the Etikopakka products. Furthermore, products may be distinguished by the cultural underpinnings and historic roots of the product or process as in the motifs and colours that create the distinct vocabulary of Toda embroideries and the history of the Ganjiffa cards, which has bestowed upon them specific forms and compositions. Thirdly, in the shadow of climate change there is progressive recognition in India and abroad of the value for the handmade, the organic and the natural, and this is reflected in consumers and buyers seeking alternatives that fulfill these criteria. Craftspeople and weavers with registered GI products are positioned to capitalize on this trend and appeal to this growing segment. Using earth-friendly production processes with a low carbon footprint, raw materials that are natural with low wastage content, crafts and handloom products are a green and fair-trade alternative with a tremendous comparative advantage that can be favorably translated into ensuring improved livelihoods, jobs and orders for this sector. Fourth, unlike in mass production where the maker has been reduced to a cipher, distinct craft and weaving clusters that have been awarded the GI are a refreshing new alternative, clearly stating who the community of makers are, putting a face to the product – a sharp contrast to the nameless and anonymous producers whose products are marketed across the globe. The bronze’s cast by the Sthapathis of Swamimalai, the Patola woven by the Salvi family, the community of potters that make the largest terracotta objects in the world – the Aiyannar horses and elephants of Tamil Nadu, the Asari community of Palanganathan, Madurai who carve wood based on temple traditions, the Pithora paintings of the Rathwa Bhil tribals are only a few examples. The GI highlights community, traditional knowledge, longevity, cultural and historic rootedness and other intangible values that are reposed in the product. Fifth, GI creates added value in the market place, reinforce the integrity of the product and assists in making purchasing choices. It certifies the product is genuine and is a source of information and credibility. Intrinsically linked to the product, leading to greater brand recognition, high recall and improved consumer perception it works towards developing the rural economy, protecting business and trade interests of the holding community and is an effective tool for development. Additionally, branding by GI has a soft-side as research has shown from countries with older established GI’s – the building of more cohesive maker communities with pride in preserving and furthering traditional knowledge and traditions. In the long run GIs are often substitutable for quality seals as holders strive to maintain quality, protecting the reputation of the product, benefiting both themselves and the consumer. What can we do? The moot question for now all who work in this sector is how dispersed, home based, rural hand makers can leverage the GI to advantage the makers, sellers and buyers of handmade to be truly effective. Though there is no magic wand, there is a process that can be followed. We need to educate craftspeople and weavers on the advantages of obtaining a GI and once registered the fact that they have a legal right to prevent copying and infringement as this is, at present, the first and only form of Intellectual Property Right that they own as a community which provides protection to their products, their age old goodwill and respects their oral knowledge and traditions. We need to work toward educating consumers to buy only genuine original GI handmade products and not spurious, imitations and copies that are detrimental to lives, earnings and livelihoods of artisans. Ignorance of the law can no longer equal innocence. Finally, by using GI products, buying GI products and merchandising GI handicrafts we are working towards ensuring the right of existence for our craftspeople and weavers, improving their earnings, sustaining livelihoods and preserving traditional knowledge. End Notes:

Geographical Indications (GI) of Goods (Registration and Protection) Act, 1991
The GI should not be confused with an Appelation of Origin, as while conceptually similar to the GI, it is not exactly the same. In an Appellation of Origin only geographical names can qualify as appellations of origin. As per its legal definition, an appellation of origin refers to the geographical name of a country, region or locality which designates a product originating therein, the quality and characteristics of which are due exclusively or essentially to the geographical environment, including natural and human factors. The Appellations of Origin are very common with agriculture products that typically derive their characteristics from their place of production. In India, the Appellations of Origin are subsumed in the broader concept of Geographical Indications. Therefore, GIs can be geographical names or any other symbols or names. While an indication of source is merely an indication of the geographical region where the product or service originates, e.g. ‘Made in India’, the product may or may not have characteristics linked to the geographic region.
At present, the application fee for registration of a geographical indication for goods in one class is Rs. 5000. The fees for various other submissions to the Geographical Indications Registry such as applications for opposition, etc are further prescribed in the First Schedule of the GI Rules, 2002.
The Aranmula Mirror of Kerala was the first handicraft registered under the GI Act. Other products to which GI has been conferred include Pochampalli ikat, Salem fabric, Payyannur pavithra ring, chanderi, Kota doria, Kotpad handloom, , Channapatna toys, Mysore rosewood inlay, kalamkari, kasuti Embroidery, Mysore traditional paintings, Kondapalli bommallu, Thanjavur paintings, Kashmir sozani, Kani shawl, nakshi kantha, silver filigree, Alleppey coir, coconut shell crafts of Kerala, maddalam of Palakkad (Kerala), Navalgund durries, Thanjavur art plate, Swamimalai bronze icons, temple jewellery of Nagercoil, blue pottery of Jaipur, Bastar dhokra, Arani silk, Salem silk, leather toys of Indore, Sankheda furniture, Kutch embroidery, Santiniketan leather Goods, Andhra Pradesh leather puppetry, Tangaliya shawl, Puneri pagadi, Sandur Lambani embroidery, Khandua textiles of Orissa, Gadwal saris, Santipore sari, Cannanore home furnishings, Kinnauri shawl, Paithani saris, Balaramapuram saris, Kasaragod sari, Surat zari craft, Kosa silk saris of Janjgir, Champa and Raigarh, the Baluchari sari, Varanasi glass beads, Khurja pottery, Bhagalpur silks, Kashmir papier-mâché, Kashmir walnut wood carving, and Pembarthi metal craft.
The procedure for registration of a geographical indication is fairly simple. First, an application in the prescribed from, along with a statement of case, with supporting documents and the prescribed fee, is to be submitted to the Registrar of Geographical Indications in Chennai. The application, inter alia, should include details of the unique qualities or reputation or other characteristics which are attributable to the geographical region, including the human skills involved, if any. The Registry scrutinizes the application for any deficiencies and, if any are found, communicates the same to the applicant. After the application is made in order, the Registrar appoints a consultative group of experts to ascertain the correctness of the claims made and on the basis of their report, an examination report is issued. After the applicant complies with the examination report, the application is published in the Journal of Geographical Indications. If no opposition is received, then the GI is registered after the expiry of four months from the date of publication.
Offences under the Geographical Indications of Goods (Registration and Protection) Act, 1999 are punishable with imprisonment for a term of not less than six months, extendable to three years. Also enforced is a fine – this may not be less than Rs. 50,000 but may extend to Rs.2 lakhs.
The following acts are considered criminal and are cognizable offences under the GI Act by any person who is not an authorised user of that GI is an infringement . This includes-
1. Use of the GI in the designations/ presentations of goods that indicates or suggests that such goods originate in a geographical area other than the true place of origin in a manner which misleads people to the GI of such goods;
2. Any use of the GI which constitutes an act of unfair competition, i.e. any act contrary to honest practices in industrial and commercial matters;
3. Passing off unregistered goods as registered GI goods;
4. All acts which create confusion with the enterprise, the goods or the industrial and commercial activities of the authorised user;
5. False allegations in the course of trade of such nature as to discredit the enterprise, the goods or the industrial or commercial activities of the authorised user;
6. Any use of the GI which misleads the persons as to the nature, the manufacturing process, the characteristics, the suitability for their purpose, or the quantity of the goods;
7. Uses another GI to the goods which, although literally true as to the territory, region or locality in which the goods originate, falsely represents to the customers that the goods originate in the territory, region or locality in respect of which GI relates.
In conversation with Jagdish Sagar of Anand and Anand, New Delhi

References: http:/ipindia.nic.in/girindia/

Issue #008, 2021 ISSN: 2581- 9410 There is no need to underline what a central part traditional craft knowledge, skills and practices play in the cultural fabric of a country that is as rich and diverse as India. Yet, given that crafts are living traditions that are recreated with each generation a central concern is that they continue to be lived, that the practice and its meaning continue to be passed down from guru to shishya, master to student and that in this intergenerational handing down the crafts continue to evolve and be interpreted for each new age and thereby remain viable and vibrant. For in the very vibrancy and immediacy of these living traditions lies its ephemerality and we are all aware that there are a host of reasons for a craft to slip into endangerment and if not urgently safeguarded to eventually die out and become extinct. And when a craft dies, it is not only the craftsperson who is affected - for with the craft also dies its history, its cross-cultural linkages and the legacy it holds for the generations to come. In the interest of drawing attention to those crafts that are in need for safeguarding the defining of the term endangered can be regarded as the first step as this will provide guidelines in mapping and listing crafts to which the appellation of endangered and threatened can be applied. Once so recognized it would provide a baseline for devising safeguarding practices for revitalization. The essay is divided into three parts – the first is some generalizations on the reasons for endangerment, the second is the definitional; and the third some thoughts about the future Generalizations on the reasons for endangerment The causes for endangerment can be quite complex not least because the very segment that falls under the generic term craft covers a huge patchwork quilt of incredible diversity and varied circumstances of practice. Extending as it does from the sacred, ritual and ceremonial to the most quotidian and utilitarian products. It includes materials that range from precious metals to clay sourced from village pond to fibers from the field. The continuum of knowledge systems covers those based on the shipshastras, the ancient treatises on art and craft to oral traditions that are passed between and across generation. While skill band from those of a shilpguru or master to that of an apprentice. Often too the process to create the craft passes through the hands of several specialists each as essential to the crafting as the other. And this is just the tip of the iceberg. So by its very nature the reasons for endangerment in the craft could extend from a permutation or a combination of several reasons or could be unique to the craft in focus. In addition the need to study and delve into the subtle but critical nuances, which could often remain tacit and unspoken are also an issue to look out for. But a basic generalized checklist could be a starting point to gauging viabilities across the wide spectrum of crafts, and not just those that have been identified as endangered is needed. And while some issues are unique many of the issues overlap and have similar causalities that result in vulnerabilities. This checklist could include: Social and demographic changes often influence and make a difference to intergenerational knowledge transfer and examples of this could extend from migration to cities, encroaching urbanisation, lack of free time to learn a skill, the aging of masters to the passing on of masters. Difficulty in recruiting new entrants to the crafts could be due to the devaluing of traditional knowledge and skills as often book learning is considered to be of greater value; the perceived low status of craftspeople; the lengthy time and effort needed to master a craft; opportunities in the craft being regarded as limited. Lack of awareness from potential customers about the craft; reluctance to pay higher prices for hand-made; reduced demand for the product; changing consumer tastes, often leading to changes in the design vocabulary; a shift in consumer choice away from craft goods. Challenges extend from earning a living from the earnings of craft without a supplementary income from other employment; the rising costs of raw material; difficulties in making/accessing tools and often the unavailability of the raw material, its rising costs or the access to suitable replacement material. Difficulties faced in running small craft businesses where often the tasks run the entire gamut from sourcing and procuring raw material to its crafting, from marketing and sales to the challenges of taxation, GST, accounts etc. Given the orality of much of craft knowledge the availability or access to high-quality training; lack of certified courses; a dearth of set standards; limited opportunities to further skill development are also additional challenges. Often a loss of knowledge or stoppage of practice by allied process specialists along the value chain or a break in the value chain can impact the end product. Occasionally even though the numbers involved in craft practice appear to be large or what appears to be a successful craft practice could in actuality be quite vulnerable as the numbers may disguise future endangerment that could result from a range of issues from declining quality, lowering of prices due to excess products, sameness of products, aged practitioners, substitution of products by others, deteriorating skills to loss of process knowledge. Environmental issues ranging from lack of water, reduced sources of natural raw material to issues of related to pollution and other environmental compliances now expected of craft processing. Rules, laws and regulations that make practice difficult to untenable including instances like the Gold Control Act 1968, Wildlife Protection Act 1972. With the passing on of skills and technical knowledge dependant largely on orality and the relative dearth of detailed documentation both folkloric and technical results can result in loss while knowledge is transmitted or when masters pass-on. Copying and faking is regarded as on of the bigger threats to crafts as large volume machine-made copies available at much lower prices replicate a spectrum of crafts. Data from the handloom census of 2009-10 reflects this as in the answer to the question of the greatest threat to their work and future over 33% of weaving households surveyed expressed that it was copies of handloom made on from power-loom. This number went up to 84.6% in Andhra Pradesh; 59.1% in Odisha; 46.5% in Tamil Nadu.[i] Gauge of Endangerment As crafts are lived traditions there is always a risk of their viability being threatened or of them dying out. It is thus imperative that an objective definition benchmarking the gauge of endangerment be available by which the viability of craft practice and its transmission can be determined while allowing for timely assessment of vulnerability Given the wide diversity of crafts, the varied circumstances and nature of practice and the host of mitigating factors that can threaten viability the endangerment evaluation criteria by necessity would need to be generalized in nature so as to be applied across the board. However, a supplementary benchmarking metric tailored for individual crafts and craft genres may need to be added on in a phase two evaluation that supplements the general criteria. This would take into consideration the nuances of diversity and can deepen the investigation before the initiation of safeguarding practices to consolidate and strengthen transmission and practice. While the importance of safeguarding endangered intangible cultural heritage (including crafts) has been recognized the world over it has been fore-fronted internationally since the initiation of the 2003 UNESCO Convention for the Safeguarding of the Intangible Cultural Heritage (ICH). The first article of the Convention states that its purpose is the safeguarding of ICH and one of the key components of the Convention is the establishment of the List of Intangible Heritage in Need of Urgent Safeguarding. However, the definition of “in need of urgent safeguarding” is provided neither under Article 2 of the Convention on the Definition nor Article 17 of the Convention on List of Intangible Heritage in Need of Urgent Safeguarding. Article 17 states, “…the Committee shall establish, keep up to date and publish a List of Intangible Cultural Heritage in Need of Urgent Safeguarding, and shall inscribe such heritage on the List at the request of the State Party concerned”[ii] While the operational directives for the implementation of the Convention indicate the procedures to be followed for inscribing intangible heritage on the lists of the Convention yet they too do not specify the type or nature of ‘risk’ or of “threats” for listing. Stating in Para 1 on the “Criteria for inscription on the List of Intangible Cultural Heritage in Need of Urgent Safeguarding that elements can be inscribed on the list when “its viability is at risk despite efforts of community, group or, if applicable, individuals and State(s) Party(ies) concerned …” or is ‘…facing grave threats as a result of which it cannot be expected to survive without immediate safeguarding”. [iii] Since the yardsticks for measuring endangered ICH has not been spelled out in the operational directives the onus of demonstrating that an ICH is facing grave threats has been left to the state parties who have proposed the element for inscription on the UNESCO list of ICH in Need of Urgent Safeguarding.[iv] In India the Office of the Development Commissioner (Handicrafts) (DCH), Ministry of Textiles, under whose jurisdiction and responsibility this sector lies issued the official definition of languishing or endangered crafts in 2009-2010.[v] It states - “Definition of Endangered (earlier called Languishing) crafts.

The total numbers of craft practitioners are less than 25.
Crafts persons have replaced craft activity with another activity because the craft practice  is unviable... if reduction in time spent on the particular craft is more than 50 per cent in  the past three years.
Next generation in the family is not learning the craft and there is no recruitment of new  persons outside the family. Percentage of new recruitment is less than 40%”.

While these are a good starting point given the vast nature of the segment and the degrees of vulnerabilities this essay attempts to go a bit deeper by including additional nuances that can serve as a marker to assess the degree of craft endangerment. For the Handlooms while there is no set definition of endangered though the Handloom Reservation Act (HRA) 1985 lays out clearly the perceived threat to production and lists the various varieties of weaves, products, dress that come under its purview. [vi] In 2017 the Heritage Craft Association (HCA), UK developed a Red List that identified and classified crafts according to their endangered status. Degrees of risk were assessed and divided into four categories that determine the threat to viability of heritage crafts. In descending order the categories extend from extinct crafts, critically endangered crafts to endangered crafts with an additional category described as data deficient that is defined as those crafts for which there is insufficient data to make a status classification. This could include crafts for which information has not been provided, popular crafts for which there is no centralized knowledge base, or crafts that are very local and information is hard to come by. The criteria to determine the degree of endangerment includes absolute numbers of practitioners, age of practitioners, access to and availability of training opportunities, financial viability, mechanism to pass on skills and knowledge, market share and market trends, age of practitioners and numbers of new practitioners. A craft being considered viable if there are sufficient craftspeople who can transmit their skills to the next generation of practitioners. [vii] Based on the authors’ field research and learning’s from the definitions of the DC (Handicrafts), the HRA 1985, Heritage Crafts Association, UK and UNESCO an attempt has been made here to build a graded scale combining actual numbers in practice, average age of practitioners and numbers of new entrants to the crafts permutated with assessments on the future viability and threats to practice has been developed.[viii] And while there are many factors which lead to endangerment (some have been listed in the section above), an objective criteria will form the Phase I of the process. Set along a continuum gauge of six (+ one) that extends from a viable/dynamic practice at one end with ascending gradations of risk to progress to an extinct craft category at the other end of the continuum. The involvement and participation of the community of practitioners is fundamental at every stage of the process. The six categories (+ one) are listed below: Viable/Dynamic/Robust - There are sufficient number of Masters to transmit the craft skills to the increasing number of new entrants. There is a robust nature of engagement with existing and new craft patrons and an increasing demand for products. Maintenance - The number of craftspeople has not grown. New entrants have replaced the old but the total number remains static. The nature of engagement with new and existing patrons is at a standstill with a market share that is static. There is a definite risk of the craft falling into the unsafe/vulnerable category. Unsafe/Vulnerable – The craft is practiced by a number that is higher than that defined as endangered but not by a sufficiently higher number. Intergenerational transmission is low with a trickle of new entrants. Market share is on the decline as is the nature of engagement with patrons. There is a definite risk of the craft falling into the endangered category. Definitely Endangered – Practitioners are below the number defined as endangered. Intergenerational transmission is barely existent. Engagement with patrons is on a steady decline. There is a definite risk of the craft being no longer practiced. Critically Endangered – The shrinking base of practitioners is limited to aged makers. No intergenerational transmission or new entrants. There is barely any engagement with patrons. There is a definite risk of the craft becoming extinct. Extinct – The craft is no longer practiced. Data deficient - The seventh item on the gauge – though not on the continuum - is based on the HCA categorization of data deficient crafts. This is a valuable addition in the Indian context as there is a lack of census data on both numbers in practice, and on specific crafts. HCA has defined this category as “Crafts classified as ‘data deficient’ are those for which there is insufficient data to make a status classification. They may include crafts for which information has not been provided, popular crafts for which there is no centralised knowledge base, or crafts which are very local and information is hard to come by.”[ix] On establishing the degree of viability through the Phase I process the next stage or Phase II will entail an in-depth study of the chosen endangered craft. Researching the evident and tacit causes for endangerment will allow for tailored safeguarding measures that are entirely suitable to the craft in focus. Here too the participation and involvement of the community of practitioners and transmitters is fundamental to the process. At this juncture the question of whether safeguarding is warranted for specific endangered crafts needs to be deliberated on with the community. Especially as crafts as lived practices are constantly evolving and have often been a response to cultural, economic or social needs so in the case of some practices that may be considered obsolescent or archaic or not in keeping with current legislation or human rights or that may have fulfilled their functionality there is need to asses the necessity for revitalization. [x] Recommendation and Conclusion Safeguarding in times of change needs top priority and as we continue to be on the precipice of Covid-19 we are no longer sure of the many certainties we took for granted as more crafts and craftspeople emerge into a vulnerable future and there is urgent need to assess the current viability of a wide swathe of traditional crafts and identify those which are most endangered and at risk of becoming extinct. The Office of the DC (Handicrafts) has a list of 35 crafts on the endangered list.[xi] The importance of this benchmarking lies in determining which crafts should benefit from priority Government support. However, it is important to review this list bi-annually to assess measures on the effectiveness of safeguarding procedures initiated and to course correct if necessary. As Covid-19 has impacted the hand-making sector a fresh mapping of crafts to gauge their vulnerability is of utmost priority as this focus could bring a heightened awareness to threatened crafts and perhaps lead to creative solutions, partnerships and attention to safeguarding. By instituting a long-term viability monitoring plan while assessing effectiveness of safeguarding measures initiated the cultural loss that is borne each time a craft dies can be alleviated and stewarded into the future. [i] NCAER. Handloom Census of India 2009-10.Pub. NCAER. Delhi. 2010. pp. [ii] https://ich.unesco.org/en/convention Accessed on 3 March 2021 Definitions. Article 2. Point 3 “Safeguarding” means measures aimed at ensuring the viability of the intangible cultural heritage, including the identification…” [iii] https://ich.unesco.org/doc/src/ICH-Operational_Directives-6.GA-PDF-EN.pdf. Chapter 1. I.1, U.2. pp. 5 Accessed on 3 March 2021 [iv] https://ich.unesco.org/doc/src/ICH-Operational_Directives-6.GA-PDF-EN.pdf. Adopted by the General Assembly of the States Parties to the Convention at its second session (UNESCO Headquarters, Paris, 16 to 19 June 2008), amended at its third session (UNESCO Headquarters, Paris, 22 to 24 June 2010), its fourth session (UNESCO Headquarters, Paris, 4 to 8 June 2012), its fifth session (UNESCO Headquarters, Paris, 2 to 4 June 2014) and its sixth session (UNESCO Headquarters, Paris, 30 May to 1 June 2016) Accessed on 3 March 2021 [v] http://www.handicrafts.gov.in/pdf/DCH_FAQs.pdf. The definition was arrived at after a survey conducted in 2008-2009 by NIFT, New Delhi. Accessed 14 January 2021 [vi] http://handlooms.nic.in/writereaddata/UploadFile/Act%201985.pdf [vii] http://heritagecrafts.org.uk/redlist/categories-of-risk/ [viii] Research conducted in 2010-2012 Nandana Hand-block Printing Ummedpura and Tarapur, Madhya Pradesh; Pithora tribal painting of Jhabua , Madhya Pradesh; Gajiffa Playing Cards, Odisha; Camel Girth Belts of Spilt Ply Braiding of Jaisalmer, Rajasthan; Kaavad Making and Singing of Bassi, Rajasthan; Medh ki Chappai/Block printing of Jaipur Rajasthan; Gheso Painting on Camel Leather / Usta Kaam of Bikaner, Rajasthan; Danke ka Kaam Udaipur, Rajasthan. Mangal-Sutra Black Glass Seed-Beads of Papanaidupet, Andhra Pradesh research conducted in 2018-19. Warak precious metal metal sheet making, Jaipur, Rajasthan in 2018-19 [ix] http://heritagecrafts.org.uk/redlist/categories-of-risk/ [x] For further reading – Designers meet Artisans – A practical guide. Eds. Sethi, Ritu, Cecilia Duque Duque, Indrasen Vencatachellum [xi] http://handicrafts.nic.in/pdf/List_Of_Identified_As_Endangered_Craft.pdf. The list comprises of Horn Craft of Cuttack, Orissa; Ganjeefa Cards of Sonepur, Orissa; Wood Toys of Bargarh, Orissa; Copper snake of Boudh, Orissa; Namda of Srinagar, Kashmir  ; Pinjrakari of Srinagar, Kashmir ; Pottery of Srinagar, Kashmir; Silver ware of Srinagar, Kashmir; Tapestry of Srinagar, Kashmir; Wagu of Srinagar, Kashmir ; Chamba Rumal of Chamba,  Himachal Pradesh; Suri Bowl/Sherpai of Birbhum ,  West Bengal  ; Gheso Work of Bikaner, Rajasthan; Kavad of Bassi, Rajasthan; Danka of Udaipur, Rajasthan; Rogan Painting of Nirona, Gujarat; Warak printing of Udaipur, Rajasthan; Mend Ki Chapai of Sanganer, Rajasthan; Split Ply-braiding of Thar Region  (India), Rajasthan; Pithora Painting of Jhabua, Madhya  Pradesh ; Hand Block Printing of  Tarapur/Javad,Madhya Pradesh; Sanjhi Crafts of Mathura, U.P.  ; Cuttaki Chappals of Barang, Orissa. Accessed 14 January 2021

The man sat working on his loom. There was a beautiful rhythm in the way he seemed to become a part of the machine, both replying to each others slightest movement. A tap of his foot lifted two shafts upwards, a tug on a cord & the shuttle ran with the pick, gliding through the warp threads. It looked like magic seeing someone work on the loom. The number of threads! The process through which these threads transform into fabric is a complicated process which lifts the weaver from a mere craftsman to a master creator. The working of the loom completely intimidated me, with too many things moving at once for me to comprehend. To overcome my fear of the loom & come a step closer to being able to weave; I joined a basic weaving course at the Weavers Service Centre, Bharat Nagar, New Delhi.

The loom is surprisingly simple in its design. It comprises:

Warp - the longitudinal threads running through the loom
Weft - threads running horizontally from one side of the cloth to another between the warp threads. A single thread of the warp and weft is known as an 'end' & 'pick' respectively.
Heald - thin long wire or cord with an eye at the centre and two loops at either ends. A warp thread passes through the eye of the heald to control its movement during weaving.
Heald Frame - a rectangular wooden or iron frame used to hold the healds in place. Thin metal rods are placed horizontally along the frame .the loops on either side of the healds slide on these thin rods
Heald Shaft - the heald and the heald frame together comprise of the heald shaft.
Treadles - thin wooden peddles placed under the loom near the foot of the weaver. The peddles have holes drilled at the far end and cords are tied through the holes to the healdshaft to enable their movement.
Sley - a wooden frame, fixed at top, to the body of the loom enabling it to swing. The sley accommodates -
- Two sley swords - vertical wooden arms forming the structure of the sley.
- Reed - a long metal frame with thin metal wires equidistant to each other. The reed is fixed on to the lower end of the sley. A long smoothly polished piece of wood is placed on the reed as a reed cap to enable easier grip.
- Sley Race (explained later)
Reed hook - a thin long strip of metal, with a hook on one end and a plastic handle at the other.
Shuttle - an eye shaped wooden or metal piece. It may even be a combination of wood with metal caps. The centre of the shuttle is carved out to accommodate the weft bobbin.
Weft Bobbin - a thin wooden or plastic pipe on which the weft thread is wound.
Sley Race - the path on which the shuttle runs along the reed. Two shuttle boxes, rectangular wooden boxes are placed at either end of the sley race. The shuttle rests in the shuttle box when not in use. A picker is a piece of leather or wood, iron, brass or rubber placed inside the shuttle boxes. The picker gives a blow to the shuttle to drive it to the other box. It also sustains the impact of the shuttle when it enters a box.
Lease - rods dividing the warp threads into even and odd numbers is termed as lease. The rods passing between the two divisions of the warp threads are called lease rods. These rods are thin flat wooden slats.

There are four wooden beams in a loom-

Warp beam (m) - the warp yarn is wound around this beam, which is fitted at the bottom at the back of the loom.
Back beam (n) - is fixed above the warp beam, acting as a guide for the warp threads.
The third beam is the front rest, placed at the front of the loom, after the weaver's seat (q). The back beam and the front rest keep the warp yarn horizontal and under proper tension to facilitate weaving. The front rest also guides the finished cloth onto the fourth beam which is the cloth beam - which is a roller for the made cloth.

The Process of Weaving

The interlacing of the warp and weft is called weaving. The warp ends are passed through the eye of the healds, with the help of the reed hook. This process is known as drafting. The number of healdshafts required in a loom depends on the number of ends in one repeat of the design. The most important function of the healdshaft along with keeping the threads in place is that of shedding. A shed is formed by the division of the warp threads into upper and lower layers. A pick of weft is passed through this division, allowing the interlacing of the warp and weft. The passing of the pick through the shed is known as picking. The open space between each wire of the reed is termed as a dent. A warp end is passed through a dent with the help of the reed hook, after it passes through the heald this process is known as denting. The reed keeps the warp ends in their respective position. The reed acts as a guide for the shuttle to pass from one shuttle box to another. It also helps in beating the last pick of weft to the fell of the cloth (fell - part of the cloth which is already woven). Depending on the fineness of the warp yarn a reed with a particular number is used. To find the number of the reed one must count the number of dents in one inch of the reed and multiply it by two. The finer the yarn the higher the number of reed used. To weave a silk sari a 144 number reed may be used so in one inch of reed there are 72 dents in comparison to a reed for a coarse cotton warp which has 22 dents in one inch. Once the drafting and denting has been done, the two ends of the warp yarn are secured to the beams. The part of the warp yarn on the further end beyond the healdshaft is wound around the warp beam and along the back beam which guides the threads to the healdshafts. The yarn towards the weaver is tied to the front rest. Once the weaving process begins the made cloth is guided to the cloth beam below. The seated weaver presses the treadle with his foot. The treadle and the healdshafts are connected with cords tied in such a manner as to make the shafts move up and down. When the shaft moves down it forms the lower layer of the shed. This motion imparted to the healdshaft by the treadle is called a shedding motion. Raising the various healdshafts in their required order to form the pattern is called lifting. The tie-up (of the treadle to the shafts) for the shedding and lifting motion is done differently. By pressing the treadle and the movement of the heraldshafts the shed is formed. The weaver now pulls a cord which attaches both the pickers to the sley. Once the cord is pulled the picker pushes the shuttle harbouring the weft bobbin through the shed towards the shuttle box at the other end of the sley race. The weaver then swings the sley towards himself, placing both or one of his hands on the reed cap pulling the sley towards him. This forward motion of the sley enables the reed to beat the last pick to the fell of the cloth. Beating of the pick ensures the density of the cloth to be even; hence the force applied should be the same. Once the sley swings back the treadle is pressed again forming the shed. The shuttle shoots out of the shuttle box whizzing through the shed, the sley is pulled beating the pick firmly to the remaining cloth. And so the loom goes clickaty clack on and on...

Issue #10, 2023 ISSN: 2581- 9410 Background Sheep all over the world have been selectively evolved to grow wool for the many benefits it has to offer as a material. Their domestication offers many benefits. As livestock, they offer food, fertiliser and material throughout their lifecycle. India has the second largest sheep population in the world. From Himachal Pradesh and Uttarakhand in the north, Rajasthan, Gujarat and Maharashtra in the west, Telangana and Andhra Pradesh in the south, there are many species of indigenous sheep within the country with varying physical characteristics and wool types. Geological factors such as climatic conditions and vegetation type majorly affect the wool quality of the sheep.

Kutch context Nomadic pastoralist communities have existed since prehistoric times and they continue with their way of life in the region of Kachchh, the largest district in the state of Gujarat. Shepherding communities continue to traverse the semi-arid desert along with their livestock. Many communities evolved as nomadic herders in the region owing to harsh conditions, low rainfall and scarce resources. Community groups like Dhebariya Rabari, Vaghadiya Rabari, Kachi Rabari dominate as the nomadic herders of small ruminant animals like sheep and goat in the region.

The region has a rich history of craft traditions and communities that practise different craft techniques using ingenious local tools informed by local knowledge systems. The indigenous craft techniques practised by the local communities in the Kachchh region have evolved in relation to the traditional fibre systems, local ecology and intercommunal networks of the region.

The weavers of the weaving community, Vankars, have woven woollen textiles for the Rabari community since they have been rearing sheep. The Rabaris rear their sheep, with a shearing twice every year. The wool is then cleaned to get out debris and dirt followed by hand carding, where the fibre is usually pulled and tugged on to align the fibres in small clumps called ‘puni’. The ‘puni’ is then used to spin yarn on a spinning wheel called retia. The hand carding and spinning of the yarn is carried out by the women of the community. The men spin a different kind of yarn called ‘takhli’ which is spun using a drop spindle technique while they migrate and move on foot across landscapes along with their sheep.

This variety of hand spun yarn is given to the weavers of the Vankar community to weave textiles like Dhabla (blanket/shawl), Paaghdi (turban) or Ludi (veil) for the Rabari community. The yarns are starched using Varath, a wild onion that grows locally. This lends anti-pest and anti-microbial properties to the wool. These yarns are then prepared to be put on the looms and give life to incredibly sturdy and beautiful textiles. These textiles would then be handed back to the Rabaris, in exchange for milk or grains. These textiles could use another craft technique for which another community links into the system to finish the textile. One material connects seemingly distinct communities.

This material has been a way through which different communities have established and self-sustained their local economy. This self-resilience went out of balance when cheap synthetic wool and merino wool entered the market. Local wool lost to the other cheaper alternatives in the market which was now being used to meet the demands of the urban market. Gusheel, a state government run organisation for sheep wool development used to procure all the wool and sell it in the wool markets in the Mandi in Rajasthan. With changing material requirements of the urban market and dwindling demands of local wool, there came a point where Gusheel about 10-13 years ago stopped buying wool from the shepherds. This loss of revenue stream affected the pastoral communities in a large way. On realising that their raw material was no longer in demand, they would succumb to throwing shorn valuable wool. They started cross breeding their wool intensive sheep breeds (Patanwadi) with meat intensive sheep breeds (Marwadi) from Rajasthan to be able to earn by selling their meat. This irrevocably changed the quality of the wool they produced in the region. The sheep breeds present in Kachchh in today's times include Patanwadi, Marwadi, Ghari, Dumma and Baradi which are spread across different regions of the district. Patanwadi sheep breed is a sheep breed indigenous to the region of Kachchh. They are a hardy species that has adapted to the harsh conditions of the semi-arid desert over many years. They are a wool intensive sheep breed. Their wool is soft, supple and bouncy in nature. Their numbers have been majorly affected with a shift in material needs and cross breeding activities with meat intensive breeds to earn revenue. This sequence of changes and alterations in the local material and value systems completely changed the local socio-economic fabric of this region. The materials they (weavers) worked with were no longer grown locally. The material they (shepherds) produced was no longer in demand. Eventually, the total sheep numbers themselves started reducing at a slow but consistent pace.

With the collapse of these long standing local communal networks, a local valuable resource was being wasted and culturally rooted practices following ecological rhythms had reached a halt. This was observed and studied by a grassroots NGO, Khamir, that works with the craft communities of the Kachchh region. They work closely with different stakeholders across the craft value chain systems to ensure their promotion, preservation and propagation. After conducting field surveys, interviewing herders from different communities to understand their requirements, mapping out gaps in the material systems, working with the weaving community to get a deeper insight into material challenges and bridging the work in the field with the larger national audience and market demands.

Khamir worked with herders to understand the challenges faced by them in their daily activities. Connecting them with adequate veterinarian services, setting up advanced sheep shearing systems in different sites to ensure animal safety and ease during the whole process. Khamir even organised spinning training sessions for capacity building with women of the Rabari community led by the senior women of the community who were expert spinners. When the wool value chain collapsed, certain hand skills and techniques were also lost as they were passed down the next generation with the local material no longer in use. Spinning training sessions were carried out at different villages with the local women to be able to systematically impart knowledge about this vanishing hand spinning technique, there was support provided by facilitating such workshops, providing traditional spinning wheels, tracking skill development and rejuvenating a lost traditional livelihood mainly practised by women.

While there were efforts to revive the lost skills that give life to a yarn, there were different approaches being employed to rejuvenate lost skills, knowhow, local market demands, urban market trends and local infrastructure to support this value chain as it did before. Khamir was working with artisans across craft techniques like weaving and felting that used wool to experiment and explore the possibilities of creating new textures, hand feels, material applications and products with this new local wool. Since crossbreeding their local Patanwadi ( wool intensive sheep breed) with Marwadi ( meat intensive sheep breed) the quality of the wool produced is more rigid and prickly on feel in comparison to their original Patanwadi which is much softer and bouncy on touch. This change in material coarseness also led to explorations with respect to blending other natural fibres at various material stages. Experiments with blending natural fibres like hemp, silk, other local wools varieties, kala cotton from Kachchh and other strains of organic cotton from other parts of the county were blended with Kachchhi wool, at the carding stage, spinning stage and the woven stage on the loom. These blending exercises gave rise to exciting results with potential to be taken forward as part of innovative product development and design. Khamir's desi oon revival project has come a long way with immense efforts to build and develop capacity for processing the material. The larger challenge is to create market demands in the local, national and global market for this uniquely characterful wool.

By Design: Sustaining Culture in Local Environments

Issue #004, Winter, 2020 ISSN: 2581- 9410

Introduction This essay draws upon my PhD research on design and business education for traditional artisans in India, carried out in three periods of fieldwork between 2015 and 2017. The research was shaped around case studies of two institutes started in the last decade that aim to reduce the gap between the artisan and a high-end market, to increase the value of craft amongst the market and the artisans, and to sustain livelihoods: Somaiya Kala Vidya in Kachchh district, Gujarat; and The Handloom School in Maheshwar, Madhya Pradesh. The research focuses specifically on handloom weavers and addresses the following questions: how does design education fit the local context? who owns traditional and other designs? what is the value of craft from the viewpoint of the artisan-designer as well as that of the market? It also explores how traditional methods of learning to weave compare with learning and applying contemporary design concepts. My understanding of traditional practices was enhanced by undertaking a short apprenticeship in weaving in Bhujodi village, Kachchh. This essay reveals the experiences of the weaver-graduates who have participated in the study, alongside emerging findings and an assessment of the effectiveness of the institutes in achieving their aims. (fig 1) Background The handloom industry currently employs over four million people, serving fast-growing luxury markets in India and abroad. Approaches to the industry’s development, however, have been based on a clash of ideals: on the one hand, handloom symbolises a traditional identity, feeding the ‘national and global salience for the local’; on the other, weavers are viewed as ‘outmoded’ and ‘objects of welfare,’ at odds with fast-moving technological advances. This conflict has emerged out of a series of historical events in India’s craft and economic history. From the nineteenth century onwards, traditional craft industries experienced decline due to imported and local mechanised imitations flooding domestic markets, centralisation and mechanisation of the ancillary industries such as spinning and cotton cleaning, and the stagnation of agriculture which co-existed with the craft industry. Despite these factors, weaving continued to thrive throughout the twentieth century in many parts of India due to the insight and entrepreneurship of weavers, the suitability of design to handloom as opposed to machine and the fact that the looms needed no electricity - access to which continues to be limited in rural India. The swadeshi movement, spear-headed by Mahatma Gandhi, highlighted the decline of local crafts and campaigned for Indians to make and wear khadi (hand-spun, handwoven cloth) in support of the Nationalists’ fight for Independence. But nationalism was also an impetus to industrial growth, something championed by Jawarharlal Nehru, the Prime Minister of India after Independence in 1947. The newly-developed mills produced imitations of the coarse, natural khadi in support of Gandhi but were also part of the country’s industrial growth. The dialectic between modernity and tradition in craft was also evident during the period of British rule, revealed in the Great Exhibition of 1851 and the other imperial exhibitions that followed it; new technologies were showcased alongside crafts that epitomised ‘traditional’ India for the British selectors. The colonial art and technical schools which proliferated in India in the mid-nineteenth century were of the same ilk and failed to attract traditional artisans. Those traditional artisans that did join these schools would go on to be employed in mills, while fine art graduates worked as company painters. Thus, colonial exhibitions and art and technical schools asserted the Western separation of ‘fine art’ - the realm of the artist - from ‘decorative’ or ‘industrial arts’ - the realm of the crafts person. In India they were all covered by the same terms, kala or shilpa, and considered to be interrelated. The first design institute, the National Institute of Design (NID), opened in 1961 just over a decade after the country’s independence, and aimed to shed any association with the colonial schools and ‘bring design back to India,’. Yet there are several factors that liken NID to the colonial schools, not least that its development was funded by the Ford Foundation, USA, which it has been argued suited America’s Cold War diplomatic policies - an informal imperialism whereby America could frame India in its own image. In addition to this, its founding director was Gautam Sarabhai, a successful mill industrialist, and the governance of the institution was by the Ministry of Commerce (and later the Ministry of Textiles) rather than the Ministry of Education; these factors all suggest that it was part of the Nehru’s modernising agenda. Finally, it was only open to the urban English-speaking middle class. Despite its aim to meet the diverse needs of the whole Indian population, it has been argued that it reinforced social divides, notably by by a former director, Ashok Chatterjee, such as that between the designer who has the creative skills and knowledge of the contemporary market, and the artisan who simply executes the design. In this scenario the artisan’s status is reduced to that of a labourer, and any traditional and embodied knowledge the artisan possesses is ignored or devalued. Adopting different approaches, Somaiya Kala Vidya (SKV) and The Handloom School (THS) both aim to avoid these opposing dualisms. SKV strongly encourages a focus on local traditions which are the artisans’ ‘USP’, and innovating upon these traditions to make them relevant in contemporary markets. THS which invites weavers from all over India via local non-governmental organisations (NGO)s, focuses more closely on nurturing entrepreneurs who will utilise newly-developed business, design and technical knowledge to employ others in their community to create high quality fabrics for luxury markets. Weaving in Kachchh The weavers of Kachchh, known as Vankars, are part of the Dalit (lit. ‘oppressed’) Meghwal community. Recent Government statistics report that there are 500 handlooms and 900 weavers across Kachchh, with the greatest concentration in Bhujodi village where there are approximately 250-280 families. The Vankars’ traditional clients were local herding and farming castes with whom they have long-standing relationships bound by the exchange of woven cloth for dairy products and sheeps’ wool. Among the woven products were men’s blankets (dhablo) and turbans (pagri), and women’s veil cloths (ludi) and skirt lengths. The ritual importance attached to the woven products for traditional clients meant that Vankars had a stable market until cheaper alternatives took over. While in the past the Vankars had relied solely on their Rabari, Ahir and Bharwad clients, today clients come from all over India as well as other countries. They are taught by their fathers or other male members of the family, and the craft has been passed down this way for numerous generations. (fig 2) From the 1970s onwards Kachchhi crafts became more widely known across India and the world as designers working with Gujarat State Handicraft and Handlooms Development Corporation, NGOs and commercial enterprises began operating in the region, adapting the crafts for urban markets. After the devastating earthquake of 2001, there was heavy investment in Kachchh by both central and state governments and NGOs, and industries came to the district to take advantage of a five year tax holiday; consequently, Kachchh became more visible worldwide. It now receives large numbers of tourists, craft enthusiasts and buyers from all over India and overseas, and Kachchhi craftspeople travel throughout India selling and showcasing their crafts, and some travel the world. Kala Raksha Vidhyalaya and Somaiya Kala Vidya Kala Raksha Vidhyalaya (KRV) was founded in 2005 by Judy Frater, twelve years after founding Kala Raksha Trust, on the basis that artisans’ potential was not being reached in contemporary markets, and that teaching artisans design would be more effective than teaching designers about craft and its deep-rooted contexts. In 2014, the KRV curriculum which had been developed with the help of an Ashoka Fellowship and input from education professionals, was taken by Frater to a new institute, Somaiya Kala Vidya (SKV). The curriculum consists of six two-week courses spread over one year and covers: Basic Design, Colour, Marketing, Concept Development, Finishing and Presentation and Merchandising. Each batch consists of ten to fifteen students and includes block printers, tie-dye artisans, weavers (men), and embroiderers (women). All classes are taught in Gujarati or Hindi. In between each class, students return home to apply some of what they have learnt to homework and to ensure that their own, on-going work is under control. Visiting faculty are designers working in industry and include foreign professionals as well as graduates of design schools such as NID. There are two permanent faculty, both traditional artisans and graduates of KRV or SKV: Laxmi Puvar, a suf embroiderer, and Dayalal Kudecha, a weaver. They act as intermediaries between the students and visiting faculty. More recently, a post-graduate business course for graduates of KRV and SKV has been added which helps artisans to understand the monetary value of their products in new markets, also its cultural value. Out of a total of 158 design graduates from both institutes since KRV’s first course in 2006, there have been twenty-nine weavers. Sixteen of the graduates have gone on to complete the business course, four of those being weavers. Most graduates from KRV and SKV continue to ‘innovate within their traditions,’ an express aim of the course, and have found growing economic success, and wide national and global exposure. (fig 3) Maheshwar Maheshwar became famous for weaving during the rule of Maharani Ahilyabai Holkar (1767-1795). Ahilyabai invited weavers from other parts of India to produce for the court which created a successful weaving industry; she remains an icon of the craft today. The architectural decoration of the 16th century fort on the banks of the Narmada river inspired the geometric patterns that feature in the dobby borders and end panel (pallu) of Maheshwari saris. The current success of Maheshwari handloom is largely down to charitable organisations founded by the descendents of Ahilyabai - Richard and Sally Holkar. Their first initiative was Rehwa, founded in 1978; Sally Holkar went on to establish Women Weave (WW) in 2003. These organisations have helped to revive the town’s handloom sari industry which had sunk into decline over the previous century. Since 1978, the number of weavers in Maheshwar has increased from three hundred to over 7,000 at the time of writing. (fig 4) The Handloom School From 2009 onwards, Women Weave held individual workshops to teach entrepreneurial skills and English to young females based in the area and male weavers; by 2013, a fully-fledged school had been established which is now known as The Handloom School (THS). The curriculum was put together by Sally Holkra in conjunction with two design graduates of NID, who also teach on the course, and a professional educator. It includes lessons on business skills, communication and IT, technical up gradation and design. An advisory board was set up comprised of experts from the marketing, design, education and industry sectors. The male students are recruited from all over India, identified by local NGOs or the Government of India Weavers’ Service Centres. Each batch numbers between ten and fifteen students. THS aims to promote handloom as a sustainable livelihood opportunity in rural areas across India, many of which are subject to extremely low wages. Sally Holkar’s belief is that, “if we train young talented weaver men to become business weavers capable of dealing directly with the market rather than through middlemen, we are at the same time perpetuating their skill, enhancing their income earning abilities and bringing together an all-India team of weavers which is relevant to the market.” The success of Rehwa and WW has made Holkar realise the value of handloom around the world; as a result, THS aims to expand its influence to weaving clusters throughout India. (fig 5) The students’ days are divided into classes in the morning and weaving in the afternoons. After six months on the campus, they pursue internships directly with clients, or they work on orders from THS. A useful example of an internship is that offered by ecommerce site, jaypore.com; students spend a week or two at the company’s office learning how the company runs its online business and are familiarized with design, production and quality. Fabrics woven as orders from THS are showcased at the ‘Buyer Seller Meet’, an event held in Delhi shortly after the end of the course, and attended by existing clients of Women Weave as well as potential clients. Profits from sales are reinvested into running the course. As well as generating sales, the event enables the weavers to learn about the market they are aiming at and to develop their communication skills with clients. Some General Insights The range of experiences of design and business education is broad among the graduates of each institute. My study is not comparative because each institute has different aims, and they have been going for different lengths of time. THS began more recently, thus it is difficult to make any concrete claims for its impact – true also for the advisers who conduct evaluations after each batch. Recruiting students from all over India has meant, however, that some graduates find it difficult to implement their learning in their local region after graduation. SKV on the other hand, with its focus on Kachchh, can make the teaching relevant to the students’ lives and local ways of learning. The other significant difference between the two institutes is cost. In its first year, KRV first paid artisans a stipend but by the third year it was charging students fees in order to be sustainable and to encourage artisans to value education. The location and the spread of the classes over time means that students are not kept away from any ongoing work for too long. But at THS because many of the weavers are from very poor families, taking six months away from their home is a huge investment; they simply could not attend if they weren’t subsidised. Therefore THS doesn’t charge students and pays them a weekly subsidy, the equivalent of what they would usually make from their weaving work. Funds come from a mixture of donors, the Government, and profits made from orders but sustaining sufficient funding continues to be a challenge. In Kachchh, I witnessed the directions taken by graduates – which in most cases was the continuation of the craft into a successful business. Increased income is evident in buildings of new houses, expansion of workshops and sending children to good schools. Several graduates have had the opportunity to travel abroad and showcase their products in high profile fairs such as Santa Fé International Folk Art Fair in the USA; for Dayalal Kudecha, an SKV graduate and permanent faculty member, this event brought in three times the amount he would earn in a year the first time he exhibited there. His work and that of SKV graduates Khalid Amin (block printer) and Aziz Khatri (tie-dye artisan) was featured in The Fabric of India exhibition at the Victoria and Albert Museum, London (2015-16). The success of THS graduates was relayed to me by Sharda Gautam (THS director in 2016) and by some of the sponsors. Gautam anticipated that they would not clearly see the impact on individual weavers until five years after they graduate but he noted some initial findings. Firstly, most graduates had been successful in adapting to new yarns, techniques, materials and sizes of warps. He added that “80% achieved good quality, zero defect fabrics.” Interviews with graduates also suggested that they found new techniques important for increasing value and versalitity, leading to increased market opportunities. Mudassir is an example of a weaver in Maheshwar who is running his own enterprise and incorporating new techniques. According to Holkar, weavers’ understanding of colour is greatly increased; prior to the course, most didn’t know that “mixing blue with red makes purple.” Both Gautam and Holkar felt that the students’ knowledge of English knowledge hadn’t achieved the standard that they had aimed at but that weavers could at least understand English better and had perfected their introduction as well as ‘golden words’: key business and weaving-related terms. Most students became more confident about talking about themselves and their work in their own language during the course which helped continuing communication with fellow graduates and staff via Whats App. Advisory Board member, Neelima Rao, reported the weavers’ increased confidence when communicating with buyers. She was surprised at how comfortable the weavers seemed in a wealthy Delhiite’s home at which one of the Buyer Seller Meets was held. Her preconceived idea was that they would feel “on the back foot” because of the traditionally low status of weavers, commenting that, “essentially what we wanted to break away from [that], for them to come to the level of the market, to not feel they were anything less than anybody - all of those things we didn’t know if the curriculum was doing…It was really rewarding to see that it did work.” This was seconded by Mehmud Ansari, a weaver from Chanderi, who added, “We got the confidence to speak to buyers. We were made to speak in front of everyone so that made me more confident about the products.” Among THS’s success stories are two graduate weavers from Mubarakpur whose study was facilitated by the Varanasi branch of the All India Artisan and Craftworkers Welfare Association (AIACA). After graduating, they set up a Self Help Group (SHG) and manage a group of twenty weavers; they replaced the two AIACA members to manage marketing and communication, and help other weavers with production. Four weavers from Rajasthan, sponsored by the NGO, Rangasutra, Bikaner, also went onto set up their own enterprise. Valuing and verbalizing traditional and new knowledge SKV graduate (2015), Pachan Premji Siju lives in Bhujodi. He has been weaving fulltime since the death of his father when he was in Class 7 (primary) forced him to leave school in order to support the family. When his older brother, Purshottam, who graduated from SKV in 2008, introduced new designs, materials and colours to their production, Pachan was not convinced they would be successful. His opinion at the time was that “the more pattern in the design, the higher the value,” and he stubbornly refused to learn new ideas, saying “I will design with my own mind and be happy with it.” After years of economic struggle, Purshottam and his older brother, Danji, decided that Pachan should get some understanding of design and he eventually joined SKV when the family was able to support him. Pachan worried that his lack of literacy and numeracy would hold him back on the course but was encouraged by his teachers who said to him “you know your craft - you’re not a student, you’re an artisan.” He worked closely with Pravin, a fellow student on the course and a B.Com graduate. Pachan had a higher level of technical skills and would help Pravin with weaving, and in return, Pravin would assist him with reading, writing and calculating costs. Commenting on the experience, Pachan said, “Initially I couldn’t understand what use [the course] would be for me. They used to give us tasks, like to go and collect some leaves and flowers from the garden. I would say “we are weavers, what use is this for us?”” They were asked to draw from the objects they had collected which helped Pachan to realise, “that everything we put into weaving comes from nature.” He also learnt what colours worked for which market. Pachan won the ‘Most Marketable’ award for his ‘Treasures of the Sea’ themed collection, judged by a group of highly reputed professionals, including Ritu Kumar, Anuradha Kumra (Fabindia), Geeta Ram (Crafts Council of India) and Reena Bhatia (Faculty member, M.S. University, Baroda). Ritu Kumar purchased some of Pachan’s pieces for her fashion show, held the following year in Jaipur. (fig 6) When I visited brothers Pachan and Purshottam Siju with filmmaker Shradha Jain, to film interviews, Pachan eagerly got out his pieces to show us. Like a lot of weavers in Kachchh, it was important for him to talk about and show his traditional products. The dupatta he had made during the marketing class combined the styles of both the Rabari dhablo which is black and white, and the Ahir dhablo which is multi-coloured, by using black and white in the warp and weft and bright colours in the extra weft patterning in the end panel and long borders (sachikor), with herringbone stitch (machikantho) down the middle to join the two pieces. His explanation of how he came up with the concept demonstrated how Pachan had learned to intellectualise the inherent design concepts in his traditional work and make his tacit knowledge explicit. (fig 7) His confidence had also increased. Prior to studying at SKV course, he was afraid of talking to customers in the family’s shop, leaving Purshottam to deal with them; now he will happily meet and greet clients, and enjoys explaining his design concepts to them in the shop and at exhibitions. Where co-design partnerships have taken place, graduates have the courage to assert their ideas and confidence in their input, thus making partnerships between weaver and designer-clients reciprocal. Dayalal Kudecha said that before studying at SKV he relied “100% on the designer”’ but now in collaborative projects it is fifty-fifty on colour, technique, motif and layout. Social media has been instrumental in connecting artisans with the market and designers for collaborative projects, too. If clients are unable to visit the workshop, pictures and videos are exchanged; seeing the process enables the client or designer to understand it and appreciate the time it takes to weave products. The challenges that have arisen out of working with commercially-led, often fast-fashion markets have forced the weavers to meet a new set of demands, very different to those for local clients for whom they made one-off bespoke pieces only when they were needed. The combination of knowledge and pride in their tradition, or rather selected aspects of tradition that weavers believe determine their identity, and a new set of skills and knowledge of contemporary design concepts, builds the weavers’ cultural capital as well as confidence, self-awareness and social mobility. Furthermore, their increased access to the urban and global market through contact with visitors, travel and social media enables them to promote and position their traditional product and story within a ready market while managing diverse identities that are influenced by a mix of the local and popular culture as well as ideas of ‘Indianness’ and an increased global awareness. Work choices and ambitions In 2016, prominent master weaver, Shamji Vishram Valji, from Bhujodi village, Kachchh, estimated that fifty percent of traditional weavers in Kachchh now choose alternative occupations. Indeed, members of his family had done so, as well as other members of weaving families I met during my research. The majority of graduates of SKV and KRV, are keen to continue their traditional occupation and take it in a new direction. For many weavers whether graduates or not, in the more isolated villages of northern and eastern Kachchh, weaving is preferred to agricultural labour or working in a factory. Weaving allows them to work at home, manage their own time and receive the help of family members. Furthermore, there is a strong sense of pride in their hereditary occupation and a faith in the importance of their service (seva). Conversely, numerous weavers across India, particularly those who have been exposed to new opportunities, find weaving boring and irrelevant to them; some view being stuck at home as being powerless, as Venkatesan’s study of the Pattamadai mat weavers reveals. She argues that the motvation behind interventions in the craft are based on idealised notions of historic village crafts that compel weavers to continue their craft to uphold this image. In many weaving areas of India, weavers are striving to escape their traditional identity to get away from its association with backwardness and low social status. Since Independence there has been increased access to formal higher education for Scheduled Castes (SC) and Other Backward Castes (OBC), the categories to which most weavers belong. In common with others classified as SCs and OBCs, many weavers aspire to a government job after college but due to the high level of competition, government corruption and their lack of social capital few have succeeded. This was confirmed in interviews with students conducted at SKV by visiting faculty member, Usha Prajapati, who reported that, “for me, the best thing I liked about the whole thing was that students were saying “we don’t want to join college, because there is so much competition we might not get a very good job.”” They view formal schooling as a way to improve a household’s economic position and the family’s cultural capital. This can lead, however, to the decline in their craft and their identity as weavers. Despite influential figures such as Mahatma Gandhi and Rabindranath Tagore promoting the belief that education should be relevant to an individual’s local context, the separation between school and college education and their traditional occupation is expressed strongly by weavers . This dilemma is articulated by Kumar in her study of the Ansari weaving community in Banaras where basic literacy and numeracy are valued as they enable the weavers to write receipts, complete forms and manage general business activities. But Ansari leaders express the concern that young weavers, if continuing to higher education, will escape their hereditary profession. Reaching higher education is rare, however, among weavers; many, particularly in poorer areas, fail to pass 10th standard which is the basic entry requirement – a fact also noted by Kar among Sambalpuri weavers in Orissa. Even those who have passed 10th standard often can’t afford the risk of leaving the family business to continue in higher education, or to try for a job. The death of a parent constrains them further still, as Pachan’s story (above) reveals. THS and SKV provide alternatives to the existing options of working for a master weaver or pursuing college education. Unlike the Indian Institutes of Handloom Technology (IIHT) – there are nine in all across India - which offer a curriculum that focuses on science and technology, and train traditional weavers and others as technicians in mills, THS works at grassroots level and encourages weavers to remain in their cluster. They help the weavers to improve their capabilities and to create opportunities in their craft as well as generating employment and economic capacity in their cluster. The fact that THS is free and provides a stipend for those suffering hardship encourages recruitment. This provision has enabled several poor students to pursue their education but has meant that some students from more stable financial circumstances take the aims of the course less seriously. For example, Mansukh, from Kotay village, and a graduate of THS, was still planning to return to school to re-sit the 10th standard which he had failed, in the belief that it would improve his opportunities in education and employment. Similarly, Kamlesh from Gujarat, was weaving part-time while studying for a BA in Sanskrit before attending THS. During the course he had expressed plans to start a weaving business but a year on is working as a distributor for cell phone company, Idea. This challenges THS; their admission criteria do not exclude non-traditional (or first-generation) weavers, or weavers who are not practising full-time – all of whom are perhaps less likely to be fully committed to handloom as an occupation. It is noteworthy that Mansukh and Kamlesh were both unmarried at the time they were interviewed; without financial responsibilities they would have been under no pressure to rush into a job. The limitations of this essay do not allow for discussion of issues surrounding gender among weaving communities in India; suffice to say that women of the same age as Mansukh and Kamlesh experience very different expectations and responsibilities. A glimpse into the life of Bhavna Sunere, a young weaver in Maheshwar, provides an insight into the challenges faced by women. Choices for women: Bhavna Sunere Bhavna is an hereditary weaver from Malaharganj village which borders Maheshwar. After graduating with a BSc in Maths and Science, she started teaching at a local college and having secured a coveted Government job is an exception among those weavers who have gone through formal college education. She now plans to study for an MSc in Maths. Her family works under master weavers and have a relatively low income. Prior to attending the Women Weave (WW) workshops in 2011, Bhavna didn’t think too much about weaving; it had always been there in the family and she would generally weave in the evening after college, supporting her father and grandparents, or working on her own loom which helped to fund her studies. She identified the transformative effect of the WW workshops, commenting that, “If I didn’t do the weaving course, I wouldn’t have completed studies at all,” and is now interested in starting her own weaving business. It will be something that she will have to fit in alongside teaching, studying and her domestic duties; she has taken charge of running the household since her sister married and her mother became unwell. Her dedication and ambition is admirable. (fig 8) In his work on informality and labour supply in the Banaras industry, Basole gives a fitting analogy for the importance of manual or traditional skill as a sort of insurance: a poori-sabzi (popular Banarasi breakfast) vendor insisted on teaching his sons the skills of his trade, despite them both attending school, because his view was that, ‘“with a skill in his two hands, he will always be able to feed himself.”’ Many weavers in Maheshwar view their skill as just that - a back-up, a way to bulk up their income, or to fall back on should other career paths fail. But ultimately the decision to continue weaving, whether by innovating and branching out to new markets, or to continue weaving plain cloth for the Government, rests on two main factors: a sense of identity which connects weavers to heritage and tradition; and economic necessity. Conclusion In this essay, I have shown how design and business education for traditional weavers in India is challenging the divides and disparities that exist between artisans and the contemporary urban and global market. In narrating some of the experiences of graduates of both THS and SKV, I have attempted to highlight some of the successes and challenges facing both the institutes and weavers. Pachan’s experience demonstrates how SKV helped him to intellectualise his traditional knowledge, reigniting his interest in his craft, increasing the value of his work and enabling him to gain recognition; according to Frater if artisans don’t get this, “they will leave craft, and they should leave craft in my opinion.” The aspirations of students and graduates of THS vary according to their economic, social and cultural backgrounds, which in turn vary because students come from all over India. Weavers in Maheshwar benefit from the continuing support of WW and THS because of their proximity. Although new IT and phone technologies have enabled communication with weavers from different parts of India, those in remote areas still have to rely on the their local NGO for intermediary support; markets and buyers are less accessible which inevitably affects their level of recognition. The school is still in its infancy and according to the director, it may take two to three years for the graduates to absorb their learning at THS. Both institutes help weavers to realise the value in handloom, thereby increasing their future choices; they also show weavers that their traditional occupation can bring recognition, respect and a good income. But it is also important to consider the market’s reception and perception of graduate artisan-designers, as Frater reports, “Many times the jury if they are new people, they’re surprised. They have no idea that artisans can think!” It would be useful, therefore, if craft narratives and debates were to go beyond thinking about craft and design as fixed categories, and if the weavers themselves were involved in these narratives and debates. Sustainable futures in handloom will depend not only on the new knowledge, skills and confidence that design and business education may provide but also on the markets recognising diverse knowledge, creativity and capabilities, whereby the outcome is not only the end product. References Kawlra, A. (2014) ‘Duplicating the local: GI and the Politics of “Place” in Kanchipuram’, Perspectives in Indian Development. Nehru Memorial Museum and Library. Available at: https://www.academia.edu/7635756/Duplicating_the_Local_GI_and_the_Politics_of_Place_in_South_India. Footnotes Herzfeld, M. (2004) The Body Impolitic: Artisans and Artifice in the Global Hierarchy of Value. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press. Mamidipudi, A., Sayamasundari, B. and Biker, W. (2012) ‘Mobilising Discourses: Handloom as Sustainable Socio-Technology’, Economic and Political Weekly, 47(25). See: McGowan, A. (2009) Crafting the Nation in Colonial India. New York: Palgrave Macmillan. Mathur, S. (2011) ‘Charles and Ray Eames in India’. College Art Association, pp. 34–53. Available at: http://search.ebscohost.com/login.aspx?direct=true&db=a9h&AN=66893347&site=ehost-live. Deepali, D. (2001) Crafting Knowledge and Knowledge of Crafts: Art Education, Colonialism and the Madras School of Arts in Nineteenth-Century South Asia. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota. Mitter, P. (1994) Art and Nationalism in Colonial India, 1850 - 1922: Oriental Orientations. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. See: Chatterjee, A. (2005) ‘Design in India: The Experience of Transition’, Design Issues, 21 (4), pp. 4–10. doi: 10.2307/25224014. Kumar Vyas, H. (1991) ‘The Designer and the Social Technology of Small Production’, Journal of Design History, 4(3), pp. 187–208. Mishra, R. N. (2009) Silpa in Indian Tradition: Concept and Instrumentalities. New Delhi: Aryan Books International in association. See Mathur, 2011. See: Wintle, C. (2017) ‘Diplomacy and the Design School: The Ford Foundation and India’s National Institute of Design’, Design and Culture. Routledge, pp. 1–18. doi: 10.1080/17547075.2017.1322876. Clarke, A. J. (2016) ‘Design for Development, ICSID and UNIDO: The Anthropological Turn in 1970s Design’, Journal of Design History, 29(1), pp. 43–57. doi: 10.1093/jdh/epv029. See: Chatterjee, 2005 (#5 above). Ghose, R. (1989) ‘Design, Development, Culture, and Cultural Legacies in Asia’, Design Issues. MIT Press, 6(1), pp. 31–48. doi: 10.2307/1511576. See: Edwards, E.M. ‘The role of veilcloths among the Rabaris of Kutch, Gujarat, western India’. Costume, 43 (2009), pp.19-37. Frater founded Kala Raksha Trust with Prakash Bhanani in Sumerasar village, Kachchh, in 1991, to preserve and promote the traditional arts of the region. See: http://www.kala-raksha.org/trust.htm Interview with Judy Frater, January 2016. Interview with Sally Holkar, July 2016. The school has had one complete batch of female weavers from the local area, and four batches of male weavers from both the local area and different parts of India. The social restrictions on women limit them from studying away from home or becoming entrepreneurs in their own right. Aside from northeast India, handloom weaving is dominated by men, carried out in rural areas in workshops attached to the home; women support weaving with part-time activities such as warping and bobbin winding which they can do alongside domestic chores. Interview Shilpa Sharma, CEO of jaypore.com, July 2016. Educationalist Feruzan Mehta, one of THS’s advisory board members, conducts interviews with the weavers after they have completed the course to understand their experience of it and to determine any modifications necessary for the following batches Interview via Skype: June 2016. The introduction of fees after the first few years allowed potential students to understand the reason for them and enabled them to see the benefits of paying for education after seeing the success of the alumni. Sponsorship by a donor organisation is available to those unable to afford the fees. Interview with Judy Frater and weaver, Shamji Vishram Valji: January 2016 nterview with Sharda Gautam, July 2016. Sharda has since left THS. Interview with Sally Holkar, July 2016. Interview with Neelima Rao, January 2017. Interview with weaver, Mehmud Ansari, July 2016. Interview with Vidushi Tiwari, project manager, AIACA’s Varanasi Weavers and Artisans Society, September 2016. Interview with weaver Pachan Premji Siju: August 2016. Kar, S. K. (2012) ‘Knowledge process of rural handloom community enterprise’, Society and Business Review, 7(2), pp. 114–133. doi: http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/17465681211237592. Interview with Dayalal Kudecha, January 2016. Pachan was recently part of a group of weaver-graduates of SKV who collaborated with students from the University of Wisconsin-Madison’s School of Human Ecology: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=JH1LpfaD8Mg SKV strongly encourages an understanding of low and high quality but the popularity of the ‘Kachchhi shawl’ (a re-interpretation for the popular market of a regional tradition that expresses cultural identity), and the increase in selling platforms, including exhibitions, e-commerce sites and notably, fashion and home brand Fabindia, has led many weavers in Kachchh to mass-manufacturing. Kasturi describes this as ‘manufacturing tradition through industrial production.’ See: Kasturi, P. B. (2005) ‘Designing Freedom’, Design Issues. The MIT Press, 21(4), pp. 68–77. Available at: http://www.jstor.org/stable/25224020. Judy Frater also discusses the issue of scale on her blog: https://threadsofidentity.wordpress.com/2015/07/05/scaling-out-an-answer-the-question-who-are-the-workers/ See: Hobsbawm, E. and Ranger, T. (1992) The Invention of Tradition. Cambridge University Press. See: Bourdieu, P. (1984) Distincton: A Social Critique of the Judgement of Taste. London and New York: Routledge. Venkatesan, S. (2010) ‘Learning to weave; weaving to learn ... what?’, The Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute, 16, pp. S158–S175. doi: 10.2307/40606070. Interview with Usha Prajapati, February 2016. See: Bordieu, 1984. Jeffrey, C., Jeffery, R. and Jeffery, P. (2004) ‘Degrees without Freedom: The Impact of Formal Education on Dalit Young Men in North India.’, Development & Change. Wiley-Blackwell, 35(5), pp. 963–986. Available at: http://10.0.4.87/j.1467-7660.2004.00388.x. Kumar, N. (2000) Lessons from Schools: The History of Education in Banaras. New Delhi: Sage, p.125. Interview with Bhavna Sunere, July 2016. Basole, A. (2014) ‘Informality and Flexible Specialization: Labour Supply, Wages, and Knowledge Flows in an Indian Artisanal Cluster’. St. Louis: Federal Reserve Bank of St Louis. Available at: http://search.proquest.com/docview/1698749082?accountid=14693 Interview with Judy Frater, January 2016. Interview with Judy Frater, July 2015. List of illustrations Fig 1: Apprenticeship in weaving at Bhujodi; weavers Prakash and Jyantilal overseeing the first warp. Fig 2: Jyantilal Premji Bokhani demonstrating the hand-throw shuttle loom (haat sar). Fig 3: SKV design batch of 2015 working on their logos. Fig 4: THS students taking inspiration from the carved stone decoration of the fort. Fig 5: Dibya Darshikusum and Shahid Ansari, students of THS batch 4, practising different weaving techniques. Fig 6: Pachan’s presentation to the SKV jury: Anuradha Kumra (Fabindia) examining a silk sari. Fig 7: Traditional dhablo woven with un-dyed, hand-spun sheepwool beneath a dupatta woven by Pachan on the SKV course. Fig 8: Bhavna Sunere with her father, Santosh; her paternal grandparents (dadi and dada) are in the background.

Issue #009, 2022 ISSN: 2581- 9410 Abstract The evolution of the design industry has been solving various problems creatively throughout history. Along with the creativity and ideation of the design industry, comes its impacts on our environment, both positive and negative. Water pollution, chemical effluent generation, waste material generation, etc are a few negative impacts that can be solved via a design thinking approach. Presently, the enormous amount of waste generated from the discarded Personal Protective Equipment (PPE) kits (masks, hazmat suits, etc.) during the COVID19 pandemic is a major concern. Polymers such as polypropylene, polyethene, etc are the main components used in the manufacturing of PPE kits, increasing the overall plastic load on the environment. To tackle this problem, a concept design is prepared for the production of new recyclable polymer material from the polymeric plastics retrieved from the discarded PPE (Hazmats). The research involved a holistic approach to find possible ways/processes to recycle the polymer material obtained from the PPE kits to produce a sustainable material keeping in mind the concepts of Colour Material and Finish (CMF), the cost-effectiveness of the process and the feasibility of this study. Mechanical recycling of plastics starting from the collection of the raw material to obtaining pellets/films of the plastic has been considered. Further, for manufacturing, processes such as Rotational moulding, vacuum forming, injection moulding, CNC machining, palletisation, extrusion etc. were considered to obtain the most suitable method for the concept design. Polymers such as recycled acrylic, recycled polycarbonate, recycled HDPE etc, as additives with recycled plastic, are also considered to have energy-efficient products. The research has been designed in such a way as to create sustainable material with an elevated design. The implication of this research study is a positive impact on the world through the energy-efficient conservation of resources adding to the building of a circular economy. Introduction In this evolving world, problems are ever-evolving and design is proved as a key towards the management of these problems, especially when combined with sustainable development practices which help the environment. Along with the global pandemic of COVID19 affecting the world, the precautionary practices that came along with it affected the environment. The use of Personal Protective Equipment (PPE) kits was the go-to precautionary method used by the healthcare forces throughout the world. PPE kits are polypropylene-based non-woven and non-biodegradable kits that generally consist of head covers, hand gloves, full-length gowns (hazmat suits), shoes, eye protectors, masks and respirators. Large quantities of these polypropylene-based non-biodegradable PPE kits were being discarded and disposed of in unauthorised dumping sites during the pandemic of COVID19. The indiscriminate disposal of these kits releases toxic chemicals, greenhouse gases, etc in the surroundings and imposes negative impacts on the ecological system by polluting aquatic and marine habitats. The plastic component in these blocks the sewage systems and also contributes to the deterioration of natural beauty. The polymer industry contributes to hydrocarbon emissions and leads to ecological violence (Alabi et al., n.d.). Moreover, since these kits have been exposed to pathogenic microorganisms in different healthcare settings, they pose a risk of contributing to the development of microbial resistance if not discarded properly or if left in the environment “just-as” to degrade naturally. According to a survey conducted by the World Economic Forum titled, “The New Plastic Economy, Rethinking the future of plastics”, plastic production had increased twenty-fold by the year 2016 and is expected to quadruple by the year 2050 (Alabi et al., n.d.). This issue is concerning as it poses danger to aquatic and marine organisms, humans and the environment at large, major reason for the concern is the time it takes for waste plastics to degrade naturally. Plastics causing environmental pollution aren’t something that has come to light recently. As and when this came to the observation of mankind, they got into recycling plastics, which have a rather interesting history. The notion of recycling plastics came into being after the environmental revolutions of the 1960s when people noticed the impact that plastic waste was having on the environment. It was in 1972 when the world's first plastic waste recycling mill was set up in Conshohocken, Pennsylvania. During the 1980s and 1990s PETE and HDPE plastics were designed with the aim of a sustainable future through their recycling. Ever since then, with advances in technology, the recycling of plastics has been creating more opportunities. The quantitative estimates for the same may vary topographically throughout the world. Over the years the manufacture of new product designs using recycled plastics have shown a gradual increase in the markets globally (Plastic Recycling History - Recycling Plastic Benefits, n.d.). This advance in the eco-conscious efforts might prove to be advantageous for the foreseeable future with respect to both a sustainable future environmentally as well as a circular economy. Basic processes involved in the recycling of plastics and eventual manufacture of a new product are usually more or less the same; collection, sorting, size reduction, cleaning, separation based on polymer type and finally manufacturing with suitable additives (A Quick Overview of Plastic Recycling & Its Processes, 2019). However, the manufacturing processes chosen depend on the polymer type obtained from the recycled plastic, product design, product type, the cost involved and the eventual implementation. A case study has been considered where the parachutes discarded after WWII were considered to be brought into effective use. Limitations in the reuse of the material allowed the material to be used in fashion industry by the designers instead. This helped in removing the waste while discovering a new fashion trend eventually spreading throughout the world (Sanders, 2020). The way that issue was faced helped to study the current pandemic and the consequences with the impending impacts on the surroundings which need to be tackled. Owing to the growing use of polymers in the industry to create many commodity plastic products, it has become imperative to recycle them to decrease the load on the environment for a sustainable future. Hypothesis A plan has been made to come up with new material from recycled PPE, (specifically Hazmat suits) which are made of non-woven fabric with polypropylene, polyester, and polyethene. These disposable gowns are made by using spun-bond bound or melt-blown nonwoven materials which are produced via bonding (chemical, mechanical or thermal). Collection of hazmat suits using different methods such as the barter system post which they will be subject to sterilisation procedures such as subjecting to Ultraviolet (UV) radiations, autoclaving etc., to make them microbe-free. Post sterilisation, those hazmat suits will be shredded into flakes to aid the recycling process by melting them via extrusion and forming granules. Further, virgin material can be added to form a new rigid composite material to maintain the strength and durability of recycled plastic. The method of secondary or mechanical recycling is inexpensive and can work with a nominal initial investment. Manufacturing/production will take place to produce new material where master batch can be added to give it a colour and further the material can be used to design new products. Blending the reprocessed material with new material such as recycled HDPE was taken into consideration to obtain a better quality of the product. According to research, HDPE can be recycled 10 times before it loses its integrity. It was decided to use recycled HDPE as new material as it is highly beneficial and stands apart from competitors as everyone is striving for products that are eco-friendly and useful. This rigid material might be able to be implemented in multiple ways, an elevated design idea has been proposed from the production of this new rigid material. The hypothesis has been proposed with cost-effectiveness in mind combined with the aim of generating a circular economy. This aims to achieve zero/ minimal waste, hoping it would prove beneficial for consumers and open new opportunities for consumers. Objective This research study aims to use discarded PPE kits (Hazmat suits) to make new material that can have effective implementations. The polypropylene-based Hazmat suits will be recycled in cost-effective ways to form a new material. The rigid material will be used in multiple ways to create elevated designs. This study follows the blue ocean strategy (Kim, C. W. et al 2017) to combat plastic waste and use and execute it effectively. Durability, stability and effectiveness of plastic will be checked during the study and its efficiency will be tested to know how it can fulfil the expected criteria of its implementation. The target is to reduce the plastic waste generated by dumping Hazmat suits discarded by lab practitioners, doctors, nurses and other healthcare settings. It is expected that this research will contribute to improve circular economy and also leave a long-lasting impact by contributing to saving the planet by reducing polymer waste. Materials and Methods Collection Process The first step of the research involves the collection of discarded hazmat suits from various health and medical facilities. Various techniques such as collection from the recycling centres, direct collection from the facility, etc., were considered. Door to door collection system (just like local junk collector model) involving barter system which entails providing the said facility with some incentive to give the discarded material was also considered. Preferably, the health and medical facility centres from where the material can be obtained in bulk will be prioritised. Preparation of raw material for the recycling process 1) Cleaning, Washing and Rinsing: The initial step before progressing to the recycling process was to make sure proper cleaning of the hazmat suits to remove any dirt or any other contaminating element(s) that might have been present at/during the time of collection. The hazmat suits were first blown with a drier to remove any dry material such as sand, sticks, etc. Post that the suits were washed and rinsed thoroughly with detergent water to remove any dirt stuck on the material. 2) Sanitization/ Sterilisation: This step is essential for eliminating the microbial contamination on the hazmat suits, considering that this is an important concern with hazmat suits being recycled. For sanitization, the hazmat suits were washed thoroughly with disinfectant water such as bleach solution with sufficient amount of bleach according to the quantity of the material being sanitised. Further, the process of autoclaving (121 degrees at 15psi for 15 minutes) was carried out to sterilise the hazmat suits being recycled which helped the killing of all/most of the microbes or spores which might have been present on them. Recycling process Mechanical recycling, which is otherwise also known as secondary recycling of polymers was considered for this research study. In this recycling process, the polymers were re-melted and reprocessed into the end product. Secondary recycling was considered because it is a relatively inexpensive process that does not alter the properties of the polymer being recycled and leads to high recovery of pure polymer. The steps involved in this process included cutting, shredding or washing the polymers into granules, flakes or pellets of the requisite quality (Thomas, n.d.). The shredding of plastic was carried out prior to subjecting to secondary recycling procedures using the plastic shredder machine which is capable of cutting the plastic into small pieces. Sorting was carried out in simultaneous procedures to ensure the segregation of different types of plastic polymers (Salih et al., 2013, #). The plastics of different qualities were not allowed to mix in it as it would have reduced the quality of the recycled plastic to be used for manufacturing the new material/ composite (Grigore, 2017, #). Production of the New Product For the production process Extrusion process was brought into consideration because of its cost-effectiveness. The granules, pellets or flakes obtained (after recycling and palletisation) were melted and mixed with another polymer using a twin-screw extruder that is capable of mixing one or two ingredients (Plastic Extrusions,Plastic Extrusion Process, Plastic Extrusion Machinery Manufacturers,Exporters,India, n.d.) (Plastic Pelletizing Machine | EREMA Plastic Recycling, n.d.). For the purpose of this research, recycled HDPE was decided to be mixed with polypropylene as a new material as it is cheaper as compared to a fresh batch of HDPE. Approximately 20% - 25% HDPE was mixed with polypropylene to get the advantages of both incorporated into the new material to be developed (lin et al., 2015, #). Shredded HDPE is sent for melting after sorting and cooled into pellets so that it can be sent to manufacturers (What Can High Density Polyethylene Be Recycled Into?, 2020). After mixing the recycled HDPE and polypropylene with the help of a twin-screw extruder, the material was passed through a screen pack to remove all the contaminants that might have entered during the melting procedure. Then the material reached the barrel after passing through a rotating screw. The temperature was decided to be kept between 200°C - 280°C which was decided based on the polymers selected for extrusion (Polyphenylene Ether (PPE), n.d.). Backpressure created by the barrel plate ensures proper mixing and uniform melting of the polymer. After that, it entered the die for the making of the shape of the product (kumar et al., 2018, #). It was finished after getting pulled through the extruder (according to market research, extruder machines can cost anywhere between 70,000 INR to 200,000 INR i.e. Tentatively $ 950 to $2700) (Plastic Extruder Machine at Best Price in Delhi, Delhi | Prakash Plastic Machinery, n.d.). Definite cooling rolls were also an option to use for the shape of the desired product. Now comes the process of palletisation which has been proved helpful in converting scrap plastic to reusable new plastic pellets which further can be processed to make new products. Establishing a palletisation recycling system can leave a huge impact on the industry and is beneficial for the world we live in. The palletisation process is cost-effective as the manufacturers can get high-quality plastic waste with very little investment. Palletisation has been done for polypropylene to obtain it in pellets. Single and twin-screw extruder technologies are available to use in the market via which plastic palletisation was accomplished and by using these technologies melting and softening of the polymer were done (white & min, 2017, #). This operation involves the cutting of melted plastic into pellets of cylindrical shape. Plastic palletisation benefits by resulting in the reduction of the cost of raw materials. This closed-loop recycling (A material may be recycled endlessly without losing its qualities) (Fedkin, n.d.). process has been proved highly beneficial for the involved parties in the recycling of plastic. The recycled HDPE and polypropylene can be redirected and may be used in the manufacturing of various lifestyle products through various kinds of moulding processes eg. Air cooler body, plastic furniture (for semi-outdoor, outdoor and commercial purposes), car dashboards [the material may be mixed with Acrylonitrile-butadiene-styrene (ABS) and Polycarbonate (PC) to achieve the results], wall tiles, etc. Result and Discussion The results of this research are speculative and will leave a long-lasting impact on the future in terms of sustainability that can help us conserve our future. The plan of reducing the PPE waste from our environment can help to develop innovative implementations of the newly invented material. Plastic takes years, even decades to decompose in the environment through natural processes. Polypropylene is a safer choice as mentioned by the Environmental Protection Agency. A cost-effective invention has been speculated by the mixing of two polymers accompanying with others to make it effective by using different procedures. It is possible to recycle polypropylene and HDPE to develop a new polymer that will be cost-effective and suitable for any employer to use in any of the businesses, start-ups, for producing various products, packaging, etc. The newly developed polymer is recyclable and highly efficient for usage with lots of advantages from the perspective of consumers, producers and investors as this particular material is bringing a lot of opportunities along as the usage of plastic is in every field. The effectiveness of the cost has been speculated to be reduced by approximately 15% - 10% and mixing of 20% - 25% HDPE maintains the level of tensile strength and the flexural strength, and good impact strength by approximately 47%. So, this particular material brings a lot of advantages by making it frugal, durable, flexible, and sustainable which will be beneficial for further implementations of it. Almost 45% of products are made from polypropylene, which does not cause cancer in humans and 23% are made from HDPE. With the low material cost and the traditional fabrication method, this new effective polymer can be implemented in various unique ways. It’s a way to follow the blue ocean strategy in the market and come up with innovations. The bottles made from HDPE alone are harmful to our health as they can affect the endocrine system and those which are made from polypropylene alone are not good in quality. The bottles made from this new material consisting of a hybrid of HDPE and polypropylene will be of improved quality. Accessories such as bags and jewellery can be made from this polymer. In furniture, it can be used to increase the aesthetic of furniture by implementing this translucent polymer. The office walls can be made with enhanced quality. The washroom seat covers and the toilet accessories like soap holders, and corners to keep bathing needs, this polymer will fulfil all the requirements with increased quality and provide low cost which in turn will help the producer to gain profit. This material is effective for producing upholstery as this material will be robust and at a relatively low price. The accessories of cars from this polymer will help in reducing the cost and also the advancement in design. Toys for the children and boxes to keep them, even the storage units for homes, and offices will work effectively in the long run. The advantages of this material make it unique and effective. Conclusion The upcoming world is continuously mass-producing/ batch- producing tangible substances to meet the needs and aspiration of society. This begets a concern for the environment as a whole and the material produced in this study can contribute towards the preservation of our environment. It is a sustainable approach. As it contributes to the society, the economy and most importantly the environment. This material will help in making products for the people belonging to various socio-economic strata residing in urban, peri-urban or rural sectors in a cost-efficient manner. This in return can help in scaling the transactions in the market resulting in more production setups, creating opportunities for skilled and semi-skilled employment. It will boost the economy. In an environment surrounded by pollution, bringing this material into use can prove to contribute towards a sustainable economy and make our surrounding a better place to live.

When the Managing Director of Nagaland Handloom and Handicrafts Development Corporation, wanted me to come to Dimapur to explore a design assignment, I was both thrilled and apprehensive. Thrilled because I always wanted to visit the interiors of North East India and wanted to savour the sights and crafts of the place first-hand. Apprehensive because like all common people, I was worried if the place was safe from terrorism and whether I would be able to do a successful project in an alien culture with an unsure set of artisans. As the flight was descending down upon Dimapur on mid-summer morning, I was amazed at the greenery I could see from the skies and I was as excited to land as the Japanese couple sitting next to me and was raring to go. When I met the friendly face of the co-ordinator, all my fears disappeared. I knew I was going to enjoy my stay there. When one refers to Nagaland, it is always about the place, its greenery, its mountains, its cuisine, its proximity to other cultures all over the world, etc. Of course, Nagaland has been well endowed. But what struck me first, about the place was the genuine friendliness of the people. Not the polite, Delhi-type of friendliness, but gregarious. They all have a great sense of humour, a life style that is more laid-back than most and an easy-going nature that makes any outsider comfortable. My project was to assess the skills of the artisans of the cluster, Nagarjan, identified by the NHHDC and see their product range. After assessing the skills, I had to design products that will match the skill-sets with the kind of products markets all over the country and also abroad will like to buy. As a designer, I found the challenge both exciting and interesting. In my first visit, I met a range of artisans who were into a variety of products. Products ranged from the ethereal to the practical. On one hand- a carved chair that resembled an eagle which took 2 months to make by one artisan and on the other hand a simple rice plate that is carved out of local wood which is used for daily eating.
The Eagle chair	The Rice plate
There were also a lot of other products that were made for the local markets and the emporiums. These include Spears and spear holders, small shelves, corn leaf decorations, boxes and similar decorative items.
Traditional Crafts: Dolls made of Corn leaf, Bowls, Mithun head Plaques
Design Approach My task as a designer was cut out for me. I had to use these skills of carving and carpentry that these wood artisans of Nagarjan were so familiar with and design products that the markets in Delhi and other places will enjoy buying and gifting. In this task, I had keep in mind that these products should not lose the Naga identity which is so typical and yet make products that would be universally appealing. Moreover, I had decided to create a new range that will be less of a decorative product and more of a utility item. This way, there is a possibility of repeat purchase value for the products. My second and third visits to Dimapur consisted of two week stays. Each time I designed prototypes of new products at my Delhi studio and trained all the artisans to make these. There were several rounds of prototype development, so that artisans learnt to make these to perfection. After initial reticence, the artisans understood my approach. I took inspirations from museum pieces of the traditional tribal products of Nagaland. I researched the ancient objects of culture from Nagaland. I revived some motifs, borrowed some others from a variety of traditional products. Also designs and motifs from traditional animal shields, smoking pipes, jewellery and tattoo marks and patterns were chosen for products of utility like lamp bases, kitchen trays and photo-frames. Some techniques were retained in a new format. The artisans who made spears as give aways were trained to make photo frames with spears fixed on them.
Spears that are made for gifting	New design photo frame with small spear
Artisans who decorated these spears with red and black dyed goat's hair were trained to use this technique for a new design of lamp base.
Goat's hair technique	New design lamp base
Traditional motif of the bull's head, called the ' Mithun' in Nagamese, was used as a motif on a couple of kitchen products, to give commonplace products a Naga identity.
Spice Rack with Mithun head motif	New design Tray with animal motifs
Since the Nagas are predominantly Christian, the product range also included some Christmas products like Candleholders and special photo frames with Christmas motifs.
Candleholders inspired by tribal jewellery forms *A brand was created to reflect the new range.*

"KOHIMA", the brand was meant to identify these new products that are both aesthetically appealing to everyone, yet totally Naga in outlook and feel. The products were exhibited in the India Habitat Centre for feedback and orders. All products received some order or the other, which was heartening because it means that the design has been appealing to a cross section of people. Additionally, several were interested in exporting these products as well.This project gives a whole new meaning to cross-cultural interface. When the Naga statue lamp base reaches the bedrooms of the world, and people from various cultures eat out of the salad bowls, made in Nagarjan, I know my task has been done.

Design education in India has been wrested with a continuing contradiction of focus between the organised and unorganized sector since it was formally set up through various institutions across the country. Through the socialist economic model of development to its integration into global business, the argument of social responsibility and hardcore commerce has lost the passion that it once aroused. The emerging wisdom has recognized that ultimately design ought to be integrated into the process of commerce and business. However, at a more intrinsic level of design approach and overall orientation, design education is distinctly inclined to cater to the organised sector of industry clientele. The potential for job opportunities, sustained patronage and predictable business structure are some of the reasons for this. The vast unorganized sector that includes handicrafts and sustains millions of artisans has not had its share of professional design intervention in actual practice.

The reasons for such an imbalance are obvious. The organised sector has the ability to hire and sustain design expertise. The perceived opportunities of work and placement are greater and stable with enterprises. The process of delivery and nature of work profile is defined as well as limited to a role largely enabled and conceived through the nature of design education. The values, concerns and expectations of a life as a design professional are best met through metro centric work opportunities. Even the best of corporate organizations find it difficult to source quality professional expertise if the place of work is far removed from the popular metro destinations. Such a reality makes it all the more difficult for design education to instill in students a sense of equal or greater opportunities in craft sector. This is not to say that the issue is not addressed at all or that no designers get closely involved with craft sector. The concern is to determine the difference in approach and process of design intervention between a structured organised industry and craft sector as well as share experiences that qualify this essential difference in characterizing the approach in the structure of experience during design education. At an academic level, the reputed design institutes in India have strived to create a holistic dimension of Design as a process, method and coverage. The concerns through a world view realized from such an approach address the larger aspects of quality of life and the values that go with them cutting across all possible influences and structures that can be leveraged to achieve the larger developmental concerns of humanity. Design professional is almost seen as a bridge between the organizations and the world to project their ethical social concerns into products, services and processes. However, in practice a large part of these inherent concerns is diminished under the immediacy of business compulsions. Often the inherent academic structure, evaluation criteria and the organizational norms negate the potential opportunities in the minds of students. Handicrafts in India exist at different organizational and operational levels. The large part of craft exports from India is essentially carried out by firms, which are owner driven business houses with fair amount of mechanization and captive work force under direct control. The products involve lot of skilled handwork in predominantly finishing and assembly with low technology mass production. At the same time there are a multitude of traditional artisans who continue to produce small volumes of individually crafted products and artifacts across the entire rural belt of India. These are mostly dependent on small sales and marginal income. The diminished local markets, limited conduits for their wares to urban / global markets, unfamiliarity of market tastes and needs, little access to funds & working capital and lack of requisite capacity have made these crafts often unviable for survival. As a part of developmental responsibility, Government and Development Agencies have recognized Design as an important input for craft revival and sustenance. As a result a large part of funding & initiative in Design comes from these agencies. Majority of design initiatives are supported involving professional designers, design students and design institutions. Among many issues being addressed through such funding, new product development and training of artisans are entrusted to design professionals. There are very few initiatives with any significant impact from private sector in handicrafts. All design interventions in craft sector have a predominant product focus akin to the model of design services with private enterprise. The product outcome is tangible and hence measurable unlike initiatives that may be equally critical but intangible. The impact of such interventions is most often limited and excludes the artisan from the intellectual process of design and product development. Such initiatives also lack the focus on market linkages, positioning and requisite furtherance of the efforts to convert into business for the beneficiary artisans. While such initiatives have validity in terms of need to reinterpret crafts to match contemporary market reality, the actual value retention for the artisan is limited. Time investment by the designers is most often proportional to the funds available and defined outcome in the brief, which invariably is only in number of designs. The extent of familiarity on part of the designers to craft techniques, processes and ability of the artisans to explore and deliver distinct products determines the quality of outcome. At a human interaction level, the artisans are really the skilled resource to convert alien product / design ideas into prototypes with little or no insight into the complexities of such products and their possible use environment. Conflicts of ego, paradigm and resistance to change are expected in any situation where a new order is introduced before it is understood and accepted. The interaction between artisans and designers is not any different. The position of superiority and power assumes an opposite dimension where a designer generally subservient to the client dictates, assumes the role of the client as well. The creature comforts often become the irritants between the ideal and operational extent of involvement required from the designers. Is design intervention in crafts different from a typical design project with organised sector? There are some key differences in the recipients of design expertise, which characterize the need to address artisans differently. These differences are defined by the resourcefulness, scale of operations, control on the operations, opportunities, market network, enterprise, fund raising abilities, profitable business practices and organizational intelligence required to consciously conduct and develop business. These ingredients vital for linking any production or business activities to mainstream commerce are the ones, which are missing in the most part of craft production and artisans' mind set. It is important to interject the context of experiences based on which these observations have been made. National Institute of Fashion Technology, New Delhi introduced a design programme in Fashion Accessories, which I was invited to conceive and implement in 1991. The programme was designed to include the unorganized production capabilities of Indian traditional artisans as an important resource in the supply chain envisaged for accessory products. The curriculum envisaged two courses focused on traditional crafts. The students got initiated to traditional crafts through field study as documentation of the larger socio-cultural and economic reality of traditional crafts in the 2nd year and followed it up with an interactive design development course with practicing artisans in the 3rd year. Christened as Craft Based Design Project undertaken by the 5th semester students in the Accessory Design Programme at NIFT. The structure of the interaction is designed to get the artisans at the design schools rather than send the students to the artisans. The assumption is that artisans are unhindered from their routine chores and are therefore, able to commit quality time with an opportunity to respond with open mind in a new and stimulating environment. Another factor is the costs involved in working other way round as well as the problems of creature comforts concerning students especially the issues of accommodation in rural parts. Incidentally, two of the eleven such interactions have had students being at the artisans' workplace for five weeks at a stretch with its own advantages of learning experience. Both these have been possible as they have been part of a larger project initiative by the faculty wherein this component of students involvement was envisaged and cushioned sufficiently with funds and requisite infrastructure on field. The typical approach and process that students are trained to apply to design & product development is based on the nuance that design initiatives must make meaning in the market place. This necessitates the process to articulate existing and emerging opportunities, positioning in terms of consumer/ market segment, price, retail and merchandise strategies, material and technical feasibility, influences and tastes as well as aesthetic & functional dimensions of the product range. Ability to anticipate and visualize the entire complexity of issues that can affect the design is single most concern through the approach that aids in mapping, analyzing and synthesis in the process of ideation and concept development. This approach which can be termed as design - marketing interface, is re-emphasized through increasing complexities of design projects for students to internalize the efficacy of the design process endorsed by the inherent philosophy and structure of design education curriculum. It is important to note that the experience, insight and synergy among the entire concerned design faculty to impart such a process and methodology is the most critical aspect of effective inculcation of the complexities of concerns that the methodology addresses. The process presupposes a specific and initiated client willing to commission design professionals in environment where many of the issues being addressed are either a continuous internal process within his organization or are ones that the client will provide inputs or judgment with a clear business direction in mind. The language and contents are familiar if not fully appreciated. The arguments that build around an approach or a product concept can be supported with understandable data; observations, insights and conclusions to help make decisions between designers and the clients that hire them. This is possibly the single most differentiator when design intervention is carried out with artisans who are not really the most informed lot capable of reflecting on any of the above issues with requisite exposure and intelligence. The onus therefore, is on the designer to assume a dual role of a creator and a critic of the new development. It is not to conclude that artisans are not capable of developing an entrepreneurial acumen and be equally informed to be in a position to determine the above issues. There are many successful artisans turned entrepreneurs who have done well to go beyond the traditional limits of their reach and have established markets across the country and even abroad. Still the large part of the traditional artisans is devoid of the business intelligence that is required to integrate their capabilities to mainstream commerce. How does the design process acquire a different nuance to address the craft sector? The design process involving students invariably requires substantial planning and operational structure to be put in place prior to interaction with artisans. The design faculty involved with such an initiative primarily carries this out well in advance. The selection of artisans is based on either specific brief from the funding agency or a strategic mix of materials, skills and techniques envisaged as possible combination. The decision to invite specific artisans is influenced by prior experience, recommendations of NGOs / local agencies and by actual on field interaction as a preparatory visit. The familiarity between students and artisans through field studies in craft documentation is often the effective manner of establishing continuity by inviting representative artisans from same areas. This however, needs to be planned ahead as there is a gap of almost one year between these two different interaction platforms. Effective correspondence, communication and confidence building in the minds of the artisans is critical to ensure not only their participation but also the entire purpose and requirements of materials, tools & related infrastructure needs. The student groups are briefed ahead of the actual interaction concerning the nature of crafts, techniques, materials, existing product range, intended directions and requisite groundwork to be done by the students. The detailed evaluation of crafts and their contextual potential is one of the important aspects studied and articulated as a part of the project brief. For example, quarrying of stones is getting difficult and hence it is important that the size of the products envisaged is kept in mind. Similarly, lantana as a raw material is available in abundance at low cost and can be used suitably. Such orientation is supported by visual & verbal presentations and intensive discussions. Tentative allocation of the artisan groups and student groups is finalised for the students to initiate related inquiry pertaining to the crafts. Students are often expected to communicate with the allocated artisan groups concerning specific requirements for artisans as well as themselves. Most importantly, the student and the artisan are termed as equal "Resource Persons" with joint responsibility of working together towards a specific outcome. This is very significant to establish equality of competence, which is different but collaborative as a process between the students and artisans. The design faculty (at least two) involved through the five to six weeks duration, interact with the various resource groups on different possibilities. Simultaneously, the artisan and the student groups carry out explorations through the materials, techniques and skills. While it is important to give exposure to the students about ground realities pertaining to artisans and their larger work environment, it is equally significant to orient the artisans to environments of the designers as well as actual consumers. The familiarity of the artisan with market place, competition, retail environment, similar production units and practices in urban business set ups is another dimension to create a dialogue around new possibilities with design student. The student and the artisan team often visit many of the above-mentioned situations to explore possibilities. The use of examples through products and experience help in effectively communicating the attributes and parameters required to respond to contemporary markets. These experiences also offer a set of aspirations that the artisan can strive to achieve in market reach, product possibilities as well as business practices. The nature of an intense and extensive dialogue between the collaborators facilitated by faculty attempts to cover every possible issue that needs to be accounted for as a sense of anticipation and design parameters. Metaphors and analogies are extensively used to ensure that both the student and artisan as collaborators appreciate the concerns to be addressed in new design possibilities. Often basic issues of using measuring tools effectively, understanding simple drawings, interpreting photographs, appreciating different aesthetic styles and similar seemingly simple capabilities are interspersed in the entire interaction to enhance effective appreciation of nuances that concern communication and meaning. Students on their part receive very pragmatic insights into methods, tastes and practices from the artisans. The issues with both collaborators are different but real and need to have synergistic outcome where both of them understand, appreciate and apply their minds and hands together as a team. The larger purpose of the interaction is to arrive at more insights and possibilities rather than just products. The experience culminates in form of a display of entire exploration to be presented to invitees representing some or the other interest related to crafts and artisans. This adds another dimension of learning for student and the artisan who face different people and their feedback, which while being encouraging most often, can also have surprisingly different response. There is a tendency to contain the artisans based on their skills and traditional expressions of their product manifestations. This often negates the potential and capability of the artisans to think and respond differently given the opportunity and environment. Artisans are as keen to incorporate their newer experiences and insights in their work. The Orissa painters used to making mat hangings with painted birds and animals are equally adept at interpreting high technology and urban products such as cameras, computers, McDonald burgers and cars with great precision, proportion and details. This was one of the recent outcomes of the collaborative process between the accessory Design students and artisans. While students were catalysts in initiating this new application of skills for gifting through the patronage of food chains or MNCs, mainly artisans contributed the realization of these amazing miniature objects. Similarly, the experience of developing footwear with the traditional Mojari makers from Rajasthan has been equally demonstrative of the application of minds jointly between students and artisans. While these platforms provide for a proactive design intervention in craft sector, they are limited by virtue of being part of a much larger design focus that includes product categories beyond crafts. The inherent focus of the design programme as is now, does not fully address the extent, intensity and depth required to make substantial impact in enhancing the all round capability of artisan to take independent design and product innovation initiative. Although almost all artisans who have participated in these design interaction workshops have, continued to explore the added insights beyond the workshops. Many of them have shared their new developments. The issue then is the development of genuine capacity of the artisan to restructure his capabilities in form of competitive and marketable products. Various training programmes and workshops aimed at such an education are too short and hence hardly create a new level of understanding. If the professional design programmes with best of selected and talented students require three to four years of full time education for them to become professionals, it is difficult to visualize any significant change through short bursts of training in the artisans who are far removed from the market context that they need to penetrate. Recent project initiatives in craft sector by Accessory Design Dept. of NIFT have attempted to address the aspect of capacity building of artisans. The approach in both the projects has been derived from the inherent abilities of design thinking that characterizes the potential of design application beyond products. In both the projects the focus has been to develop various capabilities that will initiate a proactive response from the artisan groups to understand, appreciate and apply nuances of contemporary market parameters to ensure competitiveness of their produce with better value realizations. The first initiative was taken up as a part of rehabilitation package for the artisans affected by the earthquake that displaced thousands of people around Kutch, Gujarat in 2001. The situation after the calamity was extremely different in terms of people's priorities, anxieties, response to outsiders and ability to receive any contribution beyond immediate needs. CARE India, the funding agency was also for the first time investing in design expertise as a part of rehabilitation initiative. The project was time bound with deadlines to meaningfully use the funds within the time frame of six months. Apart from design & product development, the main focus was on enhancing the artisans' capabilities concerning product knowledge, new techniques and methods for production, design interpretation abilities, quality concerns, aesthetic nuances of the contemporary markets, inter dependent production structures, skill based distribution of work, costing & pricing, exposure to markets & supply sources, consistency in production and overall orientation to the potential applications of their craft skills to various product categories along with an insight into the way the products actually are used by the customer in distinct markets. The project strategy also envisaged specialized facility center for certain production and finishing processes as a shared facility to add quality dimensions to the products. The students were involved at various stages of the implementation of the project for them to appreciate the larger context of applying design expertise although their main task was to develop new products over five weeks of intensive field interaction with the artisans. Over 25 training modules were carried out with artisan groups from basic understanding of measuring tools to introducing them to new techniques jointly by faculty team and students. As mentioned earlier this was the first of the two projects as a part of the module "Craft Based Design Project" carried out on the field. In the aftermath of the earthquake, the complications of coordinating the entire module spread over five villages around Anjar Block of Kutch involving 30 students and 250 artisans was extremely challenging. In absence of many habitable buildings and infrastructure damaged due to earthquake, the task of initiating and sustaining the morale was daunting. That two of the students continued to work for six more months for their final graduation projects funded by CARE INDIA was indicative of the extent of interest that such experiences generate in students to get involved with craft sector. The nature of activities and concerns being addressed in academic environment through various faculty initiatives has a direct bearing on the way students look at opportunities and their role as designers. While the project outcome was satisfying given the short time of six months, it was clear that it required long term follow up initiatives to consolidate and sustain the positive influences generated. This is most often the weak link in such assignments where requisite synergy between various agencies as well as expertise are found wanting. The lack of local NGO tie up, structures of self help groups, pragmatic business and market linkages and most importantly the actual feeling of ownership amongst the artisans are issues that often go beyond the realm of design expertise as practiced. It is extremely difficult to visualize any long-term impact that can be brought about to change the reality of craft sector to make it genuinely competitive and profitable through the prevailing structures of design education. Like any other business enterprise, the artisans can only be as good as their ability to convert market opportunities into a sound product and business response. Exposure to, understanding of and intelligence about the market place are among the many essential ingredients to ensure acceptable product offerings. While the artisan practices a particular craft, a designer is not so bound by a set of skills and techniques with definite product/artifact as an outcome determined by tradition. This is what differentiates the designer and the artisan. The entire premise of design for craft sector is based on the need for marketable products that fetch more value to the artisans. Design is by no means the only input that is necessary to ensure marketability. The factors are many including quality, raw materials, production capacity, schedules, packaging, promotion, finance, etc. Since the artisans practice a particular craft, the concern is predominantly to enhance and build on their specific capability. The ability to design is therefore restricted to its application on their prevailing skills, techniques and materials. What is required therefore is to interpret their material skills and techniques differently with the ability to generate a variety of applications that most suit the market needs. What will help the process of regeneration of craft activities is the conscious adaptability and change in methods and products. Any initiative to regenerate the artisan groups will need to focus on larger entrepreneurial abilities supported by a worldview that needs to be inculcated amongst them. The capabilities will need to be diverse and interdependent within the artisan groups, as different expertise requires different aptitudes. The current model of independent artisans as family unit will need to be replaced with more collective models of working to develop visible capacity. Unlike the design students in design institutes, the artisan is not in a position to devote sustained time and requisite financial resources. If the artisans have to benefit by any efforts aimed at strengthening their sustainability, it will have to be based on a simultaneous learn & earn model. The inputs for their learning will have to be within their context of craft practice with continuous demonstration through actual applications. The effectiveness of building any expertise including design amongst the artisans will largely depend on new models of imparting education and training to them. While the practiced design education models may have something to offer, the complexities of providing specialized education to the artisans where basic education is unavailable will require to be thought through as a new paradigm.

MY EXPERIENCE AT THE KALA RAKHSHA VIDYALA Traditional crafts in India are having to redefine themselves due to the need to find new markets. A pioneering move in this direction has been the setting up of Kala Raksha Vidyalaya at Vandh in Kutch. There have been institutes to promote and uplift crafts before but a formal design school specifically for traditional craftspeople has been set up for the first time in India. When I was invited to teach there for a month I was excited, as I wanted to be part of this promising experiment. Having worked in the handicraft sector and conducted numerous design workshops before, one felt that although workshops are exciting and the results are fruitful in developing contemporary products, the percentage of new products actually being put into production are very small.

There are numerous reasons for this

The workshops are normally conducted for a period of two weeks, which is a short time for both the designer and the craftsperson to understand each other’s skills and resources.
Having to produce a fixed number of prototypes at the end of the workshop makes the designer focus a lot more on the products rather than the process
After the workshop is over the designer is not able to maintain sufficient contact with the craftspeople or to help market the product unless he has his own shop.
A lot of times the craftspeople are not able to deliver orders because of many limiting factors
The products are not introduced to markets appropriate for them.

Teaching craftspeople design and marketing helped to look at these factors in depth. The module aimed at introducing improved management practices and market driven design development.

In workshops designers are normally in control and steer the course of action, but it proved to be a greater challenge to get the craftspeople to come up with ideas and suggestions on their own. Over the years the craftspeople have also become too accustomed to be told by the designers what to do, so the normal response from them is “You just tell us what has to be made and we will do it” Being in the position of the teacher helped to look at each craftsperson as an individual, analyse their strengths and weaknesses and help them build their potential. This kind of time and space is not available in a design workshop. The craftspeople were taken on field trips to see high end stores selling craft products, interact with shop owners, visit the Calico museum. This drove home the point that the only way to empower them and make them think for themselves is to provide them the relevant exposure. The aim was to familiarize them with the changing market scenario and align them with new challenges and emerging opportunities. A lot has been done so far in terms of design but we are far behind in marketing the products. Issues like pricing, customer demand, quality, reliability, customer follow up, need for innovation were emphasized during the course. Other issues covered were market dynamics and application of modern marketing concepts and methods; effective production planning and cost optimization. In advanced session topics like finance planning and management the flow of funds as well as exposure to institutional support systems of government, banking sector etc. can be covered. A study of successful craft businesses needs to be taken up to understand best business practices specific to the crafts sector in India. Taking separate batches for men and women meant understanding their dissimilar contexts. The need and the kind of education required for the women is completely different from that for men. The women’s batch required a lot more involvement and handholding but their strength lies in the fact that they work better in groups. This programme has helped bridge the gap between the craftsperson and the designer each understanding the other better at the end of the process. It is a beginning of a process whose results will be fully realized over time.

Issue 1, Summer 2019 ISSN: 2581 - 9410

Each encounter with design students and practitioners these days acts as a reminder that design education is going places I have never been. The vocabulary used with such ease, and their assumption that I can follow it, makes me long for the bad old days when few understood why design should be taught or practiced. In those days, one searched for terms that could hasten understanding, as even 'design process' was considered obscure. Since then the language of design has been transformed by accelerating technology and the inter-disciplinary demands of a new age. The IT-inspired jargon is easy enough: digital design, design for digital experience, new media design, interface design, human/computer interaction and interactive design are examples. These now form streams of education along with others newcomers: accessory design, design for retail experience, smart design, sustainable design, green design, universal design (to guarantee equality of access), and even social design --- which, come to think of it, is what all design should be about anyway. Much of this language would have been Greek to those struggling to establish the design profession through Indian education back in the '60s and '70s. And if all that is not enough, the fashion industry has decided that India needs 'lifestyle'. The result: 'designer' has moved from noun to adjective, quickly challenging an earlier and cherished belief that design is about caring and service. A decade into a new century, these changes demand an understanding that extends beyond grappling with words. What has changed? The importance of language in education is, of course, profound. Changes in design vocabulary also reflect accelerating emphasis on interdisciplinary links for both learning and practice, and on the partnerships that have become essential in a more complex environment. For old-timers, some of this can be baffling. A notice displayed outside a university campus advertises a quick course on "Traditional and design process in India" (sic). What could that be? The Sunday paper carried an ad from another institution promoting a degree course of 18-months in "fashion communication". What on earth, I wonder again. The other day a PG design student came for advice on a project that would conclude her studies. I discovered that her project would in no way test her design abilities, and yet it would lead to a design degree. It would focus instead on social mobilization skills for which, as far as I could gather, her institution had provided no training. None of this seemed to trouble her. Was I missing something --- or was it the student, her teachers, as well as her institution? When I joined NID in 1975, it took a school-leaver over five years to reach the proficiency required for a Diploma. At the post-graduate level, the minimum requirement was two full years. The products of that system today lead the profession, while today's trend is toward compressed schedules and faster turnover. So should the system change that produced the role models, or the attitudes that are changing the system? There are no simple answers, and perhaps my doubt is misplaced. Design education in India has for fifty years been going places where few have ventured. The road map educators now use may be therefore be more relevant than speculating on destinations wrapped in mist. Then & Now Tracing the history of design education in India most often begins with the 1958 India Report¹ by Charles and Ray Eames and the subsequent creation of the National Institute of Design in Ahmedabad in 1961. Yet its roots go deeper. The introduction of schools of fine art, engineering and architecture in the late 19th and early 20th century reflected the Arts & Crafts movement of William Morris which became the foundation for design education in Britain. The swadeshi movement, impelled by the ideas of Tagore and Gandhi, gave India its first design revolution and the first outlines of an Indian education that could be grounded in tradition while directed at the future. The contribution of NID and others was the adaptation of curricula developed at the Bahaus in pre-war Germany (and then at Ulm in Switzerland) to Indian need. The past fifty years have seen design education expand beyond Ahmedabad, first to the Industrial Design Centre at IIT (Powai) and then to serious institutions elsewhere, as well as through fashion institutions preoccupied with 'lifestyle'. (The recent proliferation of 'design tuition' bucket shops at every urban corner is symbolic of design's arrival as well as of current risks). The emergence of design as a prized profession contrasts with the incomprehension that greeted the first batch of NID design graduates in 1975. In that protected market, design graduates of NID and soon from IDC were seeking jobs in a marketplace that understood designers to be either engineers or artists. The concept of an interdisciplinary profession specializing in generalization seemed absurd. Copying rather than problem-solving was an accepted understanding of 'design'. Today there are queues at every design campus for entry into a lucrative and often media-driven activity. This spread has been accompanied by transformations in technology, the jettisoning of older ideologies, and accelerating competition. Even in those early years, placement efforts revealed that design gains acceptance first wherever competition rules. The first design career opportunities for young Indian professionals emerged where competition was pushing the envelope. Exporters of engineering products, advertising agencies, and crafts threatened by mass the machine were the earliest design clients for young professionals. Indeed, it is competition that has made design an imperative beyond argument, putting a decisive end to what was once a "Why design? We can copy" syndrome. A report card India's design capabilities are totally globally respected, and its teaching institutions are ranked with the best. These reputations may reflect the success of India's initial pattern of design education more strongly than current trends and short-cuts. Yet the original system demanded time, as well as dedicated teachers with students of patience and stamina. Today's generation is in a hurry, both in academe and industry. So, fifty years on, what benchmarks can be used to assess the progress of design education in India's development? Do the transformations themselves constitute its report card, with an A+ for effort and at least a B for performance? Despite incredible transformations and remarkable achievements, the challenge is daunting. Supply of designers lags well behind demand, even at a time of global slowdown. IT and the computer have transformed both education and practice. The need for numbers confronts the model of education established by pioneering institutions, where a high teacher-to-student ratio was a hard-won non-negotiable for quality. Accelerated demand now risks the threat of degree and diploma factories, with an accent on skill and quick turnover to fill positions vacant in industry. Yet if the environment is becoming more diverse and inter-disciplinary, will quicker turnovers in design schools provide the conceptual and analytical abilities needed to resolve increasingly complex needs? NID once admitted less than 30 students per year into an undergraduate programme of 5 years with a high student/teacher ratio. Its teachers were practicing professionals who dedicated lives, careers and earnings to the cause of a new profession. They had students who asked for more, not less, time to learn and qualify. That system worked: products of the 70s and 80s are today's design leaders with world-class credentials. Today's pressures and standards can make earlier commitments of teachers and students seem wildly impractical. NID has three campuses and some 900 students at both graduate and undergraduate levels. Some will spend only 18 months before qualifying for a design diploma, of which only 12 are spent on campus. Challenges of scale are thus transforming the original concept of Indian design education as a process of learning and experience in which both time and the student-teacher relationship were fundaments of quality. That relationship has also been transformed as the computer opens new ways of learning, and the education task is increasingly seen as that of mentor and guide rather than that of demonstrator and guru. Or is that a facile assumption? Can anything replace the time and dialogue needed for analysis, exploration and experiment? Can internet surfing ever replaced apprenticeship with a practicing master? What might design education retain from its past as it moves into a new millennium that needs numbers no less than quality? Scale is not the only challenge as Indian capitalism masquerades as its new socialism. The 'designer' adjective challenges the service ethic that brought the profession to India as a force for social transformation. That adjective and the fashion industry which created it dominate both the marketplace and public imagination. Its preoccupation with promoting an image of modernization that is dressed in the garb, hair and skin tones of New York and Paris constitutes a colonialism that Indian design has happily absorbed rather than countering it with alternatives of relevance and dignity. The future of design is thus also about the future of India. Indian design education: the unacknowledged revolution Today's educators can be reminded that design education in India helped introduce several revolutionary concepts. The first was the decision by NID's founders to buck the university system. They established an approach and curricula for professional education outside the grip of a rigid and obsolete university system. NID introduced a demanding curriculum that rejected exams and percentage marks for both admission and learning. It replaced these with creativity, professionalism, market experience and continuous evaluation. A second innovation was to attract young people into the design profession straight after school, and thus to encourage an openness to knowledge and learning before minds could be trapped by rigid systems of higher education. NID was among the first experiments of this kind anywhere in the world, and that too from within a 'Government' environment. While the Institute paid a huge price (in teacher's salaries, government grants and 'recognition') for offending the orthodox, the outcome is there for all to see. A third revolution was to introduce the concept of professional education --- learning through hands-on experience of real-life problems, with the marketplace of actual clients brought directly into the classroom and studio by practicing professionals. Designers emerged as not just graduates but as young professionals with a body of work of proven, marketable quality. In this, NID and other design schools have made a phenomenally important contribution to educational reform and to the promotion of inter-disciplinary attitudes. Today these approaches are recognized as essential well beyond design education. The recent national debates stimulated by the Yash Pal Committee and Minister Kapil Sibal's efforts at reform underline the visionary and pioneering quality of India's experiment with design education. That quality is still undervalued, even within its own community, as pressures continue for 'deemed university status' --- the very trap from which NID's founders had set it free more than fifty years ago. The stress on inter-disciplinary teamwork as essential to design practice --- the designer functioning within a team, never solo --- has been a common denominator throughout. It came with the integration of Indian experience into a curriculum borrowed from the West. It drew on older establishments of architecture, engineering and art (which had helped produce India's first industrial designers and the 'commercial artists' who were the first expressions of Indian graphic design), as well as on experience in Europe and North America following the Bauhaus and Ulm experiments. It focused on three broad streams: product design (products made by machine and by hand, furniture design, ceramic design), textile design (for both mill and hand production) and communication design. The latter sought to sharpen and strengthen what was known as commercial (or applied) art with the technology and science of graphics, photography, film-making, and printing. Colleges of engineering and architecture offered partners and links that developed as design education extended its reach through professional practice, later moving directly into these institutions. The Industrial Design Centre (IDC) at IIT Powai, IIT Delhi and New Delhi's School of Architecture were trailblazers. Past forward Did the past anticipate the astonishing changes that have taken place in India during the years since 1961, and perhaps more dramatically in the past two decades? Were today's needs and challenges within the imagination of India's design education pioneers? Looking back in order to look forward can be a challenge at many levels, raising question after question. Has the original concept of design education lost relevance with the pace of technical and market change? Can teachers and students of design leap-frog the intense interaction that was once seemed so necessary for inter-disciplinary problem-solving? What does this demand of educators who may no longer have the opportunity to mentor students through several cycles of practical experience? Or possess the same willingness for personal sacrifice? Does design education need to shift toward design training, with an emphasis on skills rather than concepts, and the ability to access knowledge through surfing the net? And what about the crisis of poverty and identity that brought design education into India in the first place? When will design finally emerge as India's instrument of genuine change and empowerment? Can it resist rather than promote the mindless mimicry of irrelevance and of bad taste, dressed as modernization and imported from elsewhere? Will Indian design ever return to service, and redefine 'lifestyle' the way Gandhi once did? In fact, the decades of change do indeed underline the relevance of the vision that pioneered design education in India, echoed in the mission set out in at least three milestones: the 1958 India Report of Charles and Ray Eames, the Thapar Review Committee Report on NID (1973), and the Ahmedabad Declaration on Industrial Design for Development (1979) that emerged from the first UN conference on design held in that city as a tribute to its design pioneers. Each of these articulations anticipated the speed of market change, the importance of inter-disciplining teamwork, of education that built minds capable of brave and strategic choices, and above all of design as a force for human development and confidence. All three documents are also uncomfortable reminders, in pre-occupations with shining design, of the balance that is still required if the design profession is to serve the needs of many Indias. Who then is to define and prioritize those needs? Design's jury The revolution in education fostered by the Indian experiment would suggest that the first place in which to seek future directions is the market. What is the impact on teaching quality of the past decade or more? What is industry's expectation today of a design teacher? Are design graduates delivering the service their clients require after emerging from compressed schedules, new disciplines, and very different classroom situations and transformed teacher-student relationships? Is there a need for the original intensive programme to be retained as one option among many? Where and how are design teachers to be created to match the rush of design students? Is there a need for distinct streams of teacher training that can meet the demand for numbers as well as retain the importance of thought and guidance in nurturing quality? Is there a need for a better distinction between education that creates enlightened problem-solvers and training that can provide skills and numbers? One looks for answers to the stakeholders most directly impacted by 50 years of design education. The first are clients of design, at every level of Indian industry. How have their needs evolved? How well are Indian designers delivering in a hugely competitive market, in which design is often the cutting edge for survival and growth? Some feedback may already be available in the fora where designers and organized industry meet. Design awards and a National Design Council are among these opportunities. Yet it is unlikely that the needs of smaller enterprises, of the craft sector (the largest Indian employer after agriculture), or of teachers, doctors and farmers are ever heard at such gatherings. While India may be an agrarian economy, agriculture has never been in the forefront of design practice. Although the craft sector has become a rich area of design expression. There are still no systems available to bring artisans and designers together in a sustained, long-term relationship. Unlike the scintillating career prospects that are being demonstrated in engineering, media and fashion, the social challenge remains the elephant in the room. After industry, we need to hear from users. How would the Indian consumer rate the designer's contribution to her life? Which consumers should one talk to ---- those with 'footfall' in the shopping malls with their overwhelming influence on current perceptions? Or the millions daily endangered by pollution, adulteration and unaffordable prices? Despite a growing consumer movement, the Indian consumer and the Indian designer do not share a space for dialogue. Practicing designers may be the most critical members of a national design jury. An encouraging indicator is their increasing engagement in education. As stakeholders, they have the decided advantage of perspective. Many have emerged from the old, intensive school of design education yet live each day with current realities. Not a few have the vision and idealism of their teachers as well as a thoroughly practical wisdom. With one foot in the real world and another in education, design graduates are an immediate and informed resource for understanding where design education has brought us, and where it needs to go. Their experience may be the best bridge on the past-forward road, the one best equipped to envision the future. Design for need Dialogue on design education that can embrace these three stakeholder groups --- industry, consumers, design professionals --- must also take into account those still missing from the table: agriculture and the social sector. A major failure within India's design movement is the comparative neglect --- in education, application and career opportunity --- of design service to these sectors that unquestionably represent the largest areas of Indian need. There have been brilliant demonstrations of what design can do for livelihood generation, craft transformation, women's empowerment, education, health, lifting the quality of life of Indian children, and in design for conservation and cultural identity. A limitation has been that these opportunities vest largely with NGOs still new to marketing as a discipline, and therefore to design. Few have either the experience or the resources to absorb design services optimally. Government departments, while awakening to design, are usually incapable of providing careers that can survive red tape and corruption. Some international donors have emerged as important clients for social design - setting standards of remuneration in the social sector that have little relevance when service must move to Indian clients working on Indian budgets. Making a career of design service in the social sectors can thus be very difficult. Support systems familiar in organized industry do not exist, despite the indications of what can and should be done. An incredibly rich source has been put together by the National Innovation Foundation (NIF), which has combed the Indian hinterland for innovative approaches at solving major problems. A wealth of creative solutions has been harvested, awaiting design entrepreneurship. Incubation of ideas and efforts at NID and elsewhere add to this potential through recent demonstrations such as Kranthi Vistakula's development of climate sensitive fabrics transformed into garments that can deal with India's temperature extremes. The question is how to take ideas into successfully manufactured products, marketed at affordable prices. Answers are emerging and they point to partnerships that can bring design innovation and management together in the profit-making enterprises geared to basic needs. At Stanford University, Prof B Banerjee looked at India's horrifying rates of child mortality, sent his students to Bihar and elsewhere, and focused on the need for infant incubators that could reduce the enormous loss of life between rural locations and distant medical services. The result: an incubator that can function on pedal power, reducing incubator costs from Rs4 lakhs to Rs400. The classroom and the lota Moving from idea to delivery therefore requires management systems driven by a concept of interdisciplinary design, based on real needs (not only the acknowledged ones), as well as on an ethic of equity and empowerment. A real effort to transform the social sector into India's engine of design relevance is awaited. It is here that design is yet to make the difference that was promised in the India Report. If so much has changed, the original vision of design as a force that can lift the quality of Indian life is as powerful today as it was six decades ago. There can be little doubt that the classroom must be the laboratory for defining what constitutes a quality of life for India in a new millennium. It is there that attitudes, taste and the ability to choose intelligently can be moulded and made as important as skills and technologies. The hope has not and cannot change that the designers of tomorrow will help deliver "the dignity, service and love" ¹ that made the lota the supreme symbol of industrial design to a visiting genius in 1958, and the inspiration for a national design movement that has followed. Endnote References:

Charles Eames and his wife Ray were among the most influential designers of the 20th century. A chance encounter with Pupul Jayakar at New York's Museum of Modern Art in 1955 brought the Eames to India at the invitation of the Ministry of Commerce & Industry. Their India Report inspired the creation of NID and has become a classic in design literature with its celebration of the lota as an icon of all that design should be.
Charles and Ray Eames, India Report, 1958