Journal Archive

The crafts activist’s response to the designer’s note today says communities with age-old creative traditions deserve much more than ‘crude shortcuts’

An outfit from the Sabyasachi x H&M collab, Wanderlust Sabyasachi Mukherjee’s response to the joint letter by a collective of Indian craft organisations, voicing concerns about his digitally-printed Sanganeri and Kalamkari lookalike collection for global brand H&M, had lots of words — basically saying that by putting Indian textile traditions in a mass production medium he hoped it would then generate a demand for the authentic artisanal product. Well, here’s hoping! Laila Tyabji The trouble with global clothing chains is that their existence depends on creating new trends on a seasonal basis in order to maintain a constant demand for their products. What’s ‘in’ today is not ‘in’ next season. Old stock is junked. That’s why it is known as fast fashion. Seeing a new range promoted by H&M in malls and high streets across the world creates avid demand at first, but then comes the saturation. Will customers really clamour for genuine handblocked Indian prints once they’ve bought the H&M versions, or will they simply move on to the next latest thing? Nurturing artisinal luxury I too have an H&M story. About 18 years ago, Action India, an NGO that works with deprived women in Delhi and its environs, approached Dastkar for help. H&M, under fire for sourcing cut-price merchandise from Asian sweatshops, had funded a project with women in Hapur, Uttar Pradesh, to train them to make beaded wristbands, then greatly in demand at their stores. The brand committed to placing orders once the women had mastered the skill. The accessories department at New Delhi’s National Institute of Fashion Technology (NIFT) was commissioned to do the training and develop designs. However, when the project ended, the Swedish company decided that there was no longer a demand for the bands. A quick recap

The recent Sabyasachi x H&M collection, Wanderlust, is flying off the shelves. But away from ringing cash registers, debates are raging about mass-produced designs and artisans not getting their due. The open letter to the designer highlighted the crux of it. ‘Many of the publicity statements speak of this collection as linked to Indian design and craft, while carefully omitting the fact that it has not been manufactured by any artisan’, it stated, adding that while Wanderlust talked about being traditional, nothing in it was handmade. In his response, however, Sabyasachi shared that the line was not meant as a substitute for the artisanal; it was meant to reach more people. ‘The H&M collaboration was part of a different mission, a mission to put Indian design on the international map… Just as ‘Make in India’ needs to be encouraged, so should ‘Designed in India’.’

The Hapur women were left with a skill but no orders. So they came to Dastkar and, along with the NIFT students, developed lovely beaded jewellery and decoratives aimed at the Indian market. A Dastkar Bazaar was imminent, and the women worked tirelessly to produce stock. Their products were a runaway success and, elated by their first foray into the market, the women went home each night to make more pieces. The group, Agaaz, still continues, travelling to bazaars all over India. A happy ending, but there’s a moral to the story too. Global markets and international chains have their own imperatives. Quick turnovers, cheap production, constantly changing looks and product ranges. These factors do not necessarily match those of traditional craft communities because what craftspeople excel at is making one-of-a-kind products, in small quantities, with unique techniques and identities. This (and I agree with Sabyasachi here) is a luxury we need to nurture and market. Trying to turn it into mass assembly-line production doesn’t work for them, nor does replicating it industrially. The two streams should be kept separate, and each must have its own identity. Blurring the lines doesn’t help anyone. Sabyasachi Mukherjee No shortcuts, please Sabyasachi, whose play with Indian textiles in his early collections I remember with pleasure, has the talent and creativity to fashion a distinctive Indian look without appropriating and digitising existing textile traditions. Our Indian colours, flora and fauna, patterns and motifs in architecture and sculptures, carvings, etc, are more than sufficient design inspiration. Simply chastising Sabyasachi on social media is not the answer. It’s a wake-up call to all in the design fraternity, especially in a country where millions of craftspeople themselves have no voice and GIs (geographical indication) are only on paper. India is fortunate to have a huge pool of living craft traditions. How we promote it, give craftspeople due respect, make craft a profitable profession, and sensitively preserve cultural identity while bringing it into the 21st century and the contemporary marketplace, is the real challenge. Sabyasachi’s response to the letter When working with communities that have centuries-old creative traditions and practices, there should be no crude shortcuts, however tempting. The fact that more and more people are turning away from the short-term agendas of global brands — wanting to turn us, every season, into identical clones of each other — is heartening. Only the hands of Indian craftspeople can make each of us look both different and stunning.

Sanjhi- the hand-cutting of paper for ritualistic and ceremonial rangolis - is commonly understood in its contemporary form as a ritualistic craft used in temples, and sometimes homes, for the worship of Lord Krishna. It is believed to have originated, according to the thesis forwarded by Asimakrishna Dasa, in his book "Evening Blossoms: The Temple Tradition of Sanjhi in Vrindavana", as 'a ritual worship undertaken by unmarried girls all over northern India to obtain a suitable husband'. Thus, while the temple craft is practised only by male priests and their male apprentices, the folk aspect of the craft was, and is, practised chiefly by unmarried girls. This craft, which involves the cutting of an intricate stencil depicting scenes from the life of Lord Krishna and the use of this paper stencil in creating a rangoli or floor decoration, became a temple tradition (according to Dasa) in the 17th century, 'when the devotional bhakti movement linked it to games played by Radha and the Hindu god, Krishna. While the ritual of sanjhi, in its devotional and decorative aspects, continues in villages and homes in north India, the temple tradition seems to have become confined to three important temples at Vrindavana and a single temple at Barsana, Radha's village. It is important to remember that all sanjhis, whether a part of the folk tradition or of the temple tradition, are made to be worshipped. According to Dasa: "At the time of worship they are transformed from works of art fashioned by human beings into a divine being, Goddess Sanjhi... the transformation from design to goddess comes about naturally with the offering of food bhoga followed by ritual worship aarti performed with burning wick and an offering of water.'" This explains the fact that effacing each sanjhi the next day and painstakingly beginning to create another one is seen not as tedium but a labour of love, 'to please Lord Krsna'. Presently the art of using the sanjhi is practised mainly in the temples and homes in Vrindavana in Uttar Pradesh and it is used to depict the different episodes in Lord Krishna's life; these episodes are linked to festivals in the Vraja calendar. The most important of these festivals is the vraja yatra, a period of 45 days in September and October when pilgrims from all over India visit the sites associated with the life of Lord Krishna. During this period sanjhis are used to decorate specific locations and places along the parikrama. The episodes in Lord Krishna's life that are depicted through sanjhis change every day, with appropriate themes adorning specific locations. For instance, at Govardhan the traditional sanjhi is one that will depict Lord Krishna lifting the mountain with his finger. At Barsana, the sanjhi depicts Lord Krishna playing Holi with Radha and the gopis. When the sanjhi is unveiled in time for the evening prayers it is worshipped to the accompaniment of songs narrating stories about Lord Krishna's life. The sanjhi is effaced in the morning and a new characterisation is then made. At the end of the pitr-paksha, a fortnight when Hindus perform rites for and offer prayers to deceased ancestors - when sanjhis are ceremonial - the materials used are then disposed off in the river Yamuna.

ETYMOLOGY & HISTORY 1. Etymology There is no single accepted explanation for the etymological origins of the term 'sanjhi'. Sanjhi is believed by some to be derived from 'sajavat', Hindi for 'decoration', and linked with the Sanskrit 'sajja' or 'sringara'. Another interpretation views the word as derived from 'sancha' or mould from which the stencil is cut.

Underpinning the tradition in which unmarried girls create sanjhis is a legend that states that after due penance, the mind-born daughter of Brahma (the Creator in the Hindu trinity of Brahma-Vishnu-Mahesh, or the Creator-Preserver-Destroyer respectively) was granted three boons. She asked that her commitment to a single husband would remain unbroken and also that all those who worshipped her would have their wishes fulfilled. Transformed into the daughter of Agni (Hindu god of fire), she was taken up by the sun in whose orb she took the form of the threefold Sandhya. Sandhya represents not only the three junctures - dawn, noon, and dusk - but also the rituals to be performed at those times by men of the three upper castes (the twice-born). Some link 'sanjhi' with 'samdhya'/ 'sandhya', which stands for 'evening' in Sanskrit and with 'sanjha', which is 'evening' in Brajabhasha (the language of Braja) and Hindi, thus linking the ritual with the time of worship, when the rangoli is traditionally unveiled to the sound of chanting in the temples.

2. A Brief History Originating as a form of ritual worship by unmarried girls - in which the decorative pattern was made on a cow dung background on house walls - sanjhi became linked in the 17th century with temple traditions that involved Radha and Krishna, and became a 'ritual design made with forest flowers in the autumn, after the rains'. This conclusion is attributed by Dasa to devotional verses which describe the games between Radha and Krishna and involve the floral sanjhi in a ritual 'of nature engaged in her own beautification', the Radha-Krishna union being linked to a joy-giving potency or prakriti (nature). In the late 19th century, sanjhi is supposed to have become a temple art. According to Dasa, the sanjhi was now created on a platform or vedi by temple priests; he links the creation of sanjhis, using coloured powders, ground from natural substances, which were applied using stencils, to some extent to the ancient art of 'dhuli chitra' (dhuli = powder/dust; chitra = picture).

TRADITIONS & CONTEMPORARY PRACTICES In Vrindavana, in contemporary times, the creation of sanjhi designs can be found in two forms: (a) the folk tradition that continues in homes; and (b) a formal temple tradition. 1. Folk Traditions The 'celebrations' as defined by Dasa, take place after the monsoons, 'when the woods are full of blossoms'. The fortnight during which sanjhis are made daily (and effaced each day) is known as pitr-paksh. (The creation of sanjhis on 14 days is said to represent the 14 worlds that Krishna is a part of.) These non-temple sanjhis are made by young unmarried girls, who create a new design on the walls of their houses each day, using flowers, coloured stones, and metal foil, among other things, on a cow dung base. Dasa explains that each design is supposed to be linked with a part of the story of Sanjhi and her husband, Sanjha, and each evening, the completion of the sanjhi is followed by rituals involving offerings of food and the lighting of lamps by unmarried girls seeking 'a husband and many children'. On the final day, which is amavasya (moonless night), a grand design called the kota is created. All the materials used in making the sanjhis each day are collected and are disposed off (literally immersed or set adrift) in water (tank, river Yamuna etc.) after the holy Navratris or nine nights (Nav = nine; ratri = night) of Durga Puja, which come after the the pitr-paksh.

2. TEMPLE TRADITIONS The formal temple tradition is rare, continuing to be practiced chiefly at three important temples in Vrindavana and a single temple at Barsana, Radha's village. The temple sanjhis are usually prepared in Vrindavana on the final five days of the pitr-paksha, from the ekadasi or eleventh day to the mavasya or no-moon day; in Barsana, however, they are prepared on each day of the fortnight. The designs are made by temple priests and local artisans, usually on a raised earthen platform, known as vedi. Unlike the sanjhis made by unmarried girls on the walls of their homes, in two of the three temples at Vrindavana - Radha-Madanamohana and Radharamana - the sanjhi is created behind closed doors, and only after the bhoga and arati are the designs displayed to the public. Afterwards, darshana or public viewing is unrestricted. Poetry in Brajabhasha establishes the creation of sanjhis with flowers. Flower sanjhis are integral to the temples in Vrindavana where sanjhis continue to be made, especially at the Radhavallabha temple, where the first 10 days of the pitr-paksha (prior to ekadasi) are 'consecrated to making flower sanjhis '. Often, the large temple sanjhis created with stencils, using coloured powders, are prepared from the ekadasi to amavasya. Asimakrishna Dasa, however, hastens to point out that this is not a rule: in 1990 such ' sanjhis at Radharamana temple were created during the entire pitr-paksha fortnight' (diacritics omitted); moreover, in the Ladililala temple at Barsana, 'tradition is that sanjhis are prepared with coloured powders and stencils every evening during the fortnight' (diacritics omitted).

3. THE CRAFT TRADITION In temples, to prepare the layout for each day's sanjhi design, a string is dipped in charcoal or coloured powder remaining from the previous day's design, and stretched across the flat surface of the raised vedi, created with a mixture of mud and cowdung. (Sometimes the sanjhi is laid on the floor.) The string is plucked to create line divisions demarcating various areas of the design. The blocked out patterns are filled in with the required colours by priests and young apprentices. Then the stencils are placed carefully and the patterns of leaves and flowers are created. The central design usually represents a lila (pastime) of Krishna and is created at the end, after the floral surrounds have been created. In the Radharamana temple the centre comprises of pictures of Radha and Krishna, pinned to the vedi; the figures are not made of disposable powder since it is considered an offence to efface the divine figures. However, in other temples, even the central figure of Radha and Krishna is made in coloured powder using stencils and effaced regularly. The size of the sanjhi depends on the occasion, the traditions of the temple where the sanjhi is to be laid, and the theme to be characterized. The maximum size of a sanjhi is 8 feet by 12 feet and the shape can be octagonal, square, rectangular, or circular. Traditionally the sides have detailed borders with flowers and creepers, while the theme to be depicted is at the centre and comprises the focus of the sanjhi.

PROCESS, TECHNIQUES & TOOLS 1. THE BASIC PROCESS At the core of the sanjhi craft tradition lies the intricate template that is created: the templates are to be seen as the artists' tool rather than the final piece of artwork. The cutting of the sanjhi requires enormous concentration and skill for a slip of the hand can mar hours of work. The rangoli that fills in the sanjhi can be made of fresh flowers, coloured stones, metal foil, pieces of mirror, and coloured powder, which is the most popular. It can be applied on the walls or floors. The equipment required to cut a sanjhi is minimal. Paper or banana leaves are used as the base material. The artisan starts work only after offering prayers to his guru who taught him the craft, his tools, and the gods. The first stage in the process of creating a sanjhi is when the sketching of the theme and pattern is done. If more than one copy is required the papers are pinned together on all sides so that with a single cut of a pair of scissors a number of sheets can be cut. The scissors used are very fine, with long arms for easy manipulation and a blade that is slightly curved at the end to enable the intricate cutting that is required. The curve on the scissors is individually tooled by each artisan to suit his own requirement. During the cutting, the paper is rotated around the scissors so that the design can be cut. The number of paper cut stencils that are used for any design depend on the intricacy of the pattern, the different elements of the design, and the number of colours that are to be used, as each colour requires a separate paper cut of its own. When not in use the scissors are carefully wrapped in cloth to protect the tip and as a mark of respect for the tool that creates the sanjhi. Each stencil is folded at one corner tip, and the artisan uses this fold to gently lift up the paper once the colour has been filled in through the cut out. This is the moment that separates success from failure. The artisan holds his breath as even a faint whiff of air can disturb the colours and then, gently, in a single movement removes the stencil to display the final finished design.

2. INNOVATIONS There are other innovative methods of creating the sanjhi. The submerged sanjhi is one where a shallow dish is lightly oiled with mustard oil and then powders that are insoluble in water are evenly filled in with the help of the cut out pattern. The sanjhi pattern, which has been folded at the corners, is lifted off very carefully and the dish is then upturned to loosen the extra colour. Water is carefully poured in from the side without disturbing the colours. The rangoli produced is viewed from under the water and is very unusual in its appearance, as it seems to be moving gently. Also created are sanjhis that seem like rangolis floating on water. The process followed is similar to that used in the submerged sanjhi till when the oil is applied on the water that is filled in the dish. When the oil floats to the surface the stencil is carefully placed on it and the coloured powders are filled in. Here paper is substituted by a plastic sheet as it is stronger than paper and it does not disintegrate in water. Great care and skill is required to produce this sanjhi and though it is difficult to create, the effect is spectacular.

PRACTITIONERS & PRODUCTS The number of artisans practicing sanjhi-making in Mathura and Vrindavana is limited. The demand for their work in its traditional form has been declining over the years. In a search for alternative employment for their skills, they have turned their hand to making sanjhis for contemporary use. Sanjhi templates are now used as stencils made on plastic sheets for decorative bindis, henna patterns, and sari borders. As a form of artwork, sanjhis are also used in greeting cards, cut out partitions, coasters, trays, and other decorative items. When used in lampshades and in window partitions, the sanjhi comes to life when lit up and the design depicted glows with light. Here the intricate and delicate cut of the sanjhi itself and not the rangoli, as was the tradition, is the centerpiece of creation. The price of a sanjhi artwork range from Rs 7 for a bindi-cut to Rs 3,000 to Rs. 5,000 for a large and delicate, filigreed artwork. The Delhi Crafts Council has been doing extensive work in reviving and popularising the languishing craft of sanjhi in the past of few years and given a much-needed boost to the craft and the artisan(s).

Hindu religion and scriptures have inspired human beings to live a spiritual life. These scriptures were predominately composed in Sanskrit with the Vedas being the oldest Sanskrit literature. The hymns or mantras, Sanskrit phrases, sacred symbols, Hindu Gods and historical epics of Hindu religion have always enlightened human minds. Since historical times, these hymns were recited on every occasion, be it joyous or sad. These sacred symbols were used to energize the universe with positivity. Now days, these hymns and sacred symbols are incorporated into the modern attire. The motifs inspired from historical epics and ethnic drapes of sari and dhoti are very much in fashion in present times. Sanskrit was part of our lives centuries back and even today in some or the other way, it is connected with us. Costumes of early times The term costume can be referred to as a dress in general or a particular class or period with distinguishing characteristics. Costume is one of the most visible signs of civilization. It provides the visual evidence of the life style of the wearers. Each community had different costumes. It was the community that used to decide what to wear, how to wear, the distinctions to be made in the costumes on the basis of sex and age, class and castes, religion and region, occasion and occupation. There used to be a community sanction as to which part of the body was covered or what was to be left bare, how to conceal and how to reveal. National costumes or regional costumes expressed the local identity and emphasized uniqueness. In early times, the attire of Indian men included unstitched garments like the dhoti, the scarf or the uttariya and the turban. On the other hand, women used to wear the dhoti or the sari as the lower garment in combination with the Stanapatta (the breast band). The whole ensemble was of unstitched garments. The bindi and its symbolism Bindi, sindoor, tikka, pottu are the synonyms of the holy dot that was worn on the forehead. It was either a small dot or a big large round, sometimes shaped like a long straight vertical line, sometimes in a miniature alpana with a fine-tipped stick in triangles and circles to work out a complicated artistic design. The word bindi is derived from the Sanskrit word ‘bindu’ or ‘drop’. It signifies the third eye of a person. It is a symbol of auspiciousness, good fortune and festivity. In older days, a small circular disc or a hollow coin was used to make a perfect round on the forehead. The conservative woman still uses kumkum or sindoor for making a bindi. The jewel on the nose Traditional Indian women always wore a nose-ring. In India the outside of the left nostril is the preferred for piercing as this is supposed to make childbirth easier. This is because Ayurvedic medicine associates this location with the female reproductive organs. In the old days, the bride’s nose was pierced and the auspicious nose-ring was worn during the pooja or prayer of Goddess Parvati.

The story of the sari The origin of sari is obscure. But, Indian sari is the oldest existing draped garment as it has been mentioned in Vedas (the oldest existing manuscript since 3000 BC). Sari can be called a versatile cloth because it could be worn as shorts, trousers, flowing gown-like or skirt-like. The word sari is derived from the Sanskrit words ‘Sati’ and ‘Chira’ meaning ‘a wearable length of cloth’. It is a long length of cloth measuring from 4 to 8 meters tied loosely, folded and pleated. It could be turned up into a working dress or a party-wear dress with manual skills. A woman’s ethnicity, class or caste background and the social norms influenced her choice of fabrics, colors and pattern. For instance, in North India a widow was expected to wear white, the color of mourning while red was considered the color of joy and marital bliss worn by the brides. These differences are noticeable even today especially in rural areas and traditional tribesWoman usually tucked the sari till the ankles, while the women who had to work in water or fields could tuck the front pleats between the legs to the back and tie the upper portion round the waist for free movement of hands and legs. At the same time it was as safe a dress as trousers. A nine yard sari was embellished with embroidery and gold designing. A gold, silver or cloth belt was fastened which kept pallu/ the end piece, pleats and folds in position. Rani Lakshmi Bai fought enemy troops on horse back wearing sari in the form of trousers and fastening the pallu with the silver or cloth belt. Tight tucking of the front pleats in the back was called Veeragacche (soldier’s tuck). Varieties of saris The sari is divided into 3 areas-

The longitudinal border
The end piece
The field

Each area of the sari used to communicate woman’s social and family status and regional identity. Its size and elaboration also indicated a family’s wealth because added ornamentation added to the cost of the sari. In spite of its long length, the sari has never been cumbersome to working women. They could carry head-load, waist-load (child) and walk with ease. The pallu was used to cover their head. Women of affluent class could fasten a golden belt and matching jewelry to keep the folds and pleats in position. Poor women used to wear sari without the blouse but they cover their feminine part securely. Sari worn like breeches made movement easy. In ancient times women fought battles riding horses, by folding and fastening the sari in this breech-like fashion.

Attire across genders and castes Dhoti was the male counter part of sari. Men used to wear colorful dhotis with brocaded borders in a number of styles.

Sari or dhoti has always been the most flexible dress for both men and women. Being an un-sewn cloth length, it could be worn parted and tucked breech-like for horse-riding, for swimming and other sports, it can be tightly worn and for martial sports and battle it can be draped in a short length. It gives an elegant appearance to men when the embroidered and fully pleated saris with big borders swayed as they walked majestically towards the durbar hall (royal senates).

Commoners wore saris without undergarments. A few of them could cover upper parts of their bodies with another piece of cloth.

Ancient brassieres Majority of female figures in ancient Indian scriptures are devoid of a blouse, but there are some evidences depicting Indian women wearing brassieres. The first evidence of brassieres in India is found during the rule of king Harshavardhana (1st century) in Kashmir. Sewn brassieres and blouses were also worn during the Vijayanagara Empire.

Impact of ancient Indian scriptures on modern attire “The language of Sanskrit is of a wonderful structure, more perfect than Greek, more copious than Latin and more exquisitely refined than either.” - Sir William Jones Sanskrit had once been an official language of India. Various measures have been taken to uplift the position of Sanskrit by Government as well as private bodies. For instance, the National Anthem of India is 90% Sanskrit, Sri and Srimati are the official forms of addressing an individual, the motto of Lok Sabha is Dharma chakra (“The Wheel of Law”), the All India Radio has adopted as its guiding principle and motto the Sanskrit expression Bahujana-hitaya bahujana-sukhaya (“For the good of the many and for the happiness of the many”), The Life Insurance Corporation’s motto is Yogaksemam vahamy aham, which is a quotation from the Bhagavad Gita, meaning “I take responsibility for access and security”, the great principle of India’s foreign policy is expressed by the Sanskrit term ‘Panca Sila’( means five principles). Now-a-days, Sanskrit hymns and scripts are seen printed on costumes and painted on body.

Bhartiya scriptures include the Vedas, the Upvedas, and the Vedangas, the Smritis, the Darsh, the Shastras, the Upnishads, the Puranas, the Mahabharat, the Ramayan, the Gita, the Bhagwadgita and the writings of the jagadgurus, acharyas and saints. All this scriptures are composed in Sanskrit- the language of religion and culture. These scriptures talk about energy, universe and creation. Spiritual and intellectual efforts of hundreds and millions of people over millennia have graced India with a rich and complex culture. In present era also, those spiritual efforts are inspiring human beings to live a spiritual life. Their preachings have also inspired the designers to incorporate the holy Sanskrit ‘shlokas’ and sacred symbols into the modern attire.

Visualizing increases awareness and memorizing. The historical epics of the Mahabharata and the Ramayana, murals of Hindu Gods, sacred symbols like Swastika and Aum have become an eminent part of fashion and are creating awareness and spreading message of spirituality across the globe. These are painted not only on fabric but also on body in the form of tattoos. Huge canopies, wall panels, carpets, prayer mats, dress materials and jewelry are designed using the ethnic mantras or symbols. Tattooing and body painting is common amongst youth and these sacred symbols and hindu deities are the preferred tattoos by youth.

The word swastika in Sanskrit means "well-being." This symbol has been an ancient and noble symbol of cosmic order and stability. In the Vedas, India's most ancient scriptures, the swastika is called "the sun's wheel" and is associated with astrological ritual and flourishing cosmic periods. In modern times, swastika is painted on t-shirts, kurtis, body and used in making jewellery.

Interesting pendants are designed taking these sacred symbols as an inspiration. Pendants and rings with inscriptions of Lord Ganesha, swastika designs, Lord Shiva and Krishna, Aum, Sanskrit words and phrases.

Sanskrit is slowly coming up and it must be respected and regarded across the globe. This language is a repository of valuable knowledge of ancient Indian heritage. Though it’s use in day to day life has reduced but it has always been a part of our lives centuries back and even today in some or the other way, it is connected to us. Bibliography:

Dar S.N, “Costumes and Fashion- A historical and cultural study”
Flynn Dorris, “costumes of India”, Oxford and IBH Publishing Company, New Delhi
Ghurey G.S, “Indian Costumes”, Humanities Press, New York
Gupta S.P, “Costumes textiles cosmetics and coiffure in ancient and mediaeval India”(1973), Oriental Publishers, Delhi
Kumar Ritu, “Costumes and Textiles of Royal India”, Christies’s book, London

Websites:

http/www.costumes.org
http/www.indiaexpress.com/rangoli/humlog.html
http:/theviewspaper.net/sanskrit-%E2%80%93-importance-as-national-heritage/
http:/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hindu_texts
http:/www.theancientweb.com/explore/content.aspx?content_id=14
http:/www.hindunet.org/scriptures/
http:/en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Swastika

Folk paintings are pictorial expressions of village painters which are marked by the subjects chosen from epics like Ramayana and Mahabharata, Hindu `Purana`s as well as daily village life, birds and animals and natural objects like sun, moon, plants and trees. The color used extend from a vast range of vivid vibrant colors to subdued low hues, mainly derived from the natural material, while papers, cloth, leaves, earthen pots, stone and mud walls are used as canvas. Folk paintings are so variable from region to region dependant on various factors including the availability of material in different area. In arid Rajasthan the colors in the folk painting are vibrant and lustrous, painters in colorful Bengal seem to search for relief in sober subdued tones. Artists in Orissa pick out palm leaves for painting. While the women of north India found the whitewashed walls a setting for their colorful paintings, while Oriya artists choose red-clayed wall for white and black paintings. Saura (also spelled as Saora) are one of the tribal communities of Orissa. The Saora painting is a traditional folk art of the “Saura” tribe of Orissa. They are adept in art, painting and craft. Their well known Saora paintings are fascinating among the people of India. Saora paintings are done to please the Gods and the ancestors. These drawings are also made for averting disease, promoting fertility, festive occasions, in honor of their deceased and for ceremonial functions. Often, the artist painting on the village walls are directed by dreams and moments of enlightenment. Some of the characteristic features of these paintings include that the Saoras like many other tribes of India have a custom of making drawings on the walls of their homes. Motifs include horses, riders, monkeys climbing or perched on trees, deer, peacock, dancing villagers, elephants, lizards, tigers, goats, monkeys, sun, moon, huts, cattle, women with baskets, flowers, birds, combs, villagers playing musical instruments like trumpets, drums, gongs, ‘Idital’ the tribal deity, religious folklore, priests, worshippers. Sometimes they also depict dream sequences, seed sowing ceremony, harvesting, and hunting. They show a strong bond between nature and man by their paintings. Saora painting is painted with figurative pattern and figures are drawn in a stylized manner. A sense of energy and rhythm is seen in Saora painting. Figures are seen holding each other hands and dancing, beating the drums, hunting, riding on the horse, doing their daily chores. All natural scenes are depicted in a very unconventional manner. The central theme of most Saora, Ittal is a house which is represented by a circle. Figures are placed in the panels like circle, triangular around the Ittal. The composition of Saora paintings are filled with beautiful representation of flora, fauna and animal life. They express their philosophy that religion is about worshiping, respecting and protecting the nature. Process: Traditionally, the Saora painting, which are called ‘ittal” are made by anyone who is good in drawing and the artist need not be a priest, but if he becomes adept is known as an ‘Ittalmaran” or picture man. Saora believe they often do see the pattern of their ittals in their dreams. The artist needs excellent skills to make these paintings since the work on these paintings is fairly elaborate. For wall paintings, a brush is made from a bamboo split, while black colour is collected from soot generated out of lamps, sun-dried rice is crushed to from white powder, and all these are mixed in water, and juice from roots and herbs to make a paste. The colour that is finally obtained is black and white. In recent times, artists have also started painting on paper, and on 'American' card boards, and use acrylic colors to paint. Motifs are stylized and drawn in a particular manner. Different geometrical shapes are used to draw the motifs like for human figure, two opposed triangles which meet tip to tip is drawn first, then add arms, legs and head. They follow the similar technique for the rest motifs. This Saora printing resembles Warli painting of Maharastra. But it is more intricate and colorful than Warli. Saora paintings have now become the source of livelihood for many Saora families. Traditionally painted on walls, these painting are today painted on ply wood, canvas, cotton cloth, and paper and tusser fabric. Today, the artists are exploring different mediums and formats to make Saora painting more appealing.

Reference: http/www.janganman.net/indian-culture-indian-folk-painting.html http/www.potliarts.com/shop/ http/www.rareindianart.com/index.php?main_page=page&id=34 http/www.indianetzone.com http/www.rangeenkagaz.com http/www.potliarts.com/shop/ http/india4you.com/srcm-saura_painting.php http/www.rareindianart.com/index.php?main_page=page&id=34

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`Sati’ `satika' (in Sanskrit), 'sari’ `scree' ‘dhoti’ `luga' (in Hindi), are the words used for the traditional female garment of India, although women in Bangladesh, Nepal, and Sri Lanka also wear the sari. This long drape is simple to wear by just wrapping and folding, which can be done in many ways. Various wearing styles often provide the regional identity of the wearer. The length and width of sari varies to region and quality of yarn' This rich, vibrant world of sari was produced by using various raw materials such as muslin, cotton, silk, cotton with zari, silk with zari etc. These were woven in different techniques like plain weave, jamdani, ikat, zari brocade, tapestry etc. Sometimes these were embellished through embroidery, printing or painting. The vast range of motif and design, from human to animal figurine and from bird to floral pattern, enriches its grace and elegance. All these aspects make 'the sari' an exclusive and exquisite attire among all other garments of Indian women. The anatomy of a traditional sari comprises of `field', 'anchal' or 'end panel' and 'side borders'. The fields of sari remain either plain or all over patterned with buta/butis (big/small size flower motif) or stripes or checker and many more designs. The anchal or pallu are usually woven with heavy patterning such as those seen in the Baluchari sari of Murshidabad (Bengal) or zari brocade from Varanasi, (Uttar Pradesh) or Kanchivaram (Tamil Nadu) or tapestry weaving from Paithan (Maharashtra) etc. Sometimes these pallus are decorated with simple stripes like the Cant saris of Bengal or the tribal saris of Madhya Pradesh. Beautiful fringes or tassels were often added to end pallu, which adds charm to the garment. Borders, warp-wise, on both sides of field are the usual style in most saris and provide a good fall to sari when worn. The pattern of side borders usually corresponds to the design of the field, of late patterning in similar design all over the sari has become popular, and this doesn't provide any place for the end panel or border. The term 'sari' or`saree' has originated from the Sanskrit word ‘shati' and ‘shatika'. However, its evolution has ancient roots, which may be found in Rig Veda which refers to this garment as 'neevi' or ‘nivi’. Sanskrit literature often mentions 'adho-vastra', which refers to lower garment. 'Uttriya' and 'kanculi, breast band, were other garments for women.3 The popular story book of 4th-5th CE titled, Panchatantra' records the word sari. A reference to the sari occurs in Sabha Parv of the epic Mahabharata, where Daupadi's chirharan episode has been mentioned. It narrates that Daupadi's sari was extended by Lord Krishna, when Dushashna tries to pull it off in the court of Dhritrastra (Kaurva king of Hastinapur). The epic Ramayana also mentions the word shati. The shati refers to adho-vastra in both the epics, which are dated around 4th century BCE to 4th century CE. Buddhist (Vinaya Pitaka) and Jain (Kalpasutra) texts also provide a great deal of information on women's garment. Other important references are obtained from various travelers' accounts, where social, religious and cultural life of a particular period and region gets mentioned and many times sari and its wearing styles are narrated. An important description of sari and its wearing style is recorded in an early 15th century CE Portuguese traveler's account.' The Hindi ritikalin literature which dates back to 18th-19th century provides plenty of references to the sari, its colour, texture and quality.

Apart from literary references, sculptural evidences (stone, terracotta and bronze) also throw light on the evolution of sari, which is very interesting and fascinating. The earliest example of drape is evident from stone image of a bearded priest, which belongs to Harappan Civilization, (c.3500-1500 BCE). The Priest is draped with shawl or cloak, which comes in front under the right arm, covers the upper body, goes to left shoulder and finally falls at the back. To some extent such draping style is followed in the sari as well. The stone images of yaksha-yakshi illustrate antariya or dhoti, which belongs to 3rd-2nd century BCE. Apart from stone images, the illustration of wearing sari is depicted in many terracotta sculptures from Sunga period, which dates back to 2nd century BCE.

[caption id="attachment_179544" align="alignright" width="183"]

1. Lady dressed in antariya or dhoti and patka or sash stands on vase. Antariya is draped around legs, which is popularly known as 'langha' style. One end of the sash is tied an antariya and goes around both shoulders and falls in front. Gandhara, 2nd century CE, stone size- 20.2 x 10.4 x 4.7cm; Acc no: 59.533/3 10.4[/caption]

A terracotta female figure, housed in the Ashmolean Museum (United Kingdom), is adorned with langavali dhoti' or `draped between the legs' and the pallu goes over the left shoulder. She is adorned with elaborate headdress and jewellery like yakshi images of early phase. Female figures of the Gandhara period (1st-2nd century CE), sculptures especially queen Maya, her escorts and Goddess Hariti, beautifully represent the attire of that period. (Plate 1) These sculptures show the long anatariya worn in `kachcha' or ‘langha' style, which covers the waist portion and one end, is continued over the left shoulder. The Gandhara sculptures are very important examples especially in the context of a sari like garment and its draping style. Many terracotta temples were made during the Gupta and post Gupta periods in Uttar Pradesh, Western Region and Kashmir. These temples were decorated with panels and tiles, which usually portrayed man's day to day activities besides other scenes. Panels of the brick temple of Bhitargaon (Kanpur, Uttar Pradesh) depict several examples of male and female costumes. Women, in one of the panels, stand in front of a male figure and hold a water vessel. She is adorned with a sari, while the man is in a long garment. Other panels, from the same site, illustrate procession scenes or amorous couples where women are in a sari while men are in loincloth. The Gupta period (c.300-550 CE) terracotta sculpture (in Brooklyn Museum, U.S.A.) depicts a lady wearing a full skirted sari draped around her entire body. This resembles the nivi style of sari wearing, where the sari is wrapped with a front set of pleats on the skirt, and the body wrapping up over the wearer's torso.

2. Folio from Rasmanjari manuscript depicts lady in garden. She wears lagvoli sari having pleated the lower portion, and draped the pallu on the front, covering her head and finally falling at the back. Early 18th century CE; Martha/Deccan style; size- 12 x 30 cm; Acc. no: 61.1185

Women use to drape the sari across the legs and tied up in the front is this style. This gives flexibility to women while carrying out the work in the agricultural field or sea or any other work. Several Maharashtrain, groups have migrated down to Karanataka and Andhra Pradesh from time to time, and they played an important role in the social and cultural life of locals. Interestingly, several women of Karanataka and Andhra Pradesh still have the similar wearing style of sari, as reflecting in number of miniature paintings of the region. (Plate 2) The brick temple of Harwan (Kashmir) of the post Gupta period (c. 5th-6th century CE) reflects the continuity of the Gandhara trend. One such terracotta tile depicts a woman dressed in a sari with pleats, which she has lifted from one side. She covers her head and shoulder, while both ends of the garment hang on either side. The length of sari is up to the ankle. (Plate 3) Another tile from same center depicts a woman carrying a pot. Her sari has a loose flared lower portion; pallu comes in the front, diagonally, and covers the left shoulder and head. The portion of end panel after the head covering falls at the back.

3. Tile depicting lady holding a pot in her left hand while see clutches a portion of the sari from her right hand. Its seems to ends of sash are hang on both sites. 5th-6th century, Harwan, Kashmir, Terroctta , size; 46 x 42.2 x 4.8cm; Acc.no. L.186

Some terracotta temples in Bengal were constructed in a later period, and these have also highlighted the garment tradition of that phase and region. Another important aspect is the folk tradition of painting and sculpture in the eastern, northern and southern region, where women are dressed in a sari besides other garment. Apart from paintings and sculptures, there are some references of sari in numismatics especially on Gupta period coins. A gold coin of Samudragupta (c.330-380 CE) illustrates the Goddess Lakshmi, who wears a loose flared sari like garment; especially the drape around the legs gives the feel of loosely worn sari. (Plate 4)

4. Coin depicting Goddess seated on a throne and adorned with loosely draped sari like attire 4th century CE,gold,size: Dia-2 cm; Acc.no: 51.50/2

In addition to sculptural art, there are several examples of paintings on walls, cloth, wood etc., which show females in different types of attire and sari is one of them. Cave no I of Ajanta mural (Western Maharashtra) shows a woman sitting with a man looking up at the courtly scene. She wears a short sari with narrow warp-wise borders and weft-wise stripes draped over her left shoulder. In another example an old woman looking around a door in a voluminous sari in the kachchha style is painted in the cave no VIII. Sometimes one gets the depiction of a stitched upper garment along with a lower garment, from cave paintings of Ajanta and Bagh (Madhya Pradesh). The illustration of a dancer in a long, full sleeved choli with an apron is one of the important examples found from Cave I of Ajanta. Her dancing pose gives the impression that her lower garment is flared and has flexibility. A number of surviving paintings, done on wood, cloth and paper, mainly from western India show women as Goddesses, musicians, dancers and maids busy in daily activities are dressed in a sari. Most of these examples illustrate two prominent styles; 'single piece or loosely draped sari and 'tight fitting around legs, with odhani or patka. The Jain Kalpa Sutra (15th century CE), paintings on paper, depict the female figures wearing dhoti-scarf covering her coiffure and a part wrapped round the waist and bodice. (Plate 5) This draping style of sari, as represented in Jain paintings, traveled in many parts and in south India, where it got illustrated in wall paintings. Depiction of Kalpsutra's style of sharp edges in pallu of sari one can see in the murals of Lepakshi temple. There are several other noteworthy mural paintings in south Indian temples, which illustrate social life and various textiles and costumes. The important ones are - Rajarajeswara temples of Tanjore (early 11th century A.D), Virabhadra temple at Lepakshi (mid-16th century), Virupaksha Temple, Vijaynagara (17th century), Ramalinga Vilasam Palace (Ramanathapuram) (18th century). Often these mural paintings show females are in saris and blouse or choli. These saris have pleats in front, it covers the waist and pallu falls in front from right shoulder, which comes from left shoulder. Women with full or half sleeve blouse are shown in the Virupaksha temple and Tiruvalur temple paintings.

5. Jain Kalpasutra folio show Goddess is surrounded by female attendants. All of themare adorned in sari, which has angular lower portion, while pallu or utteriya around shoulders and half sleeve blouse or choli of contrast colour. 15th century CE, Language prakrit; Script: Devanagri; Paper; Size: 12 x 30 cm; Acc. no: 48.29

Persian manuscripts and the Deccani school paintings of 16th -17th century CE also provide illustrations of the many interesting garments of men and women. The sari-choli; lengha-choli-odhani remain the popular woman garments as depicted in these paintings. The Tarif-i-Hussain Shahi, the earliest and one of greatest Deccani illustrated manuscripts from Ahmadnagar (1565-69 CE) illustrates women in sari and half sleeved choli. Ragini Patahmshika (1590-95 CE), from the Ragamala series, belongs to the Bijapur/ Ahmadnagar style of painting. This illustrates three women wearing a sari having pleats in front and an anchal, with pointed edges which covers the waist, then goes over the left shoulder and then on the right shoulder, finally falling on the front side. The pointed edges of the pallu and pleated attire were the characteristics of Jain Paintings. (Plate 6) Perhaps it is an attempt by the artists to show the natural movement of fabric. Later on, from the 19th century onwards the depiction of the sari became more popular in the miniature and folk paintings of Bengal, Orissa and the Southern region.

With the passage of time sari also underwent many changes in raw material, design, composition and construction etc. This happened due to many reasons such as fashion, change of users' taste, re-invention, royal patronage etc. Around the mid-18th century weavers of the region of Maheshwar made special sari, which were inspired by the carving of temples and palaces of Alilyabai Holkar, queen of the Holkar state. These silk and cotton Maheshwari saris were woven with small butis, stripes and in soft soothing colours, which reflect royal elegance. The region of Paithan in Maharastra was patronized by royal ladies of Maratha and Peshva rulers and the Paithani sari industry flourished during their rule. This tradition traveled down south with them and royal ladies of Nizam of Hyderabad, (Andhra Pradesh) were also fond of Paithani sari. The charm of Paithani sari, shaloo (chaddar) etc. had attracted the contemporary painters also and the best examples are to be found in the paintings of Raja Ravi Verma. This artist has painted most of his female figures adorned with rich and vibrant Paithani/Madurai and other traditional saris'. There are references that designers from Paris or other places were also involved in designing saris for these royal princes and queens in the first quarter of 20th century. Two designer chiffon saris designed for the Princess of Hyderabad and Berar, are at present housed at the Fashion Institute of Technology and Louvre Museum, Paris. Changes took place, in each time phase, either in the drape style of the sari or some new garments were attached with it and each time the sari has enhanced beauty. With the sari kanchuli/ choli/ jumpher /blouse, as an upper garment, were added in different times and regions. Another important garment attached to sari is the petticoat, a lower garment. This long skirt is used for tucking in the pleats of sari.

6. Painting 'Ragini Patahmshika' show there females in sari-choli. The multiple pleats of sari are in the lower portion, then pallu covers the waist portion and go to head, finally falls either in the front or at back. Ahmandnagar/Bijapur, Deccan, c 1590-95 CE, Opaque watercolour and gold on paper, size: 26 x 20 cm, Acc.no. BKN 2066.

All these literary, epigraphic, numismatic arid sculptural references to a sari show the continuity of this garment, perhaps the oldest indigenous women attire. Initially during the Vedic period women were using anatariya' (lower garment), `uttariya' (upper garment) and 'kanculi' or kayaband' (waist band). From Sunga and Kushan period onwards slowly and gradually we do get the narration of garment like a sari and by the Gupta period draping style of sari became much clearer. Initially with the saris, choli or jampher and then the blouse was added. Later on, the petticoat (long skirt) was added and presently these two garments have become an integral part of the sari. Now internationally sari is known as Indian women's attire and it has traveled a long way. From all these years not only the sari's wearing style has developed, but also variety of manufacturing techniques, designs, new materials etc. All these gave a new dimension to saris in each period and region. Changes do happen but the charm and grace of sari remain the same. NOTES

Chishti. R.K. & Sanyal A., Madhya Pradesh Saris of India, (ed) Singh M, New Delhi, 1989, pp-25-46.
http://sanskritdocuments.org/dict/dictall.html
Rai. L., Hindi Ritikavya Ke Adhar par Parchalit Vastron ki Adhayan in The Research Bulletin (Arts), Punjab University, Chandigarh, No. LIV, (V],1966. p-1.
Panchatantra, I, 144.; Sulochana Ayyar, Costumes and Ornaments as depicted in the Sculptures of Gwalior Museum, Delhi, 1987, p-36
Rajagopalachari C, Mahabharata, Bombay, 1975, pp-94-95.
Ramayan, 5-19-3.
Chandra. M., Costumes and Textiles of Sultanate period, in Journal of India Textile History. Vol. 6 (1961) pp. 5-6.
Rai, ibid, pp-1-8.
The breaded Priest is in Karchi museum, Pakistan.
L. Linda, The Sari: Styles- Patterns- History- Techniques-London, 1995, p-10.
Linda, ibid, pp-10-11.
Singh, R.C., Bhitargaon brick temple, in Bulletin of Museums and Archaeology in UP., Number 8., Dec. 1971, p-32, pl-1.
Singh, [bid, p-33, p1-2.
Linda, ibid, p-11
http://dakinidesigns.net/1000petals/BlueAvatar/ bharatanatyam/Resources/Margarets_sari_paper.pdf, p-8
Housed in Metropolitan museum, acc.no. 1994.77.
Dasgupta. P., Temple Terracotta of Bengal, New Delhi, 1971
Jam. J., National Handicrafts and Handlooms Museum, New Delhi, Ahmedabad, 1989, pp-123-129
Vanaja R., Coins & Epigraphs in Master pieces of National Museum Collection, (ed) S.P.Gupta, New Delhi, 1985, p-140, p1-177; p-141, p1-180.
Ghosh. A, Narita Murals, New Delhi,1987, pl-)000/1
Linda, bid, p-10.

Seth. M, Indian Painting: Tile Great Mural Tradition, USA, 2006, ibid, p-59.
13th-15th centuries manuscript cover in wood are painted, which are preserved in Jain Bhandhara and other libraries. The Jain cloth and paper painting tradition specimens found in museums.
http://www.jaindharmonline.comiliteralanjnIt.htm
Sivaramamurti, C., South Indian Paintings, New Delhi, p-118, p1-72.
Sivaramamurti, ibid, p-105; p1-59; pp-123-125; p1-77-79.
Manuscripts like; Tarif-i-Hussain Shahi, Pem-nem and paintings housed in City Palace, Jaipur, (Rajasthan) National Museum, National Gallery of Modem Art (New Delhi),
Melnemey. T., in Sultans of Deccan India, 15---1700 (ed) Haidar N and Sardar M., USA, 2015, pp-56-57.
Mathur, V.K., in Nauras the Many Arts of the Deccan, (ed) Bahadur. P. R., and Singh K., New Delhi, 2015, p-106.
Skelton. R., Arts of Bengal,(Exhibition catalogue), London, 1979 pl- xii.; Seth, ibid.
Dhamija J., Pathan' Weavers: An Ancient Tapestry art; in Marg; The Woven Silks of India, (ed) Dhamija, J., Mumbai, 1995, p-80
Kapur, G. Ravi Varma's Unframed Allegory, in Raja Ravi Verma, New Delhi, 1993; pp-96-103.
In some mural paintings of south India it has been observed that women were wearing sari without upper garment. However earlier references mentions that kanchiki (kind of breast covering) was the garment used to cover the breast portion besides choli was also used by some women. The present form blouse became popular in the last century.
Bhandari V. Costume, Textiles and Jewllery of India, Tradition in Rajasthan, Delhi, 2004, pp-8-9.
Author is thankful to Dr. R.K. Tewari (Dy. Curator), Dr. S.V. Tripathi (Curator), Shri Tej Pal Singh (Dy. Curator) and Dr. V.K. Mathur (Curator) for providing the images of coin, manuscript, archeology and miniature painting respectively and Shri Rakesh (photographer) for the images.

First published in Unbroken Thread: Banarasi Brocade Saris at Home and in the World

https://youtu.be/cIc5VYdx4Ds

The eighteenth-nineteenth centuries witnessed the exquisite embroidery work on cotton or silk textiles, costumes and furnishings made for domestic and export markets. These beautiful needle works were created by using floss silk thread embroidered with variety of stitches and the prominent one was 'satin stitch', the focus is on this stitch here. The satin stitch embroidery, around this period, was practiced in Gujarat, Delhi, Agra and Deccan region, but the way it was carried out in the Western Himalayan region is un-parallel in beauty and grace. The 'Western Himalayan states' or 'Punjab Hill states' provides such a variety that we see the picturesque and folk style coverlets (popularly known as Chamba rumal) with religious subjects from Hill region and geometrical floral pattern decorated coverlets were more close to plains. The tradition of embroidering costumes, furnishing and miscellaneous things were also prevalent in the hill regions. Each of the broad categories have many sub-groups, on the basis of embroidery technique, design, pattern and the base fabric, while use of floss silk threads and satin stitch remain common. The intricately embroidered coverlet and hanging stands out among all varieties of Himalayan region needle work and had attracted art lovers, visitors to the region and textile historians. Many travelers, scholars had contributed about the aesthetic beauty of these coverlets, its various styles etc. Scholars had tried to identify the different production centers with the help of old museums specimens and had compared it with Pahari miniature paintings. However, there is no unanimous opinion regarding the origin and practice of satin stitch in the region, which is mostly considered to be 'Chinese or Persian or Turkish or perhaps Indigenous'. If outside influence is there, then from where and how it has reached to Himalayan states, what was the route; who were the people practicing it and if its indigenous then how long the satin stitch has been practiced in the region and which were the centers. These are some of the unsolved questions. An attempt has been made here, to understand the use of satin stitch, its variations, its application on variety of objects of 'Western Himalayan Region' besides other centers, how it has travelled to the region and the possible connections. This will be discussed taking into consideration of available specimens preserved in museums, private collections and written records. Satin Stitch Stitches used in Pandri embroideries has been referred as 'double satin stitch' by some scholars', while some put it in darn stitch category.2 George Watt, a renowned scholar, whose noticeable contribution on Industrial Art of India was in between 1884-19033.He describes the technical difference between satin and darn stitch very clearly: - "In the satin stitch, the needle catches a hold of the sides or outlines of the structures to be ornamented and returns backwards and forwards until the required covering has been effected. Occasionally it goes round and round so that the work is double, that is to say, it is the same on both sides. So also it is not infrequent for satin stitch to be padded or cushioned by patchwork or by thick threads first sewn over the portions that are to be subsequently elaborately embroidered." "In darn stitch the needle runs along nipping up small portions of the textile at intervals" Another detail description of both the stitches we get from Reader's digest, which mention:- "Darning stitch is basically several rows of running stitches used for filling it, consists of long floats of stitches with few fabric threads. It has variations like basic darning which is single sided and stitches are aligned in brick arrangement. Double darning is double sided where one row of stitches is worked in first journey and then spaces are filled with stitches in return journey. Work is carried in structured rows." "Satin stitches are used for filling with a smooth surface. It has variations like basic satin, long and short, encroaching and brick" The close examinations of Indian variations of satin stitches have several styles, which create not only the soothing effect, but also the different variations. Such variations are possible by modifying the basic stitches, resulted effect and impact differently. Dr. Rohini Arora has done in-depth study on variety of satin stitches and its uses in pahari embroideries, this will be discussed in details in her paper. Satin Stitch Embroidery Tradition of India The surface ornamentation on textiles and costumes through needle work has a long history in India. Excavation findings of bone and metal needles from Harappan sites6indicate the early existence of some form of stitching. Although a few early pieces are available from 15th-16thcenturies onwards, but literary references of ancient and medieval period texts mention that the trappings were embroidered with threads, metallic thread and even the gems. However, in the absence of any technical details we are not sure about the nature of embroidery practiced in early days. Kashmir, Agra, Delhi, Banaras, Sind, Baluchistan and Kathiabad, Quetta, Bombay, Bengal, Azamganj, besides Chamba, Kangra and Kullu of Himalayan states were the centers, where satin stitch embroideries were practiced. This is mentioned in the catalogue of "Indian Art exhibition", which was held at Delhi in 1903. Author of catalogue G. Watt mentions that rumals (Handkerchiefs) made as table cover were made in Kashmir. The silk was used and stitches are mostly chain and satin.8Delhi and Agra cities of Mughal period had the advantage of rich populace and patronage. Many forms of needle work were practiced here and satin stitch embroidery is one of them. Artisans with adoptability and sensibility created things like curtains, screen cloths, table centers etc. These things were embroidered with silk or metal threads with satin stitch on the silk or velvet as base fabric, as per the requirements of European. In Baluchistan also 'satin stitch' and 'double satin stitch' embroidery was practiced, besides other varieties. This was practiced on cotton or linen handkerchief and on the table cloth. Among the peasant community of Kathiawar region of Gujarat chakla (square coverlet), caps, toranas, (door hanging) were embroidered with beautiful floral patterns often done with satin stitches. In Delhi exhibition, in 1903, a beautiful tea table cloth was exhibited, which was embroidered with colour silk in double satin stitch was recorded from Quetta. Another example of this exhibition in the loan collection was six kamarband (waist band). These satin stitch embroidered beautiful kamarband show tiny floral buffs, with colourful silk threads are like delicate painting. All these got attention of art lovers, got recorded in the exhibition catalogue. Prior to Delhi exhibition catalogues, the technical details are not available. This official catalogue is very significant, as it provides the detail description of art work, their products, production centers, manufacturing process, master price winning master artists etc. We are not aware of whereabouts' of specimens reported in Delhi exhibition; however the early published examples show the religious themes. One of the earliest embroidered specimen work in satin stitch, known so far, in Calico Museum, Ahmedabad (Gujarat), is a narrow Jain band or panel which depicts eight Vidyadevi (Goddesses of learning) This 15th-16th century red cotton panel is divided into nine compartments, which is surrounded by floral borders. A decorative disc is in center; while four divisions on either side show four-armed goddess gracefully seated under arched toranas. This religious panel has been worked in satin stitch and laid threads couched with contrasting colours. There are two more specimens of similar style of workmanship; one is in the Jagdish and Kamla Mittal Museum, Hyderabad and another is in the Musee National des Arts Asian Antiquities, Gumit. The uses of these narrow band is not very clear, perhaps these were given to Jain nuns on their invitation, or may be to wrap around manuscripts or hang behind the platform where Jain religious leaders held discussions. Around the same period there is reference of coverlet embroidered with satin stitch in Chola Sahib Gurudwara, Gurdaspur district, Punjab. It is believed that this rectangular coverlet is embroidered by Bibi Nanaki (1464-1518) to gift her brother Guru Nank Dev at the time of his marriage in 1487. Instead of religious theme, this white cotton coverlet shows several female and male busy in day to day activities of life; horse rider, man running with bird, female standing under the tree, deer etc. Embroidered with silk threads in maroon, green, pink, yellow etc gives the impression of early work of the region. Contrast to religious theme and figurative work, floral pattern dominates in the embroideries of Deccan region, which was also carried out with silk and metal threads in satin stitch. Several embroidered floor coverings, hangings, carpet's coverings made in Deccan are the prized possession of several museum and private collections. As per Japanese archival records, embroidered furnishings were exported around mid-18th century from Golconda of Deccani region to different parts of the world. These reached Japan through Dutch East India Company, on which a Japanese Scholar Dr. Yumika Kamada of Waseda University, Tokyo, had carried out an in-depth research. These hangings, carpets and floor spreads show floral pattern embroidered with floss silk and silver threads on cotton base fabric with satin stitch besides other stitches. These textiles illustrate medallion design and tree of life with peacocks, birds etc. The uses of such embroidered textiles differed from country to country. In Japan flowering tree type hanging reached in 1774, where these were used by the Taishi-Yama, one of the thirty-two floats, during the annual Kyoto Gion festival. Castle in the Netherlands attests that embroideries from Deccan were brought to decorate the castle's interior. These floral patterned furnishings were embroidered with bright silk colour, sometimes shaded also. 19th century cotton base mat embroidered with floral pattern with silk and metal thread are in Mehrangarh collection, Jodhpur and National Museum, New Delhi. Around same region and time, important specimens are found with white cotton costumes, parkas embroidered with silk metal threads with satin stitches, which dates back to late 18th to early 19th century. National Museum has a few white cotton patkas, which shows beautiful tiny floral motifs on end panel and narrow border on horizontal side (plate-3.1) besides a white cotton angrakha is also embroidered in same fashion. [caption id="attachment_188176" align="alignright" width="235"]

Pl. 3.1 : Patka (Sash) has plain field and pallu (end panel) depict tiny flower buti on pallu central or south India, late 186 to early 19th century, cotton, embroidered with silk and metal threads, satin stitch. Photo-Courtesy: National Museum, New Delhi.[/caption]

Often we find the book covers made of wood, palm with cloth covering to cover the sacred texts. Many times the Jain book covers, rectangular in shape, were made either painted or covered with cloth and in many cases these are embroidered with distinct patterns. Several 18th or early 19^thcentury book covers have been found in Jain bhandars and in museum collections. The book covers, in Calico museum, are beautifully embroidered with silk or silver-silver gilded wires on velvet or silk base fabric. National Museum also has 19th century embroidered book cover, which depicts four-armed Goddess flanked by male and female winged attendant within rectangular frame in front; while back show flower composition and pair of peacock. Uses of satin stitch with colourful silk threads come out well on metal thread background. (Plate 3.2 &3.3) Another type of book covers are embroidered with floral pattern. The 19th century book covers of Calico Museum, show the fine embroidery work depict different type of floral plants like three poppy plants, flowering plants with leaves and flowers or peacock etc. Some of them depict shaded work of satin stitch in green, indigo colours, which are similar to furnishings and patkas from Gujarat or Deccan. Another example of shaded satin stitch embroidery is the girdle, carpet, canopy, part of borders which show flowering plants with leaves and flowers worked in green shaded with indigo. Among these 19th century examples, a small canopy is a beautiful example of satin stitch workmanship. Such silk canopy was hung over the seat of Jaflower buin monks, depicts floral medallion in the center with flower upon each outer cusp and corners illustrate quarter medallion and conventional cypress trees grow towards the central motif.

The costumes, furnishings and religious textiles were embroidered on velvet, silk or cotton fabric which were worked with satin stitches. The symbolic motifs, narrative figurative or tiny tis are the patterns appeared on

Pl. 3.2 : Manuscript cover show the four-armed goddess flanked by winged morchhal (peacock feather flying whisk) bearers on either side, western India, late 18th to early 19th century, cotton base has metal thread ground and embroidered with silk metal threads, satin stitch. Photo-Courtesy: National Museum, New Delhi.

Pl. 3.3 : Reverse view of manuscript cover show pair of peacock and flower motifs Photo-Courtesy: National Museum, New Delhi.

these artifacts. These were produced at different centers in north, west and southern region of India around late eighteenth and early nineteenth century.

Satin Stitch Embroideries from Western Himalayan States The 'Western Himalayan States' or 'Punjab Hill States' have rich tradition of satin stitch embroideries done on coverlet, hanging, costume, fan, cap, floor spread, chaupar spread, etc. Floral, geometric, secular and religious themes were creatively produced on these textiles. The square or circular coverlets were perhaps made more, which are in most of the Indian textile collections. These white/red coloured cotton/mulmal coverlets were embroidered with floss silk threads and sometimes with metal threads with various types of stitches and satin stitch remain the main. These stitch could be either single or double satin, which were worked in two distinct styles; folk and classical. The theme of Lord Krsna (Raslila, Krsna playing flutes, Krsna in garden, Krsna flying kites) were embroidered on these coverlets under the influence of Bhakti movement around 12th-13th centuries. Besides Krsna, aivite themes were also illustrated; the prominent ones are Holy Family, Gajantaka, Garigadhar Siva with Gangd or with Bhagirathi etc. Scenes from Ramayana, Ganega, Hanuman, Goddesses etc. are the other subjects often occurred on these coverlets. These coverlets have multiple uses, covering the offerings to God-Goddess and to offer to Goddess temple of the region. Apart from religious uses, these were also used as scarf tying on head known as thathu '. Sometimes Krsna or gopas in Kangra paintings are shown wearing such scarf. Many times Chhabri (basket) are also shown covered by circular pieces known as chhabu. Sometimes long rectangular hangings, to some extent created in classical style, were especially made to gift some important visitor to the region. As one such hanging has been gifted by Raja Gopal Singh to Lord Mayo, (Governor General of India) when latter visited the Chamba valley on 13th November 1871. This is in Victoria and Albert museum collection and depict Mahabharat battle scene. The war theme appears to be popular during the 18th century as two such long panels have also been reported, besides the first is in Calico Museum and another one is in National Museum. For the big size hanging another subject often appeared is the Nayak-Nayikabheda. This literary subject has been much painted in Pahari miniature paintings and 'Pahari embroideries' also. In the Hill States there were many tribes like Gaddi, Gujjar, Kinners, Lahila, Pangwala etc. Costumes of these people have influence of Punjab and Jammu region. Gaddi women wear chola and dora in their daily life. As Gujjar male use to wear a Kashmiri type of short and Punjabi type tamba, while women wear paijama, loose shirts and a long piece of cotton cloth to cover the shirt. People of these states like to wear colourful costumes and some of costumes were beautifully embroidered. Choli, kamarband, scarf and caps are the pieces, which are embroidered with intricate work." Rosary cover (gaumukhi, dice boards (chaupar spread) manuscript cover or wrap, fan are the other embroidered cloth. These are embroidered with floral, geometric patterns. Chamba Rumal or Pahari Coverlets: Nomenclature The usual notion is that the term `Chamba Rumal was coined by J.P. Vogel, who visited in 1903 in the region and got impressed by the fine quality of workmanship.34Around this period another catalogue was published titled, 'Indian Art at Delhi', which do not mention the term `Chamba rumal. Rather G. Watt, author of the catalogue mentions, those embroideries were practiced at Kangra and Kullu center besides Chamba. He further mentions that, “the shepherdesses (perhaps he refers to folk style) as also the ladies of the palaces have from time immemorial wiled way their leisure time in embroidering cotton handkerchiefs done by a form of double satin stitch”. This description informs that handkerchiefs were embroidered at other centers, besides Chamba, where these were embroidered with brilliant coloured flowers and animals or mythological human group.35 Prior to Delhi exhibition another exhibition was held at Glasgow in 1888 tiled, 'Glasgow International Exhibition' and T.N. Mukharji wrote the catalogue of this exhibition named as 'Art Manufactures of India'. Mukharji records, 'the embroidery known as Chamba Rumals are peculiar to Chamba and Kangra. He further talked about the embroidery wrought in the household of one of the Rallis (Queen) of Chamba is kept in the Indian Museum at South Kensington (now named as Victoria and Albert Museum, London), perhaps refer to famous Mahabharata Hanging. Yet another, state level exhibition was held in 1881 at Lahore titled 'Punjab Exhibition. The report of this exhibition mentions the practice of embroidering handkerchief in hills (of Punjab states). Apart from new products, old specimens were also exhibited as sample, which were loaned from different people and places. Report further mentions that Raja of Chamba lent collection of many things and the elaborate pictorial rumals were one of them, which were embroidered in silk and gold on both sides. These coverlets were exclusive examples of miniatures like embroideries, done using satin stitches, stands out from other objects produced at various centers of Himalayan region and other centers. The other thing is significant here is that this was the period (1871 to 1903) when embroidered rumals or handkerchiefs were embroidered at many regions of Punjab Hill states. However, due to its qualities the Chamba, Kangra and Kullu handkerchiefs got noticed and recorded. Politically this period was the rise of Chamba state and Raja Sham Singh (r.1873-1904) was the ruler. His contribution in field of art and culture is very significant. Rumals or hangings produced during this phase are preserved in two museums, known so far. These are Victoria and Albert, London (hereafter as V&A) and Indian Museum, Kolkata (hereafter as IM). The records of TM do not specifically use the Chamba rumals term but refers embroideries from Himalayan region. In the case of V&A name of Chamba, Nurpur and Baghal or Arki have been mentioned for these coverlets. Scholars like Mulk Raj Anand, A.K. Bhattacharyya, Kamla Devi Chattopadhya, Jasleen Dhamija, V.C. Ohri, Subhashini Aryan and others have mentioned about Chamba rumals and it was practiced in the region in the entire hill region in 180,-19th centuries." V.C. Ohri records that Mandi, Suket and Bilaspur embroidery is different from Chamba. Further he say that chamba rumal style of embroidery was declined at Kangra, Guler, Nurpur, Basohli etc. due to withdrawal of patronage in the first half of 19th century. S. Aryan mentions such embroidery was practiced at Kangra, Nurpur, Kulu, Mandi, Bilaspur, Suket (Sundernagar), Chamba, Basohli, Jammu and other parts of Himachal Pradesh, Jammu Punjab region. These scholars have identified centers for production of rumals and hangings with the help of miniature paintings. Some of the prominent were Kangra, Nurpur, Kulu, Mandi, Bilaspur, Suket (Sundernagar), Chamba and others (present Himachal Pradesh). Apart from Himachal, these were practiced in Jammu, Basohli, and other parts of Jammu state and to some extent in Punjab region also. All these references clearly indicate the valuable contribution of Rajas' of Chamba state in preserving this embroidery skill and hence it flourished in the region during mid-eighteenth century. The special contribution of Raja Gopal Singh, Raja Sham Singh and Raja Sir Bhuri Singh (r.1904-1919) is great, who took special interest to popularize the coverlets. This is also the known fact that Raja Raj Singh (r. 1764-1694) annexed Basohli (in 1782) and Kangra (in 1788). Thereafter many painters and artists, who were losing support from these Hill states, got the royal patronage from Chamba Raja's, as by this time Chamba state became stronger. It seems Chamba Ranis' and ladies of rank were involved in creating coverlets and hangings with the support of Rajas, who were propagating these coverlets or hangings in the courts of East India Company, display in exhibitions, gifted to the visitors of their state. Another important fact is that Raja's of Chamba had matrimonial allegiances with Basohali, Kullu, Mandi, Jammu, Jasrota, Guler, Kangra, Nurpur. They were married to princess of these different states and also their daughters were married to other hill states prince and kings (for details please see the chart). Moreover, the artists who were doing the line drawing of classical style of coverlets were many times the court painters of these states and often keep shunting for the sack of royal patronage. Therefore, many themes appeared in Rang Mahal of Chamba Palace, Pahari Paintings also appeared on coverlets.°Themes of Guler, Kangra school paintings also appeared in coverlets. Many such important and significant coverlets and hangings were embroidered in classical style, as the line drawing were done by the court artists, may be as per the guidelines of royal court and under direct supervision of royal women. Therefore, as these handkerchiefs were embroidered and used all over the Himalayan region, also in Jammu and Punjab region. Since these were practiced in many hill states, therefore will be more appropriate to use the term `Pahari coverlets' instead of `Chamba rumals ' as suggested by Dr. Subhashini Aryan, who had done a lot of work on this subject. Satin Stitch of Himalayan Region: Possible Connection Most of the scholars and researchers agreed the use of dorukha or double satin stitches for embroidering the miniature painting like coverlets or hangings is exclusive to the Himalayan region. But scholars do not have one view on the origin of satin stitch and believe that on Himalayan embroideries there is influence from outside, which could be Chinese, Persian/Turkish. There is the possibility that maybe it has indigenous roots, perhaps, Rajputana, and it has been nurtured by the Turks, Tughlaq, Mughal and British, who came in the region for various reasons. Chinese: The Religious Connection The costumes, religious textiles and miscellaneous items were embroidered in China with many different kinds of stitches and satin stitch is one of them. The earliest available example of satin stitch Chinese embroidery is found from a tomb of the state of Chu of the Warring Sates Period (475-221 BCE). It is embroidered with a dragon-and-phoenix design and more than 2000 years' old. This tradition continued in later period also and several embroidered textiles have been reported from China and stitch satin embroidered evidences are reported from Yung (1279-1368) and Ming period (1368-1644). The beginning of fifteenth century evident embroidered religious hangings and panels especially from the reign of emperor Yongle (r.1402-1424). Emperor Yongle was one of the great emperor of Ming dynasty (1368-1644), whose cultural, commercial and political activities gave a new dimension. He had high regards for Buddhism and established relations with Tibet, although he respects the other religions also. Constant exchange of art ideas and techniques between China and Tibet can be seen during this phase. This is evident in the art works, decoration of several religious places and embroidered hangings were one of them. Several big hangings and small votive panels were embroidered with Buddhist deities, with satin, couching and running stitches on satin silk base fabric. Many of these hangings show the theme and its treatment reflect the influence of Nepali-Tibet style and the workmanship shows the Chinese origin. Such hangings/banners were perhaps, commissioned by emperor, as four complete banners with Yongle inscriptions are known so far. [caption id="attachment_188179" align="alignright" width="238"]

Pl. 3.4 : Thangka shows the image of Buddha and symbols of Buddhist iconography, Tibetan, 146-15th century, satin silk embroidered with silk threads, satin stitches.[/caption] Apart from big size hangings, several small votive panels/ thangka were also reported in monasteries and are in different museum collections, which were used for worship as well as to decorate the monastery on some occasions. An embroidered votive panel, which shows the image of Buddha and symbols of Buddhist iconography, is in National Museum collection. (plate-3.4) The small indigo satin silk thangkas have three registers; upper register shows the sacred parasol, umbrella surrounded by clouds and offerings protection from the heat of evil desires. Bodhisattva sits on boar like animal on double lotus pedestal sits under cloud shaped arch is in center portion. The lower register depicts five lotuses; center lotus springs four delicate scrolling vines terminating in lotus flowers and each carries a Sanskrit letter. These Sanskrit letters seems to be done in `Ranjan script', which was prevalent around 11th-12th centuries and became more popular in Nepal, Tibet and around that region. Many manuscripts were written in Ranjan script in Nepal. All figures and floral patterns are intricately embroidered with polychrome floss silk with long-short, satin, encroaching, outline, split, knot, couching etc. Shaded colour effect in the embroidery is also one of the features in these thangkas. The artistic convention which became popular in the Tuan dynasty and continued to be used in the late fourteenth-fifteenth centuries is visual on these art works. Buddhist monasteries in the Leh region have embroidered thangkas, so there is a possibility that Buddhist monks might have brought it in Himalayan region while travelling through Silk Trade Route. The two important pass; Kukti and Hamta, were used for movement by merchants, traders and other people. The mid Himalayan chain, which divides Lahaul and Spiti from Chamba, Bara Bangahal, Kula and Kanawar is crossed by Kukti pass between Jobrang Kothi (in Lahul) and Kukti (in Bharmaur) of Chamba. The Kukti pass was used by the greater number of the Gaddi shepherds from Kangra and Chamba who graze in Lahaul. The Hamta pass is important, as the shortest road for Kukti to Spiti. Some of the zamindars also use this route to Spiti in the autumn and there meet the Tibetan traders and barter. Leh route is more possible, as Kashmir artists rarely employ double satin stitch, but prefer to embroider first one side and then the other. However, majority of Pahari coverlets were embroidered in double satin stitches. Perhaps the Buddhist monks with hangings, votive panels and banners have influenced the people of Himalayan region to work upon the coverlets, which depict religious subjects and were used as offering to Hindu God-Goddess in the temples. Persian /Turkish: Courtly Influence The Hill states due to its strategic location and beauty have always attracted many ruler especially the Delhi ruler's ones. In 1008 CE, Sultan Mahmud Ghazni defeated Hindu states under the leadership of Anandpala, the Punjab ruler. This victory opened the way for Mahmud's further advance into hill into the fort of Nagarkot or Bhimnagar and after appointing his commanders he left with jewels and valuables. The booty from Kangra fort contains coins, jewels besides wearing apparel and fine garments of sus and a canopy, made of fine linen of rum (the term sus and rum is not clear). Sultan Feroz Shah Tughlaq captured the Nargarkot fort in 1360, during this period Rup Chand was ruling over the Katoch kingdom. Sultan patted the Katoch ruler with robe of honour and a red canopy. Another important fact is that the Delhi Sultanate provided the royal patronage to karkhanas, where all things were manufactured for emperor's use and for gift too. Muhammad Tughlaq use to distribute robe of honour twice a year (in spring and autumn) and autumn made goods partly manufactured at Delhi and partly imported from China and Iraq. Ibn Batuta refers Muhammad Tughlaq's sending gifts caps to Chinese king, which included many woven silk and woolen textiles including ten embroidered robes. After Delhi Sultanate, the Mughal rulers' (Akbar, Jahangir, Shah-Jahan and Aurangzeb) tried to visit, live and controlled the hills states by initiating different policies. The A’in-i-Akbari mentions that emperor Akbar paid much attention to textiles production. The text says that, 'skillful masters and workmen have settled in this country (referring the outsider perhaps Irani, Europeans and Mongolia) to teach people an improved system of manufacture'. Tuzuk-i- Jahangir mentions that at the time of Jahangir's visit to Kangra in 1622, emperor was awaited by all the hill chiefs, including the Raja Chamba. "He finds the Chamba Raja reasonable, intelligent and urbane and exalted him with all kinds of patronage and favour"." The reference of Jahangir's gift of figurative two kamarband to the regent Janardan in 1623 is mentioned by Goetz, however it does not clearly mention about the type of workmanship whether it was woven or embroidered. Several royal accounts (Tarikh-i-FerozShahi, A 'in-i-Akbari, Tuzuk-i-Jahangiri, ShahNama etc) informs various aspects of social and cultural life of that period. However, hardly it provides the technical details about the khilit, what kind of textiles were given to courtiers, mansabdar etc. whether these are woven or embroidered, in which technique, colour, pattern or style. The Hill states remain under the cultural influence of Turkish, Tughlaq, Lodi and Mughal rules, which influence the costumes, cuisine and other art activities. The miniature paintings, temple architecture, decoration and coverlets of Himalayan regions show the influence of costumes of Turkish/Mughal. Jama-paijama-turban-patka and peshwaz-odhani-paijama-caps was the outfit for men and women respectively. These we see in miniature painting, wall paintings and sometimes in temple architecture also. Even the coverlets show men in dhoti-patka-turban and women are dressed in two prominent styles; peshwaz-odhani -paijama (which is rarely visible) and second is the lahanga-choli-odhani. Turkish/Persian/Mughal influence is evident in the first case while Rajasthani/ Gujarati influence is in the second style of women's costumes. Costumes influence illustrated on these coverlets shows the close link of hill states rulers with rulers of Delhi and around. This was possible either prince/princess were visiting the Mughal court or Mughal Harem or these rulers were visiting the Hill states and honoring these rulers. There is the possibility perhaps satin embroidery was practiced in Persian/Turkish region, which have influenced from Sultanate, Mughal courts. In absence of early pieces of this phase and un-complete descriptive records of Delhi Sultanate, Mughal rulers perhaps it may presume that royal influence was there, but up to what extend is not clear. On the other hand, that usually these have floral pattern ornamentation, instead of figurative work, which was the dominant subject of pahari coverlets. Indigenous: People's Participation One of the possibilities of satin stitch embroidery reaching Himalayan region is through Western region of India. In due course, this developed in its own 'indigenous style', perhaps under the royal patronage of Hill states. Many of the emperors, painters and artisans have come to Himalayan region from Rajputana region and had matrimonial relations also. The Kangra state is one such example, who were Rajputs, had the title Katoch. When one examines the satin stitch embroidery, the examples of hand embroidered work of Gujjar's from Rajasthan stands out for its beautiful exquisite art work. The beautiful colourful square coverlets are also known as chakla are often finds the place in household. Apart from coverlets, choirs, costumes etc. were also embroidered on cotton base fabric. Similarly, among all type of embroideries of pahari region, coverlets depict more folk style. This gives the impression that tradition of embroidered coverlets seems to be prevalent in entire hill states. As we are aware that any folk tradition, whether its painting, dance, song or music, gets classical framework ones it's accepted or adopted by more and more people. Once the acceptance is there, then the fine line works were drawn for the creation of aesthetically improvised things. Like any other art form, pahari embroidered coverlets were developed in similar fashion from folk to classical. The numbers of folk style coverlets are more in most of the museum collection in comparison to classical style coverlets. Traditionally the art of embroidery was considered essential for every girl to learn and pass on to next generation in ancient Indian society. This is clearly reflected in western Himalayan states also. Moreover, the two basic raw materials; cotton fabric and floss silk threads were easily available in the region, might have encouraged the women for doing embroidery passionately. Cotton was woven in the Chamba and other region while silk threads were obtained from Nurpur and Kangra states, besides traditional market of Ludhiana and Amritsar. The Kangra Gazetteer (1883-84) mentions the efforts of British officer Mr. F. Halsey in introducing the sericulture of silk threads in Nurpur and Kangra states. He encouraged the locals to take up the silk sericulture as industry. With the help of locals, he took many steps like; distributing Chinese mulberry silk, competition among people for plantation, rearing, holding local level exhibitions held at Nurpur in 1877 and 1878 etc. Since the raw material was easily available, people were getting inspiration from religious movements, artisans migration and the royal patronage was available, so there is a possibility of indigenous efforts for making coverlets in the region. H.Goetz mentions in the article that two figurative patkas were shown in 1903, these were in the palace of Chamba Raja during the Delhi Durbar. Although the where-about of these patkas are not known, but there are two miniature paintings, in N. C. Metha collection, which show the Prakash Chand, Raja of Guler, wearing the figurative white rumal/patkas. In one painting Raja is seating on terrace and smoking huqqa in the backdrop of garden, while other depicts him standing and holding hand fan. Both the painting shows Raja Prakash Chand dressed in white jama-paijama-turban-waistband and long rumal or parka hang on side. He is shown wearing heavy kamarband and additional one hangs on right side, not in the front, which was the usual fashion. Rather it is hung like rumal as one can see in a number of Nayak period paintings, where rumal are hung on right side. The rumal, in both cases, are worn in folded form therefore only little portion is visual. In Raja's seated posture painting, rumal shows a horse rider, with dog running alongside, figure of standing man, an attendant above perhaps, a few flowers and some scroll deign fill rest of the space. In standing one, we see floral motifs apart figural work such as a cow, partially visible a man holding flower. Guler Raja Prakash Chand was the art connoisseur as number of painters was working in his court, however this is also a fact that he was married to Aannat Devi, princes of Chamba, whose mother was the princess of Jammu. Therefore, it is difficult to say who has followed whose tradition, perhaps Chamba princes took to Guler, who had learned perhaps from her mother. However, we did not find any such reference in chamba or any other paintings, so far. (Please see annexure 'A' for detail matrimonial alliances) However, in latter period, the way royals of Chamba state supervised and patronage the Pahari embroidery is remarkable and not found in other states. The Chamba Raja Jit Singh (1794-1808) was married to Sharda Devi, princess of Jammu, whose wedding scene was portrait in a long frieze/ hanging is in M.S. Baroda Museum collection. It is believed that the best rumal were made during his son Charhat Singh (1808-1844) period and grandson Raja Sri Singh (1844-1870). Raja Charhat Singh was married to daughter of Raja of Chenani (Jagir of Jammu in 1825) and daughter of Kangra Raja. Two wives of Raja Sri Singh were daughter of Suket and Jammu. His son Gopal Singh also had two wives, who were daughter of Nurpur Main and Raja of Guler. Brother of Gopal Singh, Raja Sham Singh (1873-1904) introduced this embroidery as a subject in state girl's school. In 1907 group of twenty women were employed for the production of rumals, who worked for two months. The Maneshi Devi, besides others, women of Brahmin and others is recorded, who made rumalas gift for Delhi durbar. Sometimes we get the name of embroiderer, but in most of the cases these artists remain un-named. The contribution of women of Chamba state, whether Brahmin, Royal or of other community's is remarkable, who worked tirelessly to preserve the skill, create the art work and popularize the embroideries of Himalayan region. Conclusion The religious, secular and geometric patterned `Pahari Coverlets' embroidered with double satin stitches with floss silk threads on mulmul or cotton base fabric are the special kind of work executed by women of the region. Passionately embroidered these coverlets are the true reflection of women's aspirations and social, ritual, cultural aspect of the region. These embroideries became common among women in the region, in spite to their social status, it became so popular that even the women in royal palaces also got interested, who encouraged and promote it. Once these reached to the palaces its dimensions, scope and reach became wider. Soon we find that these coverlets portray many literary subjects, line drawing done by the court painters and supervised by royal women got the new look to these coverlets. Once these were gifted to visitor to the state, displayed in exhibitions_ people started appreciating its aesthetic qualities and we find number of unusual subject's coverlets in different collections world over. These were creatively done perhaps under the influence of Chinese-Tibetan style embroidered thangkas or have worked under the Persian-Turkish court influence or Rajputana, the indigenous one. Whatever is the source, but it reflects the true indigenous style and the high spirit of women of the region. References

Bhattacharyya., A.K., Chamba Rumal, Calcutta 1968; p-5; Chattopadhyay, K. D., The Glory of Indian Handicrafts. New Delhi, 1976, p-58; Singh, M.G., Art and Architecture of Himachal Pradesh, Delhi, 1983, p-112.
Morrell, A., Indian Embroideries, Vol-II, part-2, Calico Museum, Ahmedabad,2013, p-80.
Contributed in different capacity such as in-charge of India Section of Calcutta exhibition (1884), Commissioner. Colonial and Indian exhibition, London (1885-86) Reporter, Government of India on Economic Products, (1887-1903) director, Indian Art exhibition, Delhi, (1903).
Watt, G., Indian Art at Delhi 1903, Calcutta, 1903, p-372.
5. Reader's digest Complete guide to needlework. Published by The Reader Digest Association, Inc. Peasantville, New York, 1979, p-47.
Gupta, C.S., and Pathak, A., Cotton: A Probe into Archaeological Evidences, in Puratattva, Indian Archaeological Society Bulletin, No-38, New Delhi, 2008, pp-146-147; The possible example of embroidery is evident from shawl of Breaded Priest, which show the raised trefoil pattern with tiny holes.
Gupta, C.S., "Zardozi: Glittering Gold Embroidery", Abhinav Publication, Delhi, 1996, pp-10-46.
Watt, ibid, p-379.
Watt, ibid, p-380.
Watt, ibid, p- 382.
Watt, ibid, p-383.
Watt, ibid, p-385.
Erwin, J., and Margaret Hall, Indian Embroideries, Ahmedabad, 1973; p1-31, pp-49-50
Crill, R., The Fabric of India, London 2015, p-93, p1-95.
Regarding the date of embroidering of this coverlet, it is difficult to ascertain without close examination.
Museums in Boston, New York, (USA) Lisbon, London, (USA) Ontario, Canada and Kyoto (Japan) Japan, European and Indian collections.
Kamada, Y., The Attribution and Circulation of Flowering Tree and Medallion Design Deccan Embroideries, in Sultans of the South Arts of India's Deccan Courts, 1323-1687, ed., Navina N. Haidar and MarikaSardar, USA, 2011, pp- 132-147.
Kamada, ibid, p-132.
Kamada, ibid, p-142.
Jain, R., Durbar: Royal textiles of Jodhpur, 2009, p-15 L
Jain, R., Textiles and garments at the Jaipur Court, Delhi, 2016, fig-8
Irwin, ibid, p1-37B; p-55; p1-38 B; p-56.
Irwin, ibid, p1-36 A; p-57-58; p1-39 A&C B; pp-58-59; p-60.
Irwin, ibid, p-59.
Irwin, ibid, p1-34; p-53.
Sharma, Vijay, Kangra Ki Chitrankanparampara,Chamba, 2010, p-70.
Sharma,ibid, p-99.
Margaret Hall placed it somewhere in 1780-1783. (Margaret ibid, p-96), while Rosemary Crill dates it around 1800. (2015), p1-137; p-132.
Acc.no: 1384, pl-X, p-150, John Irwin and Margaret Hall, Indian embroideries Vol-II, Calico Museum, 1973; The Calico panels how two armies fighting on elephant, horse and soldiers, but it does not show Kurushetra war. NM has Mahabharat war panel show fight between Kaurav and Mandava along with story narration of KiratArjuna of Mahabharat. (Pathak A, Narrative illustration on Pahari Embroideries, in Mani-Sushma Archaeology and Heritage, (ed) Kumar V and Rawat B, Delhi, 2015, pp-810-811.
Bhattacharyya, A. K.,op.cit.,pl-IX.
Ahluwalla, M.S., History of Himachal Pradesh, Delhi, 1988, p-213.
Ahluwalla, ibid, p-215.
Aryan, S., Folk embroidery of western Himalaya, Delhi, 2010, p-35, p1-142 & 155.
Vogel J.P.,Chamba Rumal, in Indian Art and Letters, Calcutta, 1903.
Watt, ibid, p-379.
Mukharji, T.N., Art Manufactures of India, reprint 2000, Delhi, p-377.
Report on The Punjab Exhibition 1881-82, Lahore, 1883, p-30.
VA Museum acquired these coverlets and hangings in 1883 on the recommendation of the Schools of Art and Museums, which at that time had been established in the main presidencies of India. (Margaret, ibid, pp-83-97).
Anand, Mulk Raj, Chamba Rumals ,Marg, vol-8. No-4 (1954) pp-35-40; Bhattacharyya op.cit; Chattopadhya, Kamla Devi, ; Dhamija Jasleen, A Survey of crafts; embroidery, Marg, vol-20. No.1 (1966-67), pp-35-39; O.C. Ohri mention in The Colours on Chamba Rumal, in History and Culture of the Chamba State, a Western Himalayan Kingdom, New Delhi, 1989, p-17, Aryan ibid, p-18.
Pathak, A., Phari Rumal; The Picturesque Narratives in The Diverse World of Indian Painting, ed. Usha Bhatia and others, Delhi 2009, pp-135-141.
Gajantaka theme coverlet has similar composition as appeared in Guler school painting, both are in National Museum collection; Marriage scenes appeared in Kangra, Chamba paintings and coverlet both etc. Sikh-Kangra style Ram-Darbeir painting theme appeared in coverlet; RukmaniHarana appeared in coverlet and Chamba school painting.
Ohri, V.C., ibid, pp-15-19.
Aryan, S., ibid, p-25.
The highly honoured Tibetan lama, and the strongest intellectual influence on him may have been that of a monk named Daoyan, a long-favoured personal adviser to Yongle. He rewarded with gifts of elaborate silk robes at the time of his visit to China.
Segraves, The Judy and Michael Steinhardt Collection of Chinese Textiles, in Arts of Asia, Nov-Dc. 1999,p1 13,14,15, Watt, JC Y., and Wardwell A.E, When Silk was Gold, New York, 1997, p1-63, p-208.
Segraves, J., ibid, p-72.He sent several expeditions to different part of the world in between 1405-1433 and use to send gifts and received many gifts through embassies visited China.
Author is grateful to Dr. Satya VatraTripathi, curator Manuscript, National Museum, New Delhi, for providing this information.
Cunningham, F,Gazetteer of the Kangra District, Part-1, 1883-84, Delhi, reprint 2012, pp-201-202.
Watts, ibid, p-379.
Ahluwalla, M.S., ibid, p-75.
Persian text Tarikh-i-Yamini by Utbi Abu Nasir ed. by Ali and Sprenger, Delhi 1847, extracts in Alliot and Dawson, Vol II, Allahabad, 1978, pp-34-35.
Banerjee, J. M., History of Firoz Shah Tughluq, Delhi, 1967, p-43, fn.208.
Verma. T., Karkhanas under the Mughals, Delhi, 1994, p-8.
Mandi Hussain (tr.)The Rehla of IbnBatuta, 2nd edition, Baroda, 1976, p-151.
Akbar deputed Punjab rulers to control the region. Abu'lFazI provides the list Raja of Hill states who presented valuable presents to emperor. p----Vol-III, p-880; Akbar initiated the policy, 'to retain as hostage at Mughal court, a price or a near relative of the ruling chief from each state. During Jahangir's reign, 22 young princes from the hill states were in attendance to Jahangir mention in Hutchison and Vogel, History of the Punjab Hill States, Lahore, 1933, Simla reprint, 1982, vol-I, p-150.
Abu-I-FazIAllamiA 'in-i-Akbari, tr.H.Blochmann, Delhi, 1965, p-93.
Tuzuk-i-Jahangiri tr. Vol.I, p-215. 5
Goetz,H., An early Basohli-Chambarumalt: the Wedding of Raja Jit Singh of Chamba and RaniSarda Devi of Jammu AD 1783 in Bulletin of the Baroda State Museum, Vol-III, Part I, Baroda, 1945-46,p-36.
Peshwaz is a full sleeve-full length front opening long outer garment, having small round neck and little 'eye' kind of opening on chest portion. The skirt portion has lot of flare, while bodice portion is tight fitting.
In personal conversion with various curators it has observed that many museum collections have more than fifty percentages of coverlets' collection is in folk style.
Gazetteer of the Kangra district, Part I, Kangra 1883-84, complied by F. Cunningham, Delhi, reprint, 2012, pp-183-184.
Goetz, ibid, p-36.
Goswamy, B.N., Threads and Pigments Rumal and Paintings in the Pahari tradition, ChambaRumal, by Delhi Craft Council, 1999, pp-10-11.
Branfoot, C., In the Land of Kings- Donors, Elites and Temple Sculpture, in South India Under Vijayanagara art and Archaeology, (ed.) A.Verghese and A.L. Dallapiccola, New Delhi, 2011, p.254-55.
Gazetteer of Chamba, 1904; K.P.Sharma, Wedding Scenes in Chamba Rumal and the Unusual subject of Til-Cahli, in The Diverse World of Indian Painting, ed Usha Bhatia and others, Delhi 2009. p-1.
Ohri,V. C., (1989), ibid, pp-15-16.

One of the oldest cottage crafts of Kerala, the thazhapaya /screw pine mat is a product of daily use. Over 800 years old, this craft is practiced by women in their homes. The plant which grows locally along the banks of the rivers and streams of the region and is used after processing to create products of daily use. The fleshy green plant is peeled into thin strips that are dried in the sun and then diagonally plaited to create thazhapaya mats. When the leaves have been cleaned and split but are still green and moist they are wound into a tharamadi, or wheel, in the direction opposite to that of the spine of the leaf. The wheel is later opened and rewound in the opposite direction; this procedure is followed to ensure that on drying, the leaves are flat instead of curving in a specific direction. The quality of the paya is determined by the size of the strips and the closeness of the weaves achieved. Processed leaves are woven, hand embroidered and shaped to make bed mats, carry bags, table mats, boxes, purses, tea coasters, prayer mats, fishing nets, cordage, paintbrushes, Hut coverings, etc. The craftsmen have extended their skills to the making hand bags for ladies; these may be further embellished with carefully detailed embroidery. The two ply screw pine mat is used for sleeping on; it has a coarse base and a fine upper layer and is stitched at edge with a dyed strip of screw pine. The finest mats are made of very thin leaf splits, with about 22 splits per inch. The mettapaya, a recent variation of the thazhapaya, is coloured red and is made of two layers that are stitched together. Thazhapaya bed mats are believed to alleviate arthritic pain The main center for the Thazhapaya making is Kaunagapalli Taluk of Kollam district in Kerala. It is one of the major centres for cottage industries in Kerala. Karunagapally is situated 27 kms, North of Kollam. It is linked with Kollam by the rail and road. Other centers include Thrissur district - Lokamaneswaram; and Malapuram

Technique Interestingly, only women craft the thazhapaya or screw pine mats. The screw pine is a stubby fan-shaped plant; its leaves are covered with thorns that grow in both directions along its main rib. The work of cleaning the leaves before they can be used has to be done very carefully or else it can lead to injury.

The spine is removed by using a coconut fibre and the tender leaf cleaned carefully. Cleaned leaves are split in half without disturbing the original length of leaves. This long and narrow leaves are boiled and transferred and kept in fresh water overnight. The leaves are dried and within one or two days it becomes ivory in colour.

Once dry the leaf is straightened using a knife and kept in rolled bundles until the weaving begins. The weave used is with one weft leaf going diagonally between two warp leaves. The splints are either woven in their natural ivory colour or are dyed various shades. The dyed screw pine, when woven, have an interesting shaded effect, which is based on the variations of the natural base colour. A single layered thazha takes approximately 15 days to make if a person works 8 hours a day. A bed mat containing 2 layered takes upto one month to prepare.

Products The products being made with screw pine include table mats, floor mats, cushion covers, coasters, bags, box covers, beach hats, handbags and wall hangings. The mats are often embellished with fine hand embroidery. The two-ply screw pine mat is used for sleeping on. It consists of a fine upper layer and a coarse bottom one, with stitching at the edge. Super fine mats are made of very fine screw pine leaf splints placed 8 to 10 per inch. High quality mats of up to 22 splints per inch can also be made by experienced artisans. Thazhapaya Mat weaving is a home-based women craft, production is carried out in the artisan's houses. There are no separate premises specifically earmarked for the exclusively handcrafted activity. The price of the product varies depending on quality. The quality of the product is identified by the count of Thazha per inch. A good quality Tazhapaya contains '12' counts per '1' inch. As the count increases per inch the quality also increases.

Issue #008, 2021 ISSN: 2581- 9410 What Is a Tool? A tool is a device or implement, especially one held in the hand, used to carry out a particular function. Tools can be of many kinds but the basic functions of any tool is to create, repair and destroy. There are 4 general rules when it comes to tools: Purchase quality tools, keep tools clean, use the right tool for the right job and be aware of your surroundings.

As a designer and a zoomer, my tool of choice is my phone, it functions as a camera, a sketchpad, and a library all in one. Digital technology allows me to educate myself every day by granting me access to information that I use in my daily life and my professional practice. But in doing so it also overwhelms me with data and drives me further away from my physical reality. My physical reality is set in Yelahanka, a locality on the outskirts of Bangalore, where I came in the fall of 2017 to do my 4-year Undergraduate Degree. As a migrant student from North India, residing in the outskirts of the city, I felt excluded and detached from the cultural heritage of Bengaluru, the IT hub in South of India. There were a few instances particularly when interacting with service workers such as drivers and staff where the knowledge of my North-Indianness would be responded to with the presumption of vanity, my feminism a cause for disdain, and my privilege a warrant for suspicion. As the days I had left in the city I called home for all of my adult life were becoming lesser and lesser, I began thinking about my relationship with the city. I looked back at those initial interactions with a fresh perspective, I observed myself, and noticed my fear, assumptions, and shortcomings. And as any designer would do, I tried to find a solution to the problem. How do I get to know Bangalore? I already knew that Bangalore is widely regarded as the "Silicon Valley or the IT Capital of India because of its role as the nation's leading information technology (IT) exporter. But what I found out through the internet was that Bengaluru is one of the most cosmopolitan, multi-ethnic, and multi-lingual cities in the country. It is also the second fastest-growing major metropolis in India and historians say three waves of migrations made the city what it is today. Kempe Gowda I, a feudatory of the Vijayanagara Empire, laid the foundation of the city by building a mud fort and transferring the capital from Yelahanka to New Bangalore in 1537 AD. He then called traders and other craftsmen from surrounding areas and invited them to make the city their new home. It is said to be an equivalent of modern-day investors' meet as he knew that unless there is no thriving trade, a city can't grow. Francis Buchanan who visited Bangalore around 1800, wrote a travelogue in which he described the people living in the locations he surveyed and their occupations. He focused on weaving as an occupation that transcended communities and also mentioned that Bangalore was a prosperous commercial town under Hyder Ali. W S Caine a famous author who lived in and wrote extensively about Bangalore in the 1930s said in his book, 'Picturesque India', published in 1891, that most of the leading handicrafts of a large Indian city are seen in Bangalore's bazaars and cotton cloths, gold and silver lace, pieces of jewellery and leather are sold in Doddapete. Historians such as Dr. Aruni, Deputy Director of the Indian Council for Historical Research, Bangalore say that it used to be a small sustainable green city until the economic liberalization which led to the industrial revolution in the 1990s and the advent of the Information and communication sector in the 2000s. And within the next decade, the city which has an ecosystem developed by the industries and the institutes of science and technology, soon became the hub of Information Technology, finding itself a spot among the global cities known for innovative technologies. In 2018, Bengaluru became the 7th city from Karnataka to be included in the list of smart cities with a vision of "Liveable Bengaluru- Healthy, Connected & Vibrant". So how has this vision played out in Bangalore? Has technology given citizens a decent quality of life? A clean, sustainable, inclusive environment? Do the citizens of the city know how to apply smart solutions? Based on my limited knowledge of Bangalore I had conveniently assumed that tech is ingrained in the very fiber of Bengaluru's being. As a zoomer, this assumption was reinforced by how abundantly I saw it in use in the hands of the citizens of this Urban Jungle. But does having a tool mean you know how to use it? That too, to its best ability? Is digital technology a tool, providing functional information to those who use them? Are the Citizens of Smart Cities themselves "Smart" because of their technology? To combat the effects of this explicit knowledge that I was getting through the Internet, I decided it was important to expand the range of tools and mediums in furthering my inquiry into Bangalore. I started experimenting with paper and cloth as my primary mediums. I created patterns, lines, and textures using strands of thread and some ink. As I made these, I noticed my ink stained hands which now resembled a wrinkly map, where each line created a road, a path to my identity. I thought about the remnants of the people who created our cities, the hands which created the work that inhabits our spaces, drapes our bodies, and decorates our homes. [caption id="attachment_191876" align="aligncenter" width="245"]

Source : https://500px.com/photo/70686353/Dyers-Hands-by-Vichaya Pop/[/caption] I thought about whether their identity is spread across the city, in every texture, every motif, every element of design that we experience in our cities. So I went to question my assumptions about the city and its people; to look at the Garment Capital of India with fresh senses. And where would be a better place to start than Yelahanka, my neighbourhood and the birthplace of the Original Maker of Bangalore, Kempe Gowda I, to meet the people who make the city. My journey began a fine morning, with me mounted on my cycle, open to any information which came my way. I was looking for people who were making things. Anything. My first stop was at an electrician's workshop, the next a carpenter and in the next couple of days, I would speak to about 12 makers in my area. I asked them all some basic questions about where they came from, how they came to and why they engaged in the practice of making, whether they would want their children to continue their practice and how they use technology in their lives. To my surprise, many of the practitioners responded to the questions with similar answers.

Most makers were not native to Bangalore but instead 1st, 2nd, and even 3rd generation migrants to the city.
They developed their skill by going into a workshop and asking to learn the work as a means to gain economic freedom.
They did not want their children to continue the work as they believe the work has little economic value.
They used their technological devices only as a way to communicate with their clients.

I interspersed this more technical data collecting with time spent visually exploring my locality. I was fascinated by how the Kollam patterns on the road changed daily, and how the exhaust hole of each house had been cut out in a pattern. These were not practises I was sensitised to in my north Indian home. It fascinated me how much design was built into the homes and the streets of people who were my neighbours but had yet felt so distant from me, inaccessible even. Having spent a couple of days riding around on my cycle, I was imbibed with a new sense of confidence

which informed my knowledge that, if I wanted to learn how to do something, all I had to do was ask the people around me to teach me. So I set off on my journey one morning to the Bhaskar, the woodcarver's workshop, which was situated right next to the Shri Anjaneya Swamy Temple, a temple built by Kempe Gowda I at the Northern Yelahanka Gate of his fort which was dedicated to Hanuman, who according to the epic Ramayana, was the son of Vishvakarma, created to aid the avatar Rama. As I arrived there, ready to learn how he makes things, I took out my phone (which I used as my primary tool) to use my camera to document how he made things. We sat in silence with my camera acting as a barrier between us till I realized what I had done. I was making myself an outsider yet again, I was observing Bhaskar make but I wasn't participating in the making. So I took out my material: An A2 Sheet of Lino and sat with him on the textured ground of his Green-walled workshop amongst the wood shavings and asked him whether I could use his tools.

He didn't have an objection but was very inquisitive about my material. As I sat there drawing out the patterns I had seen on homes the day before on my sheet, he asked me what they were and what it was that I was doing. I told him about relief printing, a process of transferring ink onto paper using a printing block or plate. The method very interestingly is also done using wooden sheets called woodcuts or wooden blocks called block-printing, very famously done in the Rajasthan state of India. I showed him videos of the processes and the photos I had taken the day prior. Having found out they were designs taken from his environment he asked me what my interest in them was. I replied saying I had never seen them before arriving in Bangalore, which shocked him further. Bhaskar speaks 4 languages, owing to the diversity of cultures in his neighbourhood, none of which I was adept at except Hindi which he spoke a broken rendition of. But despite this barrier, our simple, interaction led to us sharing stories about our lives, our beliefs, our cultures, and even our shared appreciation for old Hindi music, which he made sure played on the old radio kept on a tiny shelf in his workshop, every time I came to work there. The time I spent with him learning the tools, Bhaskar so generously shared with me, finally resulted in us developing Lino Wood Blocks together but what it taught me was the importance of being able to identify and use the right tool for each situation. Bhaskar, whose name means the sun, I found out, is a devout Vishwabrahmin, who prays to Vishwakarma, 'all maker', a craftsman deity and the divine architect of the gods in contemporary Hinduism. He is part of the Acchari caste which comprises five sub-groups— carpenters, blacksmiths, bronze smiths, goldsmiths, and stonemasons—who believe that they are descendants of Vishvakarma. The threads of history were suddenly coming together in front of me and felt as though I was a part of it, perhaps it was our Brahmanic kinship, or maybe it was my memory of singing the Hanuman Chalisa every night in my hostel Jaipur from the age of 6 - 10, which was also coincidently the place I was introduced to block printing, a technique that I'm drawn to, to this day. This fascination was bolstered by the fact that my mother wears predominantly block printed cotton kurtas despite perhaps as a stylish rebellion against her own cold home state, of Jammu and Kashmir. Being a textile designer herself, it is my mother is who inspired me, or rather pushed me to learn how to stitch. According to her, stitching is an essential life skill that her own mother would be disappointed to know, I do not possess. I however did not believe I needed to learn to do so, till I came across quilts, meticulously stitched by the Siddhi Community of Karnataka, who are the descendants of both early African immigrants to South Asia and enslaved Africans brought to Goa on India by the Portuguese at the beginning of the 16th century. While they have adapted and integrated many aspects of Indian cultures, the Siddis retained and transformed certain African traditions. One such tradition that has been preserved is the making of quilts, known as kawadi in Kannada and kawandi in Konkani, a handicraft that the tribe has been doing for generations, which they credit their ancestors for teaching them the art of making.

The Siddhis were a particularly interesting part of a discussion about the possibilities of innovation inspired by necessity and your physical environment that I had with The next maker I worked with. Tabrez, a native of Bihar, who migrated to Bangalore close to a decade ago to work as an embroiderer. When I first went into Tabrez's shop, it was to acquire some of the scraps the workshop kept in a bag in the back to throw away. As I sat there shifting through his trash to find my treasure in a Women Clothing Boutique we got to talking, unlike Bhaskar, Tabrez and his employees were more comfortable speaking in Hindi and having found another native speaker were very inquisitive about where I was from. When I said U.P. there was an instant north Indian recognition, the workshop has about 5 men whom I had the pleasure of getting to know over the next few days. Slowly but surely, as I composed and patched the scraps I found together into various tapestries, I learned that the trick to using the machine is that you must keep moving the balance wheel forward if you go back the thread gets stuck, I also learned that if you plan things out beforehand, the process of making becomes much faster. As I learned these lessons about stitching and about life I was also able to find out more about them all and the difficult circumstances under which they entered their trade.

Hailing from small villages scattered around Bihar, the employees of Belleza Boutique were all men who had been drafted in their villages by factory workers who promised them a better life with income opportunities as well the chance to study. Upon arriving in the city they were forced to work as bonded labor for many years till the factory owner decided that they had made him enough money to cover the food and board he provided them for the many terrifying years they worked under him. When I asked what got them through that time, I was met with a surprising composure that came from faith. They had self-determination that came from the knowledge that Allah had given them everything they needed to better their lives in the body and their job was to nourish the body and use it to work. They spoke about how life in the village was so much better in this regard, how you were required to work in the field and keep physically fit, how there was a sense of community and everyone knew each other and kept each other in check. Tabrez was a wrestling champion in his village and now is an embroiderer. When I asked him whether he enjoyed what he did, he replied saying that's his work, not his passion and yet his skilled hands embroider beautiful patterns in no time. When I called him an artist Tabrez vehemently denied it, refusing to be acknowledged as different from a skilled laborer. When I inquired about why he made that distinction he equated design with science, saying his lack of standard western education disqualifies him from being a "designer". But I disagreed and wanted to show him just how easy it was to collect new information, and for this, I used my phone. I showed them the siddhi quilts I had seen, examples of stitching as an art form, and spoke about the different ways of seeing and questioning that a designer employs to find inspiration in his/her environment and from their lives. But as I found out over the week I spent in his workshop, Tabrez is no stranger to information, he is a bank of knowledge about Islam as well as current affairs.

While many of our discussions led to a fact-checking session during as well as after, my interactions with the men of Belleza Boutique made me privy to ways of thinking that I had never encountered before because of the socio-technological bubble I had created around me. For the first time in my life, the amount of freedom I had as a woman when I spoke about my travels and my lack of interest in marriage, was reacted with a genuine curiosity about family dynamics. Family, to them, I realised is the most important. They do everything for their families, no move is purely self motivated; and if it is, the community around them readily points it out. It was the same kind of blind faith in family that I was met with when I encountered my third makers, Khurshid and her Granddaughter Sonu or Kusumita. Khurshid is a flower weaver, native to Bangalore, who sells her flowers in front of the Sai baba mandir in Yelahanka, but I met her while exploring the residential part of Yelahanka New town looking for kolams when I smelt the distinct smell of jasmine, my favourite kinds of flowers. As I followed the fragrance I came across a frail old lady sitting on the periphery of her house making garlands.

I asked her whether I could take her picture and she delightfully obliged, her gap-toothed smile endeared me and I sat on the road next to her and promptly asked whether she would teach me to string the delicate jasmine blooms together. "Why would you learn to do this?" She asked me. I replied truthfully, letting her know that jasmine was my favourite flower and that, unlike most southern girls, north Indians were not expected to wear flowers in their hair and so it was a tradition I felt I had missed out on. Upon hearing this she invited me inside her house, where over the next few hours I was made distinctly aware of how differently people live in comparison to me. Sonu, a young girl of 19, who spoke 5 languages and had initially been called by Khurshid to translate what I was saying to her, had recently lost her father to the covid pandemic and wanted desperately to fulfil her fathers wish and relieve the burden of getting her married off her mother's shoulders. So while studying her BBA in a college on scholarship, she was looking for a job as a maid in my housing society to be able to contribute to the family income. Due to unforeseen circumstances, Khurshid and Kusumita from 2 different worlds of experience and knowledge were forced to live together and witnessing this dynamic even as an outsider hit close to home. The entirety of the time I spent in Khurshid's home I was distinctly aware of how the stark difference in the lives all of us had had, but what brought us all together however was how similar our experiences of fear were as women. Each of us in different ways had felt the effects of patriarchy and could understand each other's struggles. Khurshid with her inability to stop her husband from taking on a second wife after she had 5 children with him, Her daughter being told she was incapable of taking her husbands business on, Kusumita, who couldn't marry the boy she wanted to because of a class divide and I who was always suspicious of men from many experiences of harassment on the streets of New Delhi. Having found this rather terrifying middle ground, I was welcomed to their home whenever I went and over the course of a week, I had met 4 of Khurshid's 5 daughter as well as their children. We spent one warm afternoon, sitting in the verandah of the house Pounding flowers onto bags to dye them, Both the girls and boys were very interested in both the tools I was using, my multitool to pound the flowers in a pattern as well as my phone which I kept on the side to document our making. I realised very quickly that they loved taking pictures as they organised a photoshoot for Kusumita in the new outfit she had gotten to meet her potential suitors.

The most important lesson I learned from the Khurshids family was that I was welcome. Every time I was introduced to a member of Khurshids family, I was introduced as Sonu and her sister Nehas friends, every time I went to their house, I was fed and every time I left, I was invited back. The warmth I felt while working with them made me realise that I am the only deterrent to my learning and that being open to possibility is the only way to truly make discoveries.

I went on this journey intending to find out how important technology was in learning but while I did realise its value as a tool for exchange, the time I spent with makers brought me closer to understanding exactly how important arts and crafts are in creating the opportunity for us to share that knowledge. They encourage tradition and pass on generational knowledge while also influencing society by changing opinions, instilling values, and translating experiences into tangible materials as proof of one’s ancestry and skill. There is incredible value in this exchange as it allows us to bridge the wealth gap and build community by creating links to a democratic and sustainable support system to help satisfy our requirements. It fosters self-reliance, social justice and equality by mobilising the real wealth of a community: The knowledge and skills of its people. So while making alone helped boost my self-esteem and gave me a sense of self-sufficiency, making with members of my community brought me closer to my identity. It forced me to look inward to find motivation and a true purpose; and outward for help in achieving my purpose, allowing me to be more aligned with my physical surroundings. And that is how my tool aided quest to understand Bangalore, led me to find myself and my community. References

I would like to thank The Organization of World Heritage Cities, the Getty Conservation Institute and the city of Evora for the opportunity to offer the Aid to Artisan concept and method, “From Maker to Market", to the World Heritage Cities represented here by so many dedicated and forward-looking city officials, preservationists, planners and dreamers.

Craftsmen built your famous and fabled cities and still have an important role in their maintenance and restoration. A skilled and prosperous artisan sector is a major asset and an important factor in both the recognition and sustainability of your cities. They do the skilled and essential repairs, of course, but in a natural way they also preserve traditional culture by making it familiar and popular. You already know the many colorful ways to increase a visitor's appreciation of your city – the festivals, the sol y luna performances, the folkloric ballets, the puppet shows, the concerts and theaters, boat trips and buggy rides, the cafes and restaurants, museums and galleries. Because you, as preservationists, already know the value of your own culture and identity, I'd like to skip to a clearly commercial aspect of culture and show how crafts can be a mare important part of your city's economy. Visitors spend a lot of money on crafts. An average traveler will buy five gifts to take home at about $10 each. one or two special objects for themselves at about $100 each. That's $250 . Multiply your own visitor count by $250 and the total will be impressive Nassau, in the Bahamas, not even a World Heritage City, receives 3,000,000 visitors annually, and, were they to spend their quota, it would mean a $7,500,000 bonanza. Sadly, most of the islands crafts are wade elsewhere. A PATA travel expert told me that his group of twenty Silk Road travelers had each planned la spend about $2,000 on carpets, miniatures and calligraphy but were frustrated because they could find nothing of quality to buy. What a loss ($40,000) for the local artisans. It’s a pity they didn’t know about the ancients silk. ikat workshop in Margilan, Uzbekistan, where. Steered by ”Lonely Planet ". thirty-three members from Washington DC .Textile Museum bought in one afternoon as much silk ikat as the factory had sold all year long. Unlike airfare and prepaid package tour costs, money spent on crafts spreads instantly and undiluted into the local community and it's not just income to the artisans, as welcome as that would be, but a cross-cultural, person-to person experience as well. Crafts are a popular souvenir for visitors, ranking close in importance to cool drinks in a cafe, and watching the process of making crafts has become as attractive a ”destination" as a lecture on frescoes. Learning, participating, has become a pleasure, as proven by the enormous success of study-tours like the Elderhostel tours. (Elderhostel sends 250,000 visitors, ail of them 55 or more, out each year.) ATA Method I'd like to suggest the Aid to Artisan methods as ways you might incorporate the artisan sector and its talent and resources into your city's future. Artisans as partners At ATA we recognize that artisans have the skills and often the motivation to develop successful enterprises. It has been our experience that, while governments, international, federal or local and NGOs like ATA can and should offer assistance in the field of information, publicity and promotion, sales and special events, sites and subsidies, the artisans themselves, either individually or in associations, and their vendors mill be the driving force. Understanding the market The ATA method starts with the market. Who comes to the city? And what do they buy? This doesn’t require expensive market studies if you already have data on your visitors (country of origin, age, occupation, season and duration of their visits etc.). Inventory the human resources We survey the artisans to find out who they are and what they make. We study their historical, cultural and economic background as well as their current status. And as soon as possible we make our work visible. Too much time on research does not instill confidence in either participants or our sponsors so we often begin by publishing and distributing maps, brochures and guidebooks And we always buy samples. An exceptional well done guidebook like one put by Hand-in-Hand, a North Carolina partnership of government, business and educational institutions, can be very effective – crafts contribute 122 million dollars annually to North Carolina’s economy. We inventory material resources - the work sites (workshops, Factories. studios), the raw materials and techniques, the tools and equipment, the natural and competitive advantages and constraints and, even at the outset, we help to resolve the problems. ATA is particularly well known for product development and we often suggest or design variations on traditional handcrafts that we know will suit the market. This is not intended to change the traditional craft, but to add other salable products to the mix. We analyze the sales venues - artisan centers, markets, shops, galleries, roadside and street vendors, hotel gift shops, airport shops and advise on ways to increase sales through changed location, store design, merchandising, and through local recognition, publicity and sales training. Need for training - A city can offer artisans on-going seminars in business, particularly in understanding costs and pricing. Standard record-keeping courses are also invaluable. So is access to credit. And it's good business sense to encourage, as in Islamabad, the training of today's artisans in the ancient and highly skilled building trades such as stucco, carved plaster, mosaic. Craft schools are themselves magnets for travelers. All this background knowledge is doubtless known to you already, and has only to be recognized as a necessary framework for strategic planning far this sector. None of this interests your visitors. What DO they want? They want to buy something evocative, authentic, well-priced and portable. They usually don’t know what it is because they haven't seen it yet, so it’s not cost-effective to spend market research money asking them. They do know what sects their buying energy and, emotional as it sounds, this is a serious factor in designing an artisan promotion and marketing program. Visitors like to shop and they want to enjoy the shopping experience. This usually means a convenient location, a friend1y greeting, clean and attractive premises and a feeling ofsafety. They also expect to receive change, to get receipts and they hope to be able to use credit cards. Crafts as Merchandise – From Souvenir' to Fine An Visitors want to believe they have made a good choice, that their taste is excellent and that they have not been overcharged. They want their friends to admire and even to envy them They like choice. If there is only one mohair shawl in the market stall they will not buy it. They like to believe they have chosen the best. They want it to be special They like a story to go with the object, sometimes told by the artisan, sometimes a simple hang-tag, or sometimes the story is the story of their own adventurous search They like to think the thing they bought actually works, is useful and, therefore, not a foolish purchase. They say they worry about carrying it, about size and breakage and how to fit it in a suitcase Every traveler wants to buy ceramic and glass, especially here in Portugal where the styles while ancient, are also lively, perfectly suited to today's lifestyle and I am eager too. I wonder.... Will the artisans ship? How much will it cost? Is there insurance? I've mentioned crafts and the decorative arts but have intentionally left antiques out of this discussion, even though antiques are one of the most wanted tourist purchases. At Aid to Artisans our mission is to help today's artisans We want collectors to buy the work of living artisans, people whose craft and way of life may not survive without the patronage of collectors, importers and tourists, all, in our own way, preservationists. We very much hope that you, as leaders in some of the world’s most important and precious cities, will discourage the sale of antiquities end, instead, encourage the patronage of your own living artisans in every way you can. As much as the blue tiles of Samarkand, the pyramids of Mayan cities, the lacy stone palaces of Jaipur, the gargoyles and goddesses of Paris and Capri and the wonderfully restored temple of Borobudur, the artisans are your treasures too.

Nakshi Kantha, the traditional needlecraft of Bengal, India, it displays a rich vocabulary of motifs. These motifs are deeply rooted in strong religious beliefs and underlay a strong symbolism. These motifs signify the desire for self expression and manifestation of the artisan’s aspirations. Nakshi Kantha was and is more than just a decorative quilt; they were the canvas for self-expression, their values and beliefs. Furthermore, use of these symbols display a keen desire to establish their own identity and position in the society and the urge to manifest their aspirations through religious symbolism, direct depiction and aesthetic display. Tree of life, Lotus and Fish have been three of the most popular and mindfully chosen motifs. This paper is an attempt to study the semiotics of these three motifs on Nakshi Kantha of West Bengal of early 19th century to late 20th century. Nakshi Kantha and its historical evidences - Undivided Bengal, now divided between India and Bangladesh has been known for their folk needle craft. East Bengal, now Bangladesh and West Bengal, now a state in East India have embroidered Nakshi Kantha (Naik, 1996) (Zaman, 1993). Kantha, the poor man’s quilt, displays extraordinary creativity, curious motifs and immense amount of patience (Dhameeja, 2004). Kantha has dominantly existed in the rural Bengal household since time immemorial. Kantha originated in the hour of need when economic conditions of an average rural household were challenging and the family was faced with a difficult cold weather or was marked by a childbirth that needed security. The old and torn Saris, unstitched lengths of fabrics, draped by Indian women as traditional clothing were put to use. These ragged saris were layered and quilted together with patterned running stitches. The threads used for quilting were drawn out from the colourful borders of the saris (Zaman, 1993) (Nag, 1982). Eventually Kantha graduated to patterned embroidered motifs on the surface of the quilts. These quilts were the canvases for the women and have got intermingled in the lives of the people (Das, 1992). K Padmaja conveys this in her paper, “The most endearing gift exchanged at birth, death or marriage, the seat of honour offered to welcome guests, the mark of respect for the dead, the wandering fakirs drape, the personal wallet for carrying little valuables or a wrap for any other precious possession, Kantha in Bengal is not any frozen art stored behind museum glass, it is an integral part of the lives of the country folk ”. Lotus, Fish, Earthen pitchers, Tree of life, Mouse, Peacock, Elephant, Bull etc have remained in the motif vocabulary of Nakshi Kantha quilts and other Kantha articles. These motifs have been found to have a semiotic significance and find their roots in religion and mythology. This paper studies the semiotic significance of the commonly used motifs in the Kantha (Stella Kramrisch, 1983) (Naik, 1996). Well know Author Niaz Zaman in her book, ‘The Art of Kantha Embroidery has very interestingly documented all the aspects of the making of the Kantha. The stitches and the motifs that are used, the history of Kantha etc have been well categorized and documented. Jamuna Nag has written about how alpona design, floor decoration done with chalk) found themselves on the Kantha quilts. The alpona motifs, deep rooted in religion were a ready reference for the artisan to embroider them. Jasleen Dhamija an author of world fame has written about the symbolic nature of the motifs and the connotations that they have are deeply rooted in religion. UNDERSTANDING NAKSHI KANTHA ORIGIN
	Most books on Kantha have not been able to date the craft. Kantha was a craft of the poor and did not get recognition as a craft. The most poetic reference of Kantha has been found in Poet Jasimuddins Poem ‘Nakshi Kantha Math’. The earliest mention of Bengal Kantha is found in the book, "Sri Sri Chaitanya Charitamrita" by Krishnadas Kaviraj which was written some five hundred years back. The second earliest reference is in Zaman's book about the famous artist Abanindranath Tagore, who seemed to have encountered a woman in a village in a district of Srihatta of Bangladesh, who recorded her life story in her Kantha spanning a period starting from her marriage to old age (Zaman, 1993).
So, when did this art begin? That has been a debatable question. Some experts are of the opinion that its origin dates back to ancient India and that the Kantha has references in the Rig Veda, Upanishads, and in Panini’s text. In support of the existence of folk arts and crafts of Bengal from ancient times the renowned scholar Ananda K. Coomaraswamy says that the folk arts that survive in Bengal are directly descended from pre Harappan- Indus Saraswati civilization which at least 5000 years before present. Lord Buddha, Mahavira or Chaitanya, Jain saints or Sufi poets, the warm Kantha blanket is said to have been the garb of ascetics through the ages. The earliest surviving record of Bengal Kantha is found in the book, "Sri Sri Chaitanya Charitamrita" by Krishnadas Kaviraj which was written some five hundred years back. Though sample collections cover only a few hundred years back, it is quite likely that the craft in fact dates back to ancient times. This form of textile for ordinary folk has perhaps been raised to the level of art objects in the medieval period in Bengal (Padmaja, 2006) (Zaman, 1993). Dr. Stella Kramrisch has described a mythical story to indicate the origin of this art form. According to this story, there was a guru by the name of Kanthalipa (plastering guru). By caste he was a sweeper. He used to collect old rags and torn cloth which he found while sweeping. One day a needle pricked his finger; it hurt so much that he started crying. Hearing his wailing a dakini (witch or spirit) appeared before him. "She reproached him: 'If you cry at such little pain, how you would be able to bear the pathos of rebirth over and over again? Kanthalipi answered to her 'That is true but I do not know what I should do, 'the dakini advised him: 'The sky is nothing but a great void in endless space. Between the earth and the sky is also a vast emptiness. While sewing the pieces of rags you should achieve unity of spirit and purpose with all living creatures in the world. The sewing of rags symbolizes the use of all discarded things. To do this you need to consolidate your deep feelings and knowledge. Sitting in the void you will have to combine your thoughts and knowledge with the help of the needle of kindness. The pieces of rags sewn together to make a new cloth of new Kantha will turn into a complete piece. Similarly all the universe's living things will be able to create their own entities (Stella Kramrisch, 1983). The authentication or the origin of these myths is unknown. However these myths confirm the fact that the origin itself of Kantha is deeply rooted in mythology, religion and symbolism. The birth of the craft is coated with semiotics of religion and spirituality (Dhameeja, 2004). Kantha was practiced by women of all classes amongst Hindus and Muslims in Bengal. Some experts are of the opinion that it flourished more in East Bengal, now Bangladesh than in West Bengal. Some extraordinary samples of Kantha from the 19th century have found home in the districts of Jessore, Khulna, Barisal, and Faridpur areas of present Bangladesh and also from the districts of Hugli, Birbhum and 24 Parganas of West Bengal. Through the ages the two communities; Hindus and Muslims have contributed significantly towards motifs and forms used in the craft (Ranjan, 2007). KANTHA UNRAVELED If ever there was a true sorority in the world of ideas, it must have been in the field of quilt making...Women, all over the world, took up the responsibility of providing everybody with the warmth against the cold, harsh winter.True, over time, some men joined into foray, but their numbers were never very significant. Hence, Niaz Zaman, in her book, " The Art of Kantha Embroidery," stated that Kantha making is a "women's art" (Zaman, 1993).

It is a clever use of universal quilting stitch, in colours and designs that are distinctive. This needlework from rural Bengal that is hi-fashion today had humble beginnings. Village women would sit in the backyards of their mud huts after the morning's chores were over, sharing the days tidings, their chatter idle but their fingers not. Making tiny, running stitches, they deftly sewed together pieces of old fabric-converting tatters into warm, comfortable quilts for their loved ones in the family (Das, 1992) (Zaman, 1993). With creativity of an artist, they would sew scenes from rural life – animals birds, village huts with children, water pumps, fisher women selling their wares, even frogs and snakes. Apart from patchwork quilts, they also made bridal garments for their young ones and warm rugs for their newborn babies. For over 2000 years, the patchwork Kantha held pride of place in rural Bengal (Dhameeja, 2004).

STITCHES In style, form, fabric or technique, through sheer skill and patience the Bengali women have been able to create stunning patterns by employing the most simple and frugal methods. The Kantha is really a play of the ordinary running stitch used in its myriad variations. Through variation in its length and spacing, a surface composed of multitudes of squares and triangles is created that has a marvellous speckled texture. These closely placed stitches gave a quality of swiftness and rhythm to the ground. The chief stitches used were the darning stitch, the satin stitch, the loop stitch, the stem stitch and the split stitch. Sometimes the darning stitch is used to create an effect similar to that of weaving (Naik, 1996) (Zaman, 1993).

Bengal Nakshi Kantha making is a little different from other quilting artistry. The material is different, so is the stitching method. From a very long time, Bengal cotton and silk have been known in the world market for its finesse and quality. When such beautiful creations were worn and old, Bengal women did not see any reason to throw them away. Beautiful sari borders were preserved, the soft dhotis, men's clothes were placed layer upon layer and stitched encased in sari borders. Thus started the recycling art of the world. The stitching patterns of Bengal Nakshi Kantha are simple, but it can be very intricate depending on the inclination of the Nakshi Kantha maker.

USAGES The women of Bengal layer rags together and make utilitarian and functional items for use in their day to day lives. Unlike the plight of a lot of crafts where with commercialization, the craft communities themselves have discontinued personal usage, Kantha continues to be a living craft in rural Bengal. During my field trips in some of the villages, the poorest houses to this day own at least one piece of Kantha. In the lack of great riches, these rural folk have created the most splendid substitutes to expensive sofas or blankets (Zaman, 1993).Both Hindus and Muslim women make use of Kantha in a variety of ways:LEP KANTHAS - are used as a cover in winters. Measuring 61/4. x 41/2. these are heavily padded, thick and are embroidered with coloured threads although somewhat sparingly.SUJNI KANTHAS - are embroidered ceremonial wraps offered as a seat to honoured guests and at weddings. These are thin and represent the highest culmination of the embroidery artwork.BAYTON KANTHAS - are essentially wraps for tying books, cover for old trunks, table cloth etc.DURJANI KANTHA - is a square piece of wrap with an embroidered border all around and a lotus in the middle. The three corners are folded and stitched at the centre to make a wallet out of it. It is used to hold betel nuts, rosary, and money or needlework articles.ARSHILATA KANTHA - used as wraps for mirrors or combs.OAR KANTHA is used as a pillow cover and usually employs longitudinal border patterns running across the body.RUMAL KANTHA used as a handkerchief, this consists of a lotus at the centre around which other motifs are drawn. All this enclosed within a square sewn along the edges.INFLUENCES ON THE CRAFT Kantha craft had one of the earliest influences of globalization on it. What we now refer to as Indo – Portuguese Kantha style, originated under the influence of the Portuguese in the 15-16th century. During this period wild silk muga thread was used to embroider ornate European motifs on an off white cotton base. These Kantha’s were exported to Portugal and used as gowns, wall hangings, bed covers etc (Dhameeja, 2004).

As objects of endearment that were essentially folk in nature, it continued in its pure and innocent form as an integral part of rural societies. And to this day it continues to hold the same importance and relevance in rural Bengal. Be it a Hindu or Muslim home in rural Bengal, Kantha is still the most honorable and valued gift that is exchanged at marriage, birth or death (Stella Kramrisch, 1983).

INTERACTIONS AND RELATIONSHIP OF THE CRAFT WITH SOCIETY The societies in rural West Bengal as they were in 19th century were manifestly dominated by the activity of Kantha , while consumption, was also in same societies where the majority of the population were ill-nourished in addition to being poorly clothed and housed, did not appear to be an issue that warranted much investigation. Kantha was more of a needle-based craft of that society only that it developed into beautiful art.RELIGION AND CULTURE The traditional (that is to say, the 19th- and early 20th-century) view of crafts relationship with culture is probably best expressed in the writings of such social critics as Karl Marx and Thorsten Veblen. For these thinkers, the form of labour that was undertaken by the craftsman or craftswoman was the most quintessential of all human activity. It was seen as ennobling, humanizing and, hence, the ideal means through which individuals could express their humanity (Dhameeja, 2004).More than just a commodity for daily use, Kantha has wrapped several religious and cultural engagements in its folds. Symbols and colours that are considered auspicious in the religion are sewn onto the surface.ART MUSIC AND FESTIVALS Kantha upgraded itself from an item of daily use soon enough and started claiming the status for artistic embroidery. Certain Nakshi Kantha was getting commissioned for export and was pieces of art itself. They were minutely embroidered and the selection of motifs and placement, choice of colours spoke the language of art (Ranjan, 2007).Nakshi Kantha also became a part of folk Music. It finds mention in Nakshi Kanthas Math of Poet Jasimuddin. Several other folk songs from unknown poets and singers are still being sung at local festivals. These folk songs are now appreciated worldwide.INDIVIDUAL Kantha has been part of lives of people from birth to death in the light of culture. Kantha was made for a new born baby to wrap him in rags to ward off any evil eye. It displays cultural symbolism of protecting the child from any evil spirit. A girl would prepare Kantha with carefully chosen symbols and colors as her dowry for marriage (Padmaja, 2006).

SELF EXPRESSION AND THE ART OF CRAFT Close-up on a Bengali word handwritten with angular, jaunty letters.Edward Hopper “If I could say it in words there would be no reason to paint.”Time immemorial people have discovered and identified various mediums of self-expression, expression of one's own personality, feelings, or ideas, through any form of art can be a medium of self expression. It gives power to exhibit the portrait of self to establish a connection with the environment. It is characteristic of a particular person or group of people or period.

Craft as self-expression can find its subject from, for instance, tradition, the future, fine art, music, stories, poems, nature, created heritage, field trips and excursions, events or memories. A common stimulating theme can assist in creating associations.. The sole desire to stimulate expression of the self and the emotions associated with a projection of self in multiple roles that women had to play in rural Bengal. She would have multi layered roles of a farmer, a homemaker, a designer, a seller and many more. The selection of motifs, patterns and the placement of these patterns display their aspiration, perceptions and connections with the immediate social environment In the midst of juggling between so many roles, the desire for self expression found the craft of Kantha as a medium. Women while embroidering these symbols of happiness and prosperity on the Nakshi Kantha and repeatedly thinking about their manifestations brought them closer to the soul of the world, and stitched the manifestations forever in their universe (Nag, 1982). MYTHOLOGY AND THE SYMBOLS OF SELF-EXPRESSION The folk needle craft of Nakshi Kantha displays a strong mythological symbolism. Some of these symbols are versatile in nature and find background in several cultures. These are sometimes combined with stories, allegories or composite iconographies. They find references in Hindu as well as European gamut. The motifs that arrive from Hindu themes revolve around the cult of Vishnu. Some truly diverse Kantha quilts from Satagaon also display an assortment of influence as they are found with Portuguese, Greco Roman and Hindu mythological motif all together in one quilt. Veronica Murphy talks about the vast playground for motifs with extremes from Flora to Fauna; western to eastern cultures and reality to mythology. In such a scenario, the ultimate origin for certain motifs cannot be emphasized with certainty. She also talks about certain imagery that is claimed by both the cultures where they are deciphered differently and some are distorted beyond identification. The icons particular to legends or popular mythological themes are still identifiable (Dhameeja, 2004). In my paper, Lotus and the Kantha, Oct 2008, Craft Revival Trust www.craftrevival.org, I have researched on the motif of lotus specifically and its importance in Nakshi Kantha and the Self expression of the crafter for economic well being. “The people who were making these quilts were financially not very well off. And considering the fact that, the people were not so well off yet very religious; they embroider lotuses with a lot of variations to impress Goddess Laxmi. They probably believed that the goddess might bless them with better status in life.” TIMES, SOCIETY AND THE WOMEN According to Joyce Starr Johnson, „Textile handicrafts are special because they are made with love and are connected to personal histories (or present) of the crafters. The outcome may relate to a certain time and its phenomena, so that craft-art depicts a lived reality. Art is a way to grow sensitive to different cultural or ecological phenomena, reflect on culture and society, and to help understand and accept cultural differences (Dhameeja, 2004). Kantha has seen various influences and yet maintained its integrity. There have been Portuguese and British as well as partition of east and west Bengal; and partition with Pakistan influence on the motif vocabulary. Preserved Kantha quilts, 60 to 70 years old, display British soldiers with rifles and farmers, who were poor and helpless. Yet, they had hope and aspirations that life will go and there will be prosperity which were depicted by the kalpavriksha. - the tree of life. This symbolism is simultaneously seen in the alpona designs. As Jamuna Nag points out in her article on Alpona and Kantha- that typical symbols of fertility are stylized in alpona designs when a newlywed couple is to visit the house. As a woman is also considered to be a synonym of goddess Laxmi, footprints of Laxmi are drawn on both sides of the stairs. The aspiration of the woman to bring forth children, a good harvest and hence prosperity to the home, inspires her to draw fishes for fertility; seeds and stems for good harvest and Lakshmi’s foot print or Lotuses for luck and prosperity (Nag, 1982). Wives of farmers helped their men in the farm and would embroider themselves farming, farm animals and farming tools. They would embroider Sun, water and birds and – the essentials for farming and hence a manifest for a good harvest. The handcrafter’s aspirations for prosperity, marital bliss, freedom, economical well being, bodily health and spiritual health, and desire for knowledge are shown through the mythological symbols of Lotus, Symbol of Goddess Laxmi for economical well being, Tree of life, Spiritual concept that says Life must go on , Mouse a Symbol of Lord Ganesha – God for good beginnings, Peacock, Elephant, Nandi – the bull for Lord Shiva, for marital bliss and overall well being etc have remained in the symbolic religious design and motif vocabulary of Kantha quilts and other Kantha articles (Padmaja, 2006). Women with more inclination towards dance and music would get opportunities to dance may be once in a year during festival seasons. However, they expressed their inner inclination through Kantha. Ragged Kantha with symbols of godly blessing were made for the newborn babies. They believe that the newly born child has to be saved from the evil eye and so the child has to wrapped in Rags, so that they can ward off the nazar displaying that the child is not something that they care for. However, they would yet embroider motifs of symbols that talk about blessings of gods and goddesses, also believing that the gods are blessing the child. A closer look at the choice of motifs that were made, over a period of time displayed a direct relation with the times they are made in. Not only the choice of colours, the style and the placement of pattern but the choice of patterns tells the era they were made in. Kantha made during the period when India was under the British rule showed British soldiers on the horses. During the freedom fight, the influence of the political parties was clearly evident. And to keep the traditions alive, Kantha artist today embroider cars and buses. I wouldn.t be surprised to see a computer or a mobile phone embroidered on the Kantha on my next trip to Shantiniketan, Bolpur. The flowers and the choice of colors have become fairly modern. Modern tulips and lilies have made their way on the Kantha. Kantha made in the current date may have lost the religious symbolism, however the role of Kantha as a mode of self expression still exist. I may not find any new brides embroidering the lotus however they make fairly modern pieces with modern design sensibility, to express the fact that they have become more modern in their thinking and actions.

SYMBOLS IN THE FORM OF MOTIFS USED IN NAKSHI KANTHA Textile symbolism in India is hallowed by tradition. In the Rig Veda and the Upanishads the universe is envisioned as a fabric woven by the gods. The cosmos, the ordered universe, is one continuous fabric with its warp and woof making a grid pattern. The cut fabric or the sari is the symbol of totality and integrity. It symbolizes the whole of manifestation . The motifs used apparently were inspired from daily life in general. Trees, creepers, flowers, fishes are most commonly used motifs. Lotus, Tree of life, Mouse, Peacock, Elephant, Nandi – the bull etc have remained in the symbolic religious design vocabulary of Nakshi Kantha quilts and other Kantha articles (Dhameeja, 2004).

These motifs, that appear to be objects of daily life, are rooted in strong traditional and mythological symbolism. A simple tree is a symbol of ever-growing life that seizes to exist. It is called the tree of life. Tree of life - A Spiritual concept that says Life must go on A simple tree is a symbol of ever-growing life that seizes to exist. It.s called the „tree of life.. It is a symbol of fertility, and hence continuity of life. A creeper signifies family bonding. A newlywed woman or a girl soon to marry is considered the carrier of life by bearing the child and will take the generation and the family name forward. It is considered auspicious if the new bride carries with her these auspicious symbols. Her aspirations to bear children so that life of the family moves forward; a good harvest to bring about prosperity in the family are her manifestations symbolized on the „tree of life. motif that she embroiders in the four corners of the Nakshi Kantha. The Tree of Life concept is sacred to most cultures. Its significance transcends conscious reality, touching the subconscious and beyond the indefinable. Even if the original meaning is obscured, the symbol retains an unconscious link with our primeval memory and becomes a source of strength.

The Cosmic Tree symbol occurs in practically all cultures. Its roots plunge deep into the nether world; branches reach upwards towards heaven and support it. The trunk is the means of ascending upwards and reaching beyond, thereby connecting three worlds. In Shamanistic ritual, the priest ascends up the tree, step by step, calling out at every stage the visions that come to him until he reaches the seventh step, the highest. Among the Bhil tribes in Western India, a dead ancestor's soul is ritually appeased by the priest as he climbs the steps cut into the tree or a pole. Once he reaches the seventh stage, the soul is released and the purified spirit rests with God. The tree is seen as a point of contact or an mixed antenna, which reaches out to the beyond. The Tree of Life not only stands for growth, proliferation and regeneration; it is associated with the inexhaustible abundance of life, reflecting immortality and the cyclic ebb and flow of cosmic life.

Most of the Nakshi Kantha that have been documented from early 19th Century to some of the till the mid 20th century have been found with the tree of life motif. The motif has been found placed in the four corners of the quilt pointing towards the central motif of Nakshi Kantha. Two varieties of the fig (called Ashvatta in Sanskrit), the banyan tree and the Peepal tree are the most revered in the Indian tradition, and both are considered the trees of life. The Banyan symbolizes fertility, according to the Agni Purana, and is worshipped by those wanting children. It is also referred to as the tree of immortality in many Hindu scriptures. The banyan is believed to have nourished mankind with its milk before the advent of grain and other food. The fig tree is either a player or an observer in several scriptural events in Hinduism. The sages and seers sit under the shade of the fig tree to seek enlightenment, hold discourses and conduct Vedic rituals. The Bodhi tree under which Gautama Buddha achieved enlightenment is a peepal tree. The fig tree assumes special importance in the Indian tradition owing mainly to its 'two-way growth' (aerial 'roots' growing downwards) (wikipedia).

THE LOTUS Lotus has been a very popular motif in the quilted Nakshi Kantha, according to almost all the books that talk about Kantha. Several books talk about 108 petal lotus motifs whereas others talk about 100 petal lotus, called the satadal’. Niaz Zaman.s book talks about 100 petal lotus. However, considering the fact that he is talking about Nakshi Kantha in Bangladesh, may be the variation was more evident there. The figure 108 has a religious significance in the Hindu religion. It is believed that the lotus on which Lord Brahma sits has 108 petals. It is also believed that sati has 108 avatars. The beaded mala (strings of beads) used for chanting in Hindu religion essentially contain 108 beads (Zaman, 1993). The lotus has a lot of relevance in the Hindu religion. Goddess Laxmi5, the goddess of financial well being holds a lotus in her hand, so the lotus symbolizes her. Lord Krishna, who is the avatar or Lord Vishnu, has his seat on Lotus. Also lord Krishna’s feet are compared to Lotus. It is believed that Krishna could walk on the surface of the water like the lotus floats on the surface of water, hence the comparison. Goddess Saraswati also holds a lotus in her hand. Other than this symbolism, in Hinduism, lotus is considered to be a good flower to offer to the Gods Shiva, and goddesses like Saraswati and Kali. (wikipedia) Nakshi Kantha quilts made a century ago essentially had lotuses on them. The envelopes made for keeping money and other valuable articles were always containing lotus as the central motif (Naik, 1996). West Bengal has a widespread popularity for Goddess Kali; hence, the lotus could be a symbolism for this. It may also be for goddess Laxmi. The people who were making these quilts were financially not very well off. And considering this fact it is believed that they embroidered lotuses with a lot of variations to impress Goddess Laxmi or Goddess Kali. They probably believed that the goddess might bless them with better status in life. It is unlikely that the lotus symbolized Krishna; as he is not a very popular god in this area.

Lotus is also a symbol of cosmic harmony and essential womanhood in Hinduism. As the women use to embroider these quilts to take with them as a dowry item, embroidering lotus was considered auspicious. For a woman who is going to be married or was newly married, becoming a mother was the most important blessing she would want. Bringing prosperity in the new house where she is wedded and taking the family name forward by bearing children would earn her the maximum respect from the family. And hence she would symbolically pray for these by embroidering lotus on the quilts. It was a manifestation for marital happiness by these young women (Padmaja, 2006) (Stella Kramrisch, 1983).

Lotus was seen in a wide variety of variation. It mostly was embroidered in the center of the quilt and rest of the motifs was arranged around it. In the quilts the lotus embroidered was fairly large. It would almost cover the width of the quilt leaving space only for the borders, however in the length of the quilt would still have space for other motifs. Some of the lotuses seen were less realistic and more symbolic in nature. They were geometric in shape. Sometimes, a little more realistic feel has also been observed in the lotuses embroidered. The petals were paisley shaped and multiple petals were embroidered; however all the petals were of the same size. In case, of geometrical lotuses, mostly the inner petals were small and the outer petals were larger. The lotuses were mostly embroidered in Pink or Red color and had black outlines. The Lotus was always made from the top view. The modern version however has more of side views.

According to John Irwin, the lotus medallion in the center is also a symbol of entire universe. It would have four butis or trees in four corners. The depiction of the universe with lotus could be due to the mythological fact that the universe was created by Lord Brahma, whose seat is on the lotus. Other than the Kantha, lotus is also a popular motif for the Bayton kantha which is the wrap for the accounts book. Bayton is a square piece with 108 petal lotus in the centre. Another item often seen with the lotus motif is the ‘Durjari Kantha’. This Kantha is again made out of a square piece but is stitched in an envelope format. Three corners of the square are stitched together in the centre and the fourth corner is left loose for the opening. It has a large central lotus motif and a border. The significance of the lotus motif on these items is fairly obvious. They hold account book and valuable articles/money respectively and so the goddess of finances is symbolized through the lotus.

Kantha made in the current date have lost all these symbolism. Although, lotus motif was seen in various articles that were being made, but the motifs were modernized and to a large extent simplified. Moreover, the lotus motif was used purely for design and aesthetic purpose. The symbolic significance of the religiously important flower is lost. I could not find any new brides embroidering the lotus however a lot of old pieces that were made by their grandmas when they got married still existed and had them.

THE FISHES - Matsya Avatar) Out of the ten incarnations of Lord Vishnu, Matsya, The fish avatar was the first one. This avatar of Fish warns Sage Manu about the great flood and saved the mankind from extinction. Vishnu in the form of a little fish swam in the cupped palms of Sage Manu who was washing his hands in the river. Vishnu grew into a large fish and warned a week in advance to build a large Ark and saves all medicinal herbs, all the varieties of seeds, and to bring the seven saints along with the serpent Vasuki and other animals in the ark. (wikipedia)

Fishes are essential staple diet of rural Bengal. The Bay of Bengal and lots and lots of ponds ensures variety and huge quantity of fishes in the region. While travelling to see more and more Kantha pieces and not the especially commissioned pieces that were there in the museums; I noticed that the villages in West Bengal, especially in Birbhum district had lots of natural ponds. In fact, for every 7-8 houses there is a pond which is the source of their water needs. Most of them were also the fish ponds where they would fish. However they would always ensure that they leave enough behind for reproduction so as not to deplete them. It may be a strong possibility that this concept of not fishing all the fishes of the pond so that the reproduction continues forever makes the fishes a symbol of fertility.

Fishes are considered auspicious for any ceremony, religious or personal. Be it a wedding ceremony or a religious function, fishes are most important delicacies for these events. They are a symbol of growth and fertility. These are only few of the several mythological symbols that stitch their desires in the textile, forever, and become a part of their day to day lives reminding them of the hopes and wishes to manifest for a life that they believe they belong to (Nag, 1982).CONCLUSION From the detailed review and the semiotic study of the three chosen motifs, it is understood that the motifs in Kantha of the early 19th century till the late 20th century had religious connotations. The motifs were not merely randomly chosen motifs from the nature. They had manifestations of aspirations of the artisans. The quilts were used as a canvas to self expresses their desires as embroidered motifs that were placed in a fashion that portrayed their aspirations. Central lotus motif had a connotation of financial well being and that the core of entire well being. Tree of Life , were generally placed in four corners of the quilt and its symbolized evergreen growth in all the aspects if living. Fishes were placed randomly as they were considered as auspicious symbols and were considered as savior from any catastrophe in life.

ANNEXURE Research Design 2.1 Research type – Qualitative 2.1.1 The proposed research is Qualitative. The proposed research is developed from qualitative point of view as researcher’s insights and impressions are assessed subjectively. It is multi-focal in its reasoning and exploration. The emphasis would be on the semiotics that underlay in the motif vocabulary. 2.1.2 The research is Empirical; Inductive and Interpretive. Several aspects of the use of motifs and the underlying symbolism are studied. 2.2 Coverage – Micro: It is a Micro study as it is a study of a small slice of the Craft sector. 2.3 Application – Basic Research - The proposed research is ‘Basic’. The proposed research is a basic investigation into the selection of motifs based on their symbolic meanings for self expression and manifestation of the artisan’s aspirations in Nakshi Kantha. 2.4 Documentary Research - The research is proposed to be carried out as library studies or documentary research. 2.5 Research Method - Historical Research - The research is proposed to be carried out on the basis of Motifs that have been found document by Books, Museums and private collector. 2.5.1 Primary Data – It is proposed to collect primary data through ‘Semi-structured Interviews’ of Craft artisans, Enthusiasts & Craft Designers. Insights may be recorded from these interviews by recording their approach and experiences. It is also proposed that data will be collected through ‘Diaries’. 2.5.2 Secondary Data - It is proposed, to gather from literature available from the books written by experienced Craft enthusiast, Craft Educationist., Journals based on Craft based research are to be reviewed for case histories. Books and journals dedicated to Kantha and semiotics in crafts are to be studied. 2.6 Time Frame - One Time 2.7 Purpose of the Study – Party Descriptive and Partly Evaluation Study 2.7.1 Description of selection of Motifs in Kantha 2.7.2 Data evaluation may involve a process that proceeds from more general to more specific evaluation of the semiotics and the symbolism that underlay in the choice and placements of the motifs. 2.7.3 Interaction patterns, Religion, cultural aspects and the interaction of the crafter with the product have to be analyzed considering the environment and other influences on the Craft-Kantha. 2.7.4 The outcome of these analysis and interpretation may be documented to understand the semiotics used in the selection of motifs and how Kantha was used by the artisans as the manifestation of their aspiration. RESEARCH OBJECTIVES 3.1 Primary Objective - To evaluate and document the under laying Semiotics in motif vocabulary of Nakshi Kantha of West Bengal (19th and 20th Century). 3.2 Secondary Objective – To study the motifs of Nakshi Kantha. To study the placements of Motifs in Nakshi Kantha. SCOPE OF THE STUDY The scope of this study could be furthered by researching the semiotics of several other motifs in Nakshi Kantha. LIMITATIONS Availability of authentic data confirms the exact symbolic meanings are rare. Time, as the study has to be completed in a short duration, would be another major limitation.

White shells and Mother of Pearl are most commonly utilized to create jewelry, souvenirs and objects crafted in West Bengal the specialty is the crafting of Conch shells/Shankha for ritual, festive and decorative purposes. The tradition of preparing and working on conch shells is an ancient one. They have been used in India since Vedic times and are considered auspicious by both Hindus and Buddhists. Traditionally, priests use them to drive away evil spirits, at the beginning of weddings, sacrifices, or at other Hindu rites. Buddhists also blow conch shells as a sound offering. The Conch shell continues to be part of religious practice and is blown to drive away evil spirits, to commence something new and auspicious, to accomplish a successful puja process or ritual, and additionally for celebrating victories or happy occasions. The Shankha bangles are also considered a must-wear for married Bengali Hindu ladies. Going beyond these bounds the Conch shell carvers create a large variety of articles of detailed patterning and design. These include images of deities like Durga, Laxmi, Sri Krisna on the shell; entire episodes from epics and mythological stories or single motifs of floral or ornamental patterns. Besides making items such as paperweights, boxes, agarbati stands, buttons, vermillion container, cup, spoon, fork, door hangings, they craft hair clips, pins, and jewelry - bangles, broaches, earrings, necklaces, pendants . In spite of this variety, there is not much profit to be made from the crafting of shells. The conch shells are generally sourced from Chennai, which are collected from the beach of Tuticorin. The empty and dry shells are sent to Kolkata and the conch carvers buy them in bulk as their main raw material. The conch shells are separated into groups according to their thickness. The thinner shells are generally used to be blown and the thicker ones are chosen to carve out. After acquiring the shells the craftspersons wash them thoroughly to remove all the dirt and debris brought from the sea. Then they are put to a grinding machine to remove remaining impurities of the shell surface. Then it is again washed with hydrochloric acid which leaves it lighter and whitish in colour and is now considered ready to be carved. Filing and polishing are the last stage to provide luster. The equipment used for conch carving is basic like file, chisels, hammer, grinder etc. The chisels are used in different sizes depending on the detailing and intricacies of the pattern. The conch carvers usually belong to the Saankhari community and mainly reside in Bishnupur, Saaspur, Hatgram and Rampur. However since the 1980's the carvers have been facing a huge scarcity of supply from Chennai and the conch craft has inevitably declined. The craftsperson's have moved to carving coconut and wood apple shell as well as pumpkin shell and the fish scales somehow keeping the tradition alive.

Beginnings The tradition of preparing and working on conch shells is an ancient one. They have been used in India since Vedic times. Priests use them to drive away evil spirits, at the beginning of weddings, sacrifices, or at other Hindu rites. Buddhists also blow conch shells as a sound offering. This is why they are so common in India and Tibet. Conch shells were also used as symbols of worship in Africa and among the North American Indians. In Spain and Egypt, many different kinds of shells were revered and used in many religious ceremonies.

In Nitish Dutta's family, the custom of preparing and working on conch shells goes back several generations. Lately, though, it has become less common. Of the thousand households in his village in West Bengal, only two or three still carve conch shells for a living. His father, Shri Mukund Dutta was famous for his designs and was often invited to Delhi for exhibitions. As a boy, Shri Nitish Dutta learned from his father by working alongside and helping him with his orders. When he finished Class 10, he left school and joined his father. Now he is forty, and his entire family works with conch shells, including his parents and his wife.

Traditions Nitish Dutta's village is 20 km. from Bankura District of West Bengal. It is relatively large, and divided into colonies, depending on the household trade. The different communities - Chatterjis, Banerjis, Khattris and Lapiths - all work with conch shells, but in different ways. Traditionally, people tend to marry within the same trade. This way, production is increased. Nitish and his brothers married into families that carve conch shells. Now, in his household, consisting of ten people, all the adults work. However, his children go to school, and will probably pursue higher education. His generation may be the last to carve conch shells. Most of the people in his village are Hindus, and a lot of the scenes depicted on the shells are from Hindu mythology.

Availability The shells used by Nitish Dutta's village are collected by the government in Chennai, where they are kept in empty wells for months to kill any living things in the shells. From there, they are sent to Calcutta. The same system was used almost forty years ago. From

the village, people go and buy the shells in bulk. The price varies, depending on size. Bengali shells and mother of pearl are most commonly used. The purpose of the shell depends on what it will be used for. Thinner shells are used at religious ceremonies; the thicker ones are used for carving. Some shells are even cut sideways to make bangles. The mother-of -pearl shells make beautiful earrings and brooches. The shells need to be strong and thick, otherwise they break easily when being carved. The surfaces may be ridged, but are usually flat. They are often white and red or black.

Procedure After buying the shells, they are washed and put through a grinder machine that usually cleans of all the debris from the sea. Sometimes they are filed to create a smooth surface. The shells are cleaned and polished with hydrochloric acid (anything else would be too strong and might burn through the shell, or make the surface weak) By this time; the shells have lost their color, and are usually white with traces of red. Then, they are ready to be carved.

Nitish Dutta's father is famous for his elaborate designs, which often take up to a year to make. He has no fixed hours, however, and travels around a lot. At the start of his work, Nitish Dutta first pencils in his design. Then he starts to carve it in. His tools are made of white steel, which is strong and durable. He uses iron to carve soap, because it is softer. The tools have wooden handles and smooth edges. They are about 10 to 15 centimeters long, with flat edges that taper off at the end. He uses different sized baathlis (chisel tool) depending on the intricacy of the design. The white steel he uses is available in Calcutta, and he gets most of his tools from a forge in a nearby village.

Making A Living The prices Nitish Dutta charges for his shells range from Rs. 150 to Rs. 480 though the shells made especially for temples are more expensive (about Rs. 750 to Rs. 1,000). Besides shells, he and his brother also sell brooches, earrings, necklaces, bangles, buttons and pendants. Their prices range from Rs. 10 to about Rs. 50. They also sell paperweights and boxes made of shells with metal inlay work.In spite of this variety, there is not much profit to be made from the shells. Where Nitish Dutta is, in the Crafts Museum, he hardly gets any customers. While he is provided with money for tickets and food, fairs around India have been much more profitable. While he has only been to Delhi twice, he has been to fairs in Madhya Pradesh, Jabalpur and Siliguri, among others. Most of his profit is made during Durga Puja, when he goes to Odisha.His customers are largely Bengalis, who often want white shell bracelets, which are conventionally worn by married women, along with one red, and one iron bracelet. His family owns a shop in the village, and they get a lot of bulk orders. Priests from nearby temples often come and place orders. The demand for conch shells is steadily getting less, though. Nowadays, earrings and buttons are most popular. His could be one of the last generations to continue this unusual art form.

Across India the colours of the earth change with the topography from the dark geru-reds of the coastal regions, the ebony shades found in the interiors to the bleachedbuff hues of the desserts. The shades reflected in clay coatedvillage homes, the cooking and storage vessels, the objects of play and in votive and ritual offerings. Since antiquity the language of clay has been explored by cultures and civilizations. In India its use extended across architecture from the terracotta bricks and the sophisticated clay-pipe drainage systems to the great variety of pots, wheeled toy-carts and figurines.[i] Historians suggest the possibility that the terracotta arts formed the stylistic inspiration for early stone sculptures basing their hypothesis on theoutstanding terracotta piecesthat were prolifically crafted from c. 200 BCE to 300 CE[ii]the regional styles andrefinements reflected in the aesthetic quality of the techniques followed. Beyond the functional, sculptural, figurative and abstract forms the use of clay continued to evolve as can be seen in the remarkable terracotta temples ofBishnupur built in the 17^th and early 18^th century in Bengal.[iii](See box - Sized down - From architecture tointeriors) While traditional iconography continues to be shaped, molded and wheel-spun the markets are evolving beyond the local.The exposure of potters to communities outside their own to market their products thus improving livelihoods and promoting sustainability was a part of the post-1947 initiative of government. This impetus saw the establishment of national awards for living masters, theparticipationin and demonstrations at exhibitions across the country to the 1980s Festivals of India that were celebrated in the UK, USA, France, Russia and other countries where potters and other craftspeople were exposed to urban cultures, creative inputs and aesthetic influences. The 2015 online auction of the painted terracotta’s of Lodaiand Khavda inBhuj, distinguished by their very contemporary looking geometric patterning and striking color palette of geru-red, white and black painted on with bamboo- stick brushes by the women of the dwindling potter community is a case in point. The curated exhibition was conceptualized by Khamir, a Kutch based NGO andwere exhibited in a special display at the Hermes store in Mumbai achieving record breaking prices at the online auction.[iv] The huge pots in heights of more than 10 feet made by Giriraj Prasad in Delhi resembling the grain-vessels to be viewed in the Harrapan gallery of the National museum in Delhi and the making of the gigantic horses, some higher than 7ft, by the members of the Velar and Kulalar community are an extension of their work of building open-air shrines dedicated to the folk deity Lord Ayyanarthat are dotted across villages in Tamil Nadu and Pondicherry[v]. In Uttar Pradesh the black pottery of Nizamabad that resembles Bidrimetalwork of Andhra with its finely incised silver patterns and the realistic brightly painted clay fruits and vegetables of Takaitganj. The ritual votive figures of the local folk hero Raja Sailesh in Darbhanga, Bihar; the nazar-battu terracotta roof tiles of Bargarh Village, Odishaon which the perched figures of animals, reptiles and birdsmimic human expression are considered propitious by the residents. Across Bengal from items of daily use and ritual to the well-known Bankura horse for decades a symbol of Indian handcrafts being the logo of the then iconic Central Cottage Industries emporium.[vi]From the miniature figures and dioramas of Krishnanagarto the most celebrated center ofKumartuli in Kolkata where the large-scale dramatic sculpted clay figures of the Hindu goddess Durgaare an annual explosion of creative expression celebrated in the Puja.Pen near Mumbai in Maharashtra where gigantic brightly painted idols of the Hindu god Ganapati are made. Beads and jewelry are now being made in Bangalore, Delhi, and other centers – glazed, painted and strung in the most modern of styles. In the heart of Mumbai lies Dharavi, perhaps one of the world’s largest slums, here in the labyrinth of narrow lanes is Kumbhar-Wada where a community of skilled hereditary potters lives and works.These are just some of the many of the ongoingtraditions of making and shaping clay. The understanding of the chemistry of clay goes beyond the potter into other realms. The block-printers of Akola and Pipadin Rajasthan who use it in their special dabu – mud-resist style of printing; the cireperdue lost-wax method of metal casting followed by tribal Dhokracraftsperson’s who create the inner core of their objects with clay; the mural painters from the Warli tribes of Maharashtra, the artists of Hazaribagh in Jharkhand to the Pithora paintings of the Bhil and Bihal tribes of West Madhya Pradesh and the Rathwas of East Gujarat who coat their wall-canvas with a mix of clay and other material.The fragrance of wet-earth bottled by perfumeries inKannauj, its use in the Yunani, Ayurveda and naturopathy systems of medicine, in health spas as a rejuvenator and cleanser, are only some additional examples.(See box - The scent of wet-earth -Gilli-Mittiattar) Innovations and experimental adaptations using clay continue. The low-cost clay fridge which has no external energy source, the non-stick tava, clay vessels to sprout lentils, an organic waste composting system, are just some instances.(See box- Making an impact step-by-step) And while the language of clay is seemingly continually renewed - mouldedby hand, shaped on the wheel, beaten, glazed and hardened with heat we mourn the passing of monumental terracotta architecture and the many other traditions that have vanished or are endangered as the accelerated pressure of product replacement displaces objects of clay. One of the areas of real devastation has been in the area of children’s playthings. While on-the-ground data is hard to come by a 1968 National Crafts Museum publication lists 101 ‘important centers’ across India where distinctive clay toys were made.[vii] The memory of the shapes, the knowledge of color and its making, the link with ritual and festivity, associated myths and folk-lore, the play and learning associated with most centers now just a distant recollection. Similarly the ubiquitous replacement by metal utensils is decimating the use of earthen vessels. Among the several endangered traditions is the pottery of Chotta Udaipur in Gujarat where the women of the Rathva tribes make largish concave cooking vessels – the tavalathat are precursors to non-stick pans. Lac-sticks are rubbed on the inside of the vessels while they are still hot from the firing. The heat of the bowl melts the lac and coats the surface of the cookware. The cooking requires less oil, retains heat and is also scratch-resistant.[viii](See box - From kulharsto refrigerators and pressure-cookers) The speciously inexhaustible supply, its accessibility, and the creativity of the maker though are at risk as there are urgent issues that confront us from sustainability to pollution. The environmental impact of traditionalbhatti/kilns on air quality threatens the closure of pottery units. Clean, affordable kilns that are adaptable to the differing requirements of potter communities are the need of the hour. The crisis of dwindling raw material is additionally hitting potters as traditional sources of clay are running dangerously low. Potters pushed to the edges of societychallenged by technological developments and the products of urban India, their children no longer interested in pursuing the tradition. Though the earth has a reduced place in our rapidly speeded up life and in our changing attitudes and priorities yet hope lies in the enduring fascination humans have had over the millennia’s with this most visceral of all material. [i]The evidence of a sophisticated knowledge of clay processing is apparent at the excavation sites of the Harrapan civilization (c.2600 – 1900 BCE). With other pottery items excavated revealing objects associated with funerary and custom and the several hundred baked clay tablets unearthed that are inscribed with symbolic representations and inscriptions from a yet to be deciphered writing system. [ii]Unearthed in places as far apart as Chandraketugarh, Mathura, Ahichchhatra, Bhitargaon, Kaushambi, Akhnur and other sites [iii]The technique and arts of clay rendered in these mammoth architectural structures with their heavily ornamented and densely decorated façades were stimulated by influences both traditional and the then current vernacular. [iv]Titled Ghadai the exhibition was supported by Fondationd’entrepriseHermès [v]Granter of all boons and the guardian-protector of the village [vi]Popularly called Cottage. The Bankura horse continues to be crafted in Panchmura village in Bankura district. [vii]Mookerjee, Ajit. Indian dolls and toys. Pp. 14 – 23. Crafts Museum Publications. New Delhi. 1968 [viii]http://www.craftrevival.org/CraftArt.asp?CountryCode=india&CraftCode=001613 First published in Marg.

Bharatanatyam is one of the 8 kinds of classical dances in India. All classical dance forms share a common root in Natyashastra. Natyashastra, a treatise on dance, was written by Bharata Muni sometime between the 2nd century BC and 2nd century AD. The theory and technique of not only classical dances but also classical drama, stage design, music, costume, and make-up are based on Natyashastra. The origin of the name Bharatanatyam came from 4 Sanskrit words. Divided in 4 sections, Bha-ra-ta-natyam, each syllable represents a different word and meaning. Bha comes from Bhava, which means expression. Ra comes from Raga, which means melody. Ta comes from Tala, which means rhythm. Natyam mean dance. If you broke Bharatanatyam into four Sanskrit words it would read Bhava, Raga, Tala and Natyam. These aspects: expression; melody; and rhythm; are very important in Bharatanatyam. The origin of Bharatanatyam is from religious ritual. Bharatanatyam was a solo female performance. It was traditionally performed in Hindu temples to worship Gods and Goddesses by the temple dancer called devadasi. The devadasis were not only knowledgeable in dance and music but also in religious ceremonies. Today, the stage of Bharatanatyam has moved from the temple to the theater. Bharatanatyam is one of the most popular and widely performed dance styles and is practiced by male and female performers in major cities of India and abroad.

Features The distinctive feature of Bharatanatyam is its basic posture, called the 'Araimandi' or 'Ardhamandali'. It is the half sit position wherein the body is broken up in a series of triangles. A line joining the two outstretched knees, as the base and the heels as its apex, forms the first triangle. Similarly, the second triangle is forms by joining the two outstretched knees as the base and the waist as the apex. Third triangle is formed with waist being the apex and the line joining the shoulders being the base. This position is imperative in BharatNatyam and the entire dance is carried out in this position with a few exceptions.

The language of dance is conveyed through gestures. Abhinaya consists of lyrics, poetry or a narrative set to music and rhythm. The dancer interprets the sãhitya (lyrics) through a series of Angika abhinaya. Through hand gestures and movements of eyes, eyebrows, eyeballs, etc and through the expression on the face. Through the feet, the tempo (laya) is followed. These parts are categorized as Anga, Upaanga and Pratyanga. The hand gestures are the focal point of language. The movements of hand gestures are grouped under those of single (asamyukta hasta) hand gestures and those of double (samyukta hasta) hand gestures. The movement of head, eyes, eyebrows, etc, help in conveying the bhaava and rasa, that is the mood and the inner emotions. The dancer learns all the gestures like Drishtibhedaas (movements of eyes), Grivaabhedaa (movement of neck), Shirobhedaa (movement of head), Pãdabheda (various movements and positions of leg and feet) and so on, in the form of shlokaas that are in sanskrit. Traditionally, a Bharatanatyam performance follows a particular sequence called Margam:

Alaripu- an invocation that helps prepare the dancer and the audience
Jatiswaram- melody is added to the rhythm
Shabdam the dancer responds to the content of the song
Varnam - rich in rhythm, melody, mood and movement
Tilana - joyous and rhythmic with fine poses and movements

BHARATANATYAM COSTUMES, JEWELLERY, AND COLOR

The costume, jewelry, and make-up maintain the tradition of Bharatanatyam. The costume is made of six yards of hand-woven silk sari, interwoven with gold threads from the city of Kanchipuram, Tamil Nadu. For providing more freedom of movement, the costume was tailored in six parts from a sari. The characteristic jewelry of Bharatanatyam is known as temple jewelry/ Kemp set. These ornaments are made of silver dipped in gold and the main work is of stone gems mostly in red and green. Initially the jewelry was created as offerings to the Gods and Goddesses. Later the temple dancers, devadasis, wore the jewelry.

The dancer wears at least ten pieces of the jewelry such as necklaces, chokers, bracelets, a belt, earrings, nose rings, and three hair ornaments. The dancer wears two broach-like ornaments that symbolize the moon and sun to the left and right of the central parting the hair. Around the dancer's ankles are tied belts of bells (Gunghroos). The bells sound to accompany to the music when the dancer beats her bare feet on the floor. Armlets, wristlets or bangles, earrings and necklaces serve to enhance the dancers appearance. Women wear a veni or semi circle of real or artificial flowers round the bun or plait of the hair. In the centre of the forehead a tika or dot is impressed. The most typical items of jewelry are:

For the Head

Thalaisaamaan (head piece) consists of a heavy stone set, predominantly with rubies or red stones, though interspersed with emerald or green stone and uncut diamonds. One piece of this jewel is worn on the centre parting and another tied along the hairline on the forehead. Decorative pieces shaped like the sun and moon, Chandrasuryan are worn on either side of the head to invoke the blessings of the deities, the sun for good health, brilliance and power and the moon for romance and peace.

For the Ears

Maatal (chain), Jhumki (hanging earring) and the Thodu which fits on to the lobe.

For the Neck

Adigai which consists of a choker and pendant, and a longer chain (Maalai) with a broad Padakkam or pendant designed in red, green, and pearly stones with peacock or floral designs set in a half-moon like frame.

For the Arms

An undulating bangle, Vanki is worn on the upper arm and gold bangles are worn on the wrist

For the Waist

Oddiyaanam or broad ornament belt worn tightly around the waist completes the ensemble.

Most Bharata Natyam dancers from all over the country order their jewelry from centres at Mylapore and Nagercoil in Tamil Nadu which has the largest number of skilled goldsmiths.

Abstract According to existing literature, art and craft are the essential activity of human mind featured with imagination and innovation and ornamented by variation of shapes, texture and colors. Itlaid emphasis on aesthetic excellence and creative collaboration through the design element. Through the ages, design component is considered as the visual dialogue and straightest path for the understanding of divergent culture, religion and tradition. The language of design deals with the external and internal aspect of imagesthat creates visual appearance and forms a relationship between art and craft. Over a period of time, elephant form has been applied in various art, craft and architecture. In this regard, Saharanpur woodcraft has been developed under the strong Hindu and the Mughals influence. In Saharanpur woodcraft, elephant as design element has lavishly conceivedwith the abundance of floral and geometrical decorations on wood and stone carving as well as wall paintings. These wide varieties of decorations demonstrate the glimpse of Indian art as well as the mysteries of Mughal art. Despite knowing the existence of the elephant motif in Hindu mythology, it was adopted in the Mughal art with impressive manner. The aim of writing this paper is to study the factors which were largely responsible for application of elephant motif in Saharanpur woodcraft. The special reference is given to symbolic manifestation of elephant in human life. The purpose of depiction of this motif is not only the ornamentation and decoration but also the adoption of it in human life with essential aspects.The conclusive remarks will highlight the significance of elephant motif for woodcraft. Keywords- Elephant Motif, Symbolic Manifestation, Hindu Mythology, Mughal Art. Introduction Art and craft are the physical manifestation of the needs and aspirations of society which is determined by the curiosity of imagination and ethos and way of living of a community. In this context, the term craft denotes a tradition, a skill, a technique, a process and wisdom and a few more in which art plays a very significant part through design elements. Design elements that speak the untold tales and its identity where it’s come from. In this regard, Saharanpur city which is prominent for woodcraft is situated in Ganga Yamuna doab region in western Uttar Pradesh. The Ganga Yamuna doab region is recognized for artistic activity and fertile plants. In a broader way, the term doab represents a confluent area between two rivers. This region is the center of attraction several types of arts and crafts and came under the strong influenced of the Mughals monarchs (Hāṇḍā & Jain, 2000). These particular art forms have evolved for centuries, as an inseparable and intimate part of the ancestor’s tradition. In this context,Saharanpur woodcraft is acknowledged for its noticeable and meaningful motifs which manifest their motives and aspiration through symbolic images with underlying meaning.In this craft domain, Elephant captures a vital place. It is not just an animal but possess its own identity in Indian art and craft, which is strongly inspired by Hindu mythology and folklore.Saharanpur woodcraft conveys the keen knowledge through the elephant motif and interprets ideologies of Hindu mythology and symbolic belief. Mythologies advocate that elephant is the symbol of strength, power, fertility, intelligence and royalty. The purpose of this paper is to explain the splendid image of elephant in Saharanpur woodcraft to explain how elephant makes a symbol of strength, power, fertility, wisdom and royalty and why it had been adopted in Saharanpur woodcraft. Elephant motifin Saharanpur woodcraft The design elements have always been remained as an enchanting phenomenon from the very first evident of the civilization in Indian sub-continent that deals with the culture, tradition and mythological aspects. Whereas, some of designs elements are adopted and implemented with special interest of individuals in which spectator gets immense pleasure through the schematic way of design. In craft, designs element has been applied as an ornamentation and decoration for embellished the craft with variation of materials, tools and techniques. For instance, elephant design has been traced from prehistoric cave paintings. It is the evidence for this, early man wanted to get the sense of aesthetic through wall painting. Therefore, he had decorated their cave to broken the atmosphere of monotony. In this context, the design elements of Saharanpur woodcraft are in five categories like, vegetative, auspicious, zoomorphic, geometrical and figurative motifs and have been filled with ornamentation representation and aesthetic application to stir the heart of its viewers and seek to evaluate the adoption and implication of all patterns with its meaning and essence. The development of patterns reached a degree of complexity and sophistication which is the marvelous and harmonious attribute of Saharanpur woodcraft.In this regard, the elephant motif has been selected for the study with special reference to Saharanpur woodcraft because it is associated with culture, myths and tradition.It can be seen on different type of wooden objects like household items, textile, decorative, furniture, toys and few more. These craft items are bought by customers with special demand, in which elephant motif is given preference. In zoomorphic motif, elephant is solely design pattern which can be seen in all craft items.These craft items are given below: Household items: multipurpose box, bowl, dry fruit box, key holder (fig.2), key ring, tray Textile items: Wooden block (fig.8). Entertainment items:Toys (fig.3), chess board, Furniture: Room partition, Jharokha (fig.1), dining table, chair, stool, Decorative items: Idols, showpiece, wall hanging and few more.

Figure: 1.Woodenjharokha with elephant motif Figure: 2.Wooden key holder with elephant motif Figure: 3.Wooden toy of elephant Source: Author

Mythological Facts about Elephant Motif

In Hindu mythology, the elephant has an immortal place which gains popularity in society from ancient time. It is not only an animal with large body. Its divine presence is vital in Hindu worship. The earliest evidence of elephant history comes from the Vedic literature of India. There are so many references in the Rig-Veda, which reveals their dynamic and marvelous image of an elephant. From Vedic period it is known Airavata who is the vehicle of Lord Indra (Vedic deity of rain and thunderbolt). Airavata is identified as a white elephant. It has a various name with their significant meaning, such as Abhra- Matanga( elephant of the clouds), Naga- Malla (fighting elephant) and Arkaso-Dara(brother of the Sun). It was depicted on the entrance pillar of palace of Lord Indra. In Vishnu Purana, it is considered that Airavata was made king of all elephants (Chanda, 1998). According to some Jataka tales, some another fine example of elephant is found in Hastinmangala festival. In this festival the king used to give many elephants with gold ornaments to Brahman well versed the three Vedas and hastinsutra (Gupta, 1983). The main purpose of the festival was the fertility of fields. In Hinduism there are a several facts to depict the elephant images. Some Puranic manuscripts like Skandha Purana, Bhagavat Purana explain the story of Gajendra Moksha. Gajendra was an elephant which was saved by Lord Vishnu and it became a great devotee of Lord Vishnu (Sharma, 2006). In Hindu mythology, the elephant is considered sacrosanct creature of the universe which explain the holy image of Lord Ganesha who is an elephant headed god with one tusk. Lord Ganesha, the son of Lord Shiva and Goddess Parvati. Ganesha is the one of the most worshiped gods in the Hindu religion that is the destroyer of pride, greedand is the remover of obstacles. Ganesha is mostly depicted seated with four arms. He has an elephant head and is potbellied with a single tusk (Dalal, 2010). In Boddhisatva tales, the elephant is considered as a Boddhisatva. Because the mother of Buddha saw a dream of white elephant with six tusks and enters her womb (Dayal, 1999)^. Hence it is the symbol of fertility. The significant symbol of elephant is found as in Gaja-Laxmi concept. Gaja-Laxmi is known the goddess of elephant. “Gaja-Laxmi is considered as the daughter of ocean (Subramanian, 2003). She is generally depicted seated and the elephants are shown spouting water over Shri Laxami. She was depicted on coins, Barhut stupa, Tanjore Paintings and so many artifacts. Gaja- Laxami is a symbol of wealth and beauty common in Hindu and Buddhist art. Above all examples, it is concluded that an elephant is divine and holy animal which represent its wisdom, strength, power, devotion, fertility and confidence.

Depiction of Elephant as Design Element in Indian art

The elephant wasfrequently used in Indian art, architecture, paintings, coins, and seals in symbolic form. From the first evidence of art, it was depicted in hunting posture on the rock painting of the prehistoric period. After that, this fabulous animal takes place in Pashupatiand elephantseal of Indus valley civilization and gain a plethora of attention. Pashupati seal discovered at Mohenjo-Daro. In this seal, a central figure (yogi) is seated on a low throne in a yogic position and some of fabulous animals like elephant, tiger, rhinoceros, buffalo and deer are surrounded the yogi.This seal is called Pashupati seal where Lord Shiva has depicted as a yogi. Pashupati is an avatar (Incarnation) of Lord Shiva, which means “Lord of all animals”. This seal throws the light on the religious belief and culture of Indus people and also explains the worship of lord Shiva and animals. Another seal is an elephant seal of Indus valley which has beenstored by Indian Museum, Kolkata. In Maurya art, it has been depicted in different artifactsby King Ashoka. For instance,Lion capital of Sarnath, Sankissa, Dhauli can be considered. In Kushan Period, this powerful animal can be caught on the coin of Huvishka and various artifacts. Dashavtara Temple of Gupta Dynasty is the finest example of elephant depiction.In vaishanav mythology, it can be seen as a Gajendra Moksha. Ajanta cave painting also point out the elephant image in various paintings. These paintings belong to life stories of Lord Budha which is called Jataka tales. Ajanta cave painting represents the different mood and pose of this fabulous animal.Moreover, this animal frequently used in art, sculpture and architecture such as Elephanta cave, Khajurao Temples, and many other temples as well as in miniature paintings of India.Miniature paintings are related to different type of school like MughalSchool, RajasthaniSchool, Pahari School and so on. Therefore, this powerful animal traced in various schools of thought in Indian art.

Depiction of Elephant Motif in Mughal art

The Mughal Dynasty left an unforgettable mark In Indian history of art and architecture which is quite appreciable. Babur, the precursor of the Mughal art was fond of visiting the historical monuments of India. During his visit to Gwalior, he noticed and appreciates the Hathi pol which was the stone sculpture of an elephant. He was the first Mughal emperor who mentioned the elephant symbol in his travelling account.“A stone Image of an elephant with two drivers is called Hathi-pol” (Nath, 1997). After the death of Babur, His son Humayun was adopted this tradition of art. He was the great lover of art. He and his son studied painting with Abd as-samad. He appointed master paintersfor paintings, calligraphy. He placed elephant sculpture at the southern gateway of his Din- Panah at Delhi. Despite knowing the existence of this symbol in Hindu mythology, it was adopted in Mughal art. Due to Bhakti movement many Hindu rituals were adopted in Muslim culture. The din-e-ilahi custom was also another reason for such religious adoptions from one religion to another. Akbar was very concerned the artistic activity and took keen interest in all reproductive activities including art too. The horse and the elephant were the two most prized in Mughal art which represented various temperaments and mood (Aziz, 2004). Theelephant was considered as a weapon of warfare during the Mughal period. With the passage of time, elephant motifs has frequently used in Mughal art and respectively adopted by Akbar, Jahangir, Shahjahan period and a few more. In Mughal paintings and architecture the elephant was placed for many reasons, but the major reason was the display of royal power and strength. In other terms, the beautification and aesthetical approach were the biggest phenomenon to enhance the artistic quality. Discussion In Indian antiquity and mythology, the elephant is recorded as the most significant and remarkable motif associated with myth and rituals which lay emphasis on peaceful aspect of it.The elephant is not only an animal, knowingly and unknowingly it has been considered and applied as a design element. The elephant as design element not solely accepted by Hinduism, Buddhisim and Jainism but has been borrowed by the great Mughals.Now the question arises, why elephant motif has been carved out in Saharanpur woodcraft by artisans. Through the market survey the study found that the artisans havekeen observation and inspired from old buildings and temples of Saharanpur where elephant and other exceptional motifs have been applied to architectural surface. During the survey, elephant symbol has been found on the entrance gate of the house like the lord Ganesha with elephant as a guard can be seen on the doorway of a house (fig. 4).In Saharanpur woodcraft,an elephant symbol can be seen in different attitude like elephant family in 3d image, as a guard, nature lover, Gaja-Laxmi elephant and lord Ganesha form and few more. Figure: 4. Elephant as a guard form Figure: 5. Showpiece of elephant family Figure: 6. Lord Ganesha idol in wood Source: Author 3D solid image of elephant represents health, supremacy and power which are quite appreciable and the couple of elephants is considered as a symbol of guard of the place, similar to Lord Indra’s elephant. It has also been carved out in theidol of Lord Ganesha that represents the elephant head with intelligence and wisdom (fig.6). Peoples put the Ganesha idol at the entrance of gate for religious purpose. It became a welcome sign hanging of doorways that protect the house from all complication of life. It is a symbol of good omen that create a spiritual aura surrounding the people and remove all troubles. Another application of elephant in Saharanpur woodcraft has carved out as elephant family that displays the harmonious unity and love of life (fig.5). Standing position of elephant shows the firmness and royalty which represent the Mughal resemblance and harmony regarding the forms. In Saharanpur woodcraft, sometime it has carved out in a violent position which shows the aggression, attitude like weapons of war (fig.8). As in the Mughal period, its military significance has also been considered by the emperors. In another pose, it has carved out as a lover of nature which represents the lavish image with plants which illuminates the delightful mood of elephant (fig.7). In another pose, the elephant has been carved in standing pose and its trunk arose from upper side, it is generally seen in Saharanpur wood craft, similar to Gaja laxami(fig.9). As it has been discussed above that Gaja-Laxami is considered the symbol of wealth, prosperity, this pose, similar to Gaja-Laxami is a symbol of wealth. Thus, this motif fully dedicated to Hindu mythology but reflected in Mughal art and craft also. Figure: 7.Wooden Tray with elephant motif as a lover of nature Figure: 8.Wooden block with elephant motif Figure: 9.Wooden temple with elephant motif Source: Author For figure: 7. https:-/handmadegifts1.files.wordpress.com/2014/03/wooden-handicrafts.jpg Another thing is related with aestheticsand marketing approach due to the fact that there are numerous applications of art for marketing purposes. Along with the mythological aspects, Saharanpur woodcraft has been influenced by marketing. The growing need of comfort in human lives has influenced the resources, leading to innovation in the field of art and craft. Comfort and uniqueness in this domain has developed resources to meet the day to day demands of certain utility items. For instance, items like key ring, mobile stand, cigarette case, mirror and others. As a result,these items are decorated with design elements, texture and colour for better marketing strategy. In this context, a person wants to get beauty in each and every aspect of nature. The artistic mind is contented with many tools regarding the mythology, culture, moral values and beautification too. Froma marketing viewpoint, elephant as design element is very demanding image for customer. Therefore, it has got a place in household, furniture, amusement, as well as decorative items. In current scenario, it is the foremost design element in all animals which is being experimentedwith different shapes by the artisans of Saharanpur. It can be noticed on all items of craft like a wooden box with elephant shape and elephant toys, elephant in wooden jewelry and hair pins and few others.Despite knowing the all facts about the elephant, it is being carved out from last century. Whereas that time it was carved out very less items of craft. It can be said that elephant motif has made their existence in Saharanpur woodcraft inall aspects likemythological, ornamentation and marketing too. Conclusion To conclude, the elephant motif of Saharanpur woodcraft represents the facts of its adoption regarding its application. It reveals the harmonious and calm image of Saharanpur woodcraft. It is also concluded, that elephant considered an appropriate symbol to make the woodcraft fresh and live. Elephant application is also a way to attract people after using such mythological aspects for inspiring them emotionally. The objects will not only be considered as a part of their religious creeds and values, but the divine emblem of power is also promoted through such combinations. In Saharanpur woodcraft it has been applied with its symbolic significance, religious and marketing purpose too. For future perspective, elephant motif can be applied on upcoming innovative craft items and furniture too as per the requirement of the user. References:

Aziz, K. K. (2004).The meaning of Islamic art: explorations in religious symbolism and social relevance (Vol. 1). Adam Publishers, 247
Chanda, S. (1998), Encyclopaedia of Hindu Gods and Goddess. Sarup & Sons, 13
Dalal, R. (2010).Hinduism: an alphabetical guide. Penguin Books India, 139
Dayal, H. (1999).The bodhisattva doctrine in Buddhist Sanskrit literature. Motilal Banarsidass Publ, 297
Gupta, S. K. (1983).Elephant in Indian art and mythology. Abhinav Publications, 11
Hāṇḍā, O., & Jain, M. (2000).Wood Handicraft: A Study of Its Origin and Development in Saharanpur. Indus Publishing, 23-24
Nath, R. (1997).Mughal Sculpture: Study of Stone Sculptures of Birds, Beasts, Mythical Animals, Human Beings, and Deities in Mughal Architecture. APH Publishing, 26-27
Sharma, M. (2006), Tales from the Vedas and Other Scriptures. Diamond Pocket Books (P) Ltd., 74
Srivastava, S. P. (2001).Jahangir: A connoisseur of mughal art. Abhinav Publications.
Subramanian, K. V. (2003), Art Shrines of Ancient India, Abhinav Publications, 32

Anil Sinha is an educator who has brought into his classrooms an enviable record of service to clients of the National Institute of Design (Ahmedabad), representing in his work and teaching the attitude toward 'professional education' which has been the hallmark of NID. This book collects cases that demonstrate the process which professional designers use to help understand and resolve the needs of their clients. Prof Sinha offers us an insight into the creation of visual identities upon which so much now depends in a crowded market where competition is the name of the game, and in a chaotic visual landscape where a myriad images shout for attention. The need for expression through symbols has been with humankind since time immemorial. Few civilizations are as rich in this language as India. Our lives are marked by symbols, from birth to death. Every stream of India's rich diversity has contributed to this confluence, suggesting a powerful resource --- is well as an important responsibility --- for designers in our time. The Freedom struggle drew on the inherent power of symbols in the Indian psyche, whether it was the charkha or a grain of salt picked up at the beach in Dandi. This lesson has not been lost on subsequent social and political movements, whether in the search for symbols that can win elections, or protect the environment, or be used to destroy unity and peace. It is this complex cultural, social and political backdrop against which the search for identity is conducted by those seeking a place in an expanding Indian market --- possibly the largest of its kind in the world. Successful branding is accepted as an essential requirement for survival and growth. The importance of recognition becomes even more vital in a country of over one billion citizens of whom millions still cannot read or write. To communicate successfully across the barrier of literacy gives even greater importance to the symbol. As I write these words, the media brings news of a new symbol for the Indian rupee. The discussions around it underline the importance of symbols even when there may be no apparent need other than "a bid to stand up and be counted in the world". This is what each of Anil Sinha's examples is trying to do. By revealing the designer's process of seeking solutions to problems and needs, we are given insights into the functional and aesthetic demands of market communication in an age dominated by media, by the computer as well as by tradition. Each of these organizations may be seeking images that can one day be so recognizable that even their name can become unnecessary --- not unlike the status achieved by the Nike swoosh, the LIC 'hands around a lamp' and Air-India's Maharaja. Yet despite experience, not all understand the importance of symbols or respect the investment in them. The fate of the Maharaja, and of the series of symbols and identities successive ministers and bureaucrats have inflicted upon India's national carriers, is a classic example of lessons that will remain unlearned so long as issues of corporate identity are directed by amateurs. This collection is a call for design to be given the understanding and respect that is its due, along with other key resources for good management. It is the quality of professionalism that gives particular importance to Prof Anil Sinha's book. It comes as a welcome addition to the resources available for students and practitioners, as well as to NID's contribution to this dimension of Indian design.

Namavali shawl is the term used for those shawls, which illustrate the names of Hindu deities as repeats all over the field. The namavali shawls were the part of daily ritualistic textile tradition especially in the eastern part of India in the second half of nineteenth century. Intricately woven or artistically printed these shawls are like a chanting mantra appeared on its surface. The few famous mantras or names appeared in these shawls are 'Jai Sri Ram' 'Jai Sri Ram', 'Jai Durga' or different names of Durga. National Museum of New Delhi has several woven and printed Namavali shawls in its collection. The most outstanding one is the woven shawl, which illustrates the image of Siva-Parvati on both the end panels and an inscription all over the field. What are these Namavali shawls? Why are these made? Who are the users? These are some of the questions, which have been discussed in this paper.This woolen light green colored woven Namavali shawl depicts the inscription, Siva-Parvati image and an additional woven tape, which is stitched on vertical edges of the shawl.

Each end panel of namavali shawl depicts two images of Siva Parvati. They sit on lion skin under a tree, their vehicles, trishul, tongs fire, stick and bowl are around.

The field of the shawl has three rows and each row is further divided into thirty-two small squares, which makes all together ninety-six squares. These small squares illustrate repeated inscription in Devanagri script which reads, 'Sri Kashi Visvanath Ganga’. Both the end panels depict the figure of Siva -Parvati sitting on lion skin against a masnad (bolster) under the tree. Siva sits cross-legged and wears only logata (under garment) and has ornate himself with a snake and mund-malaa (garland of skulls). The stream of the river goddess Ganga issuing forth from the matted locks of Siva and the crescent moon is on the right side of his head, He holds a damaru (drum) in one hand while the other hand rests on Parvati. She is dressed in peshwaz style tunic and covers her head with odhani (head covering) and wears the usual ornaments like: nose-ring, earring, bangles etc. Deities' vehicles Nandi and lion are sitting around them and depiction of trishul, fire, chimata (tongs), beggar's bowl and stick makes the scene very interesting. The image of Siva-Parvati has been worked in rectangular panel, which is surmounted by two types of woven borders. The first border is a narrow inscriptional band while second border depicts the floral creeper in contrast colour. Besides woven band on the horizontal side an additional band is stitched on vertical edges of the shawl and both the bands read 'Sri Kashi Visvanath Ganga' verse in running. Composition of Siva-Parvati scene on the end panel of shawl reminds of Pahari miniature paintings of eighteenth-nineteenth century A.D. This was the phase of Shaivism in and around Himalayan courts and rulers like Sidh Sen and his grandson Raja Shamsher Sen of Mandi preferred to be painted as devotees of Siva. "Different forms of Siva and Holy family have been found in miniature paintings of Mandi, Guler, Gadhwal school." The study of line work in these paintings reveals a lot of similarities between the Siva-Parvati Woven in the namavali shawl of National Museum (Plate-Z) and the Guler style paintings."A line drawing of Siva Parvati done by the Nainsukh is most important in this regard. Painter Nainsukh was the native of GuIer and used to work for his patron Raja Balwant Singh of Jasrot. He went to Haridwar along with the family members of royalty for immersion of Balwant Singh's ashes in the holy Ganges. At that time Nainsukh went to his own family priest and made entry of his visit as well as drawing of Siva-Parvati before starting his entry in the bahi of Sardar Ram Rakha, Haridwar. The drawing work has been apparently made with the coarse reed-pen that the priests carry and offer their clients to write with and is dated Samvat 1820/A.D. 1763.'" In another bahi of Sardar Ram Rakha, Haridwar, the entry made by Ranjhi and Gurshai, son and grandson of Nainsukh, depicts the Siva Parvati) along with tree, fire, mountain and Nandi. This bahi is dated Vikram Samvat I884/A.D, 1827' 5' Both the bahis, has a lot of resemblance of the Siva Parvati with National museums Namavali shawl some of these are: Siva Parvati sitting on ling skin: their costumes are same, river goddess Ganga is depicted issuing forth from the matted locks of Siva and goes down on his left side. It interesting to observe the way Siva' s head is slightly tilted towards Parvati shows his love for goddesses and on the other hand river goddesses coming out from his lock, shows his act balance for both the goddesses.

Besides line drawing appeared in the bahis of Haridwar and miniature painting on paper, a Pahari embroidered coverlet (popularly known as chamba rumal ) of early nineteenth century also illustrates the subject of Holy family, Here as well, depiction of Siva-Parvati has the touch of Guler artists.

All the evidences:- embroidered coverlet of Holy family, the Siva paintings of Guler school and the line drawings of Nainsukh and his successors in bahis' ; support the view that composition of scene and line work of Siva Parvati woven on the namavali shawl has been done on the lines of Guler school and probably the designing as well is done by the Guler artist.

The Namavli shawl illustrating inscribed field became popular in around fifteenth-sixteenth century A. D. During this phase number of silk or cotton shawls, odhani’s, gamchasand garments were made in Orissa, Bengal, Assam, Uttar Pradesh and Himalayan region , which depict woven inscription all over the field , Silk patka/odhani woven with ikat technique illustrating Gita-Govinda, the sacred text Krishan, were produced in Orissa in Oriya script. A Lot of silk woven shawl or chaddar (drape covering) with repeated invocation of the names of ten Mahavidyas of the Goddess in Bengali script have been found in Bengal region. In Assam, cotton gamusa depicting woven inscriptions with Vaisnavite mantra were used to decorate the religious alter where sacred books of Vaishnavite tradition were used woven in Assami script. Such fabrics were popularly known as Vrindavani vastra. Apart from woven technique, such clothes were also made through printing, especially in the northern region. A Guler miniature painting dated c. 1800 A.D, illustrates chippa (name used for block printer in the Western India) busy in printing line after line of the words 'Shri Ram' on yellow cloth by the wooden block. The words are in Devnagri script. Banarasi silk and zari fabric woven with 'Jai Shri Ram' and Jai Shri Devi Durga' in Devnagari script has been used for creating garments like mirzai and kurta. The priest or the ritual performer uses such namavali shawl, gamusa, and garments during the ritual ceremonies. A beautiful example of a priest, who wears namavali shawl and turban depicted an eighteenth century miniature painting from Raghogarh style, central India. In the painting priest is worshipping Rama –Sita in the presence of Raja Balwant Singh ( r, I770- 98) and his son Jai-Singh (Plate- 3) This was the phase of Bhakti movement, which inspired the creation of such namavali vastra for Vaishanava, Sakti and Saivait cult of Hindu pantheon .

Such namavali shawls are also used in tantrik tradition. According to tantrik tradition every ritual has its sets of appropriate mantras, which must be spoken in the right order at the right time. It is a belief that by uttering the mantras ' Devatas and Cosmic forces can be evoked. Each mantra creates its own special kind of vibration or resonance (known as Nada) in space. In fact there are tantras which are devoted almost entirely to the science of sound.

Like this particular namavali shawl two more namavali shawls have been noticed so far. Both these woolen shawls are in private collections. Entire of both the shawls is woven with " Sri Kashi Visvanath Ganga" verses within small squares. One shawl depict a row of damaru and trishul on both the end panels, while other depicts a floral border as National Museum shawl has. However neither of the shawl has a beautiful end panels as National Museum shawl has. One shawl is of saffron colour and woven in maroon colour while the other is of deep yellow colour and woven in the red colour. Saffron shawl's big field is divided into ten rows subdivide with seventeen sections; this makes all together one hundred and seventeen small squares on the entire field. Deep yellow shawl is divided into seventeen rows, which is subdivided into twenty eight small squares which makes all together four hundred seventy six squares on the entire field. These two shawls are completed, while National Museum appears to be half from the width side.

Although National Museums namavali shawl is only a half part of the full length, but still it has a special significance; as it depicts the rare scene of Siva- Parvati on the lines of Guler school of painting: inscription all over the field and use of additional woven tapes etc. This shawl is made of good quality pashm wool and woven with twill technique, which was prevalent in the Himalyan region. Kashi is the ancient name for Varanasi, and Visvanath is the famous temple of Lord Shiva in the city of Kashi, which is situated on the banks of river Ganga. Appearance of Siva- Parvati and 'Sri Kashi Visvanath Ganga' verse on the National Museum's Namavali shawl suggests that most likely Guler artist had designed it and probably it was especially made for the wealthy Saivaite devotee of Varanasi in around early nineteenth century.

Siva Parvati namavali depicting "Kashi Visva Nath Ganga" in repeat all over the field and Siva Parvati on the penals. Early 19th century A.D. Kashmir, pashm wool, twill weave. Size 608x46cm

Printing depicts priest-worshipping Rama-Sita in presence of Raja Balwant Singh(r.1770-98) and his son Jai-Singh. here priest has been portrayed wearing namavali chhadar(shawl) and turban very prominently. 18th century Raghogarh style. Central India, painting on paper.

REFERENCES:

Goswamy, B.N., and Fisher E.. Pahuri Masters. Switzerland, 1992. p-333: Mathur, N.L., Indian Miniatures, 1982, New Delhi, pl-190.

Archer. W.G., Indian paintings Form The Punjab Hills. Delhi, 1973, vol-II. pl- Iti; 19:25:34;39:57 & 60.

ibid, pl-l3.

ibid. pl-l3.

ibid. p-269

Pathak. A. ' Holy Family Embroidered on Chamba Rumal'. Purtuan, No-7. Bhopal. 1989-90. pp- 136-138.

Crill. R.. Vaishnavate silks the figured textiles of Assam. in The Vol'ell Silk of India. (ed) Jaslecn Dhamija. Marg , Mumbai, 1995. p- 46.

Rawson. P., Tantra. Arts Council of Great Britain. 1972. p-24.

Crill. Op. cit pp-46-47.

Goswamy, Op. cit p-353.

Mirzai is an upper garment like a waistcoat, which is tied with the help of tiecords . National museum has a silk zari brocaded mirzai, which depict 'Jai Durga' in repeat. For kuns. see -Pathak. A.. Indian Costumes, Delhi. 2006. p-77.

First published in Kala: The Journal of Indian Art History Congress Vol: XIII, 2007-2008

Small Steps is a project initiated by Upasana Design Studio based in Auroville, Tamil Nadu, India. Following our design philosophy, we try to bring design to a level beyond the product and apply it to answer the various problems of everyday life. Small Steps is born out of that philosophy.

Small Steps is an initiative to promote an environmentally and socially just world. We believe that a better world is possible if we take continuous small steps in that direction. The project’s first step is to promote a responsible alternative to the plastic shopping bag. The Small Steps bag is a product designed to inspire people to carry their own shopping bag.

India alone generates 5600 tones of plastic waste daily. Small Steps is a modest attempt to bring some awareness in this direction in a positive way. We are trying to provide a solution to a global social problem and simultaneously creating livelihood for women in the local villages, education material for schools. This is a campaign for a green world to the citizen of world inviting every one to take tiny personal steps to make our Planet a better place. The project reflects our belief that the environment is an important issue to work on after livelihoods. The project has covered many villages around Auroville and continues to proceed in that direction.

Small Steps was launched on Earth Day, 22nd April 2007. In the last year and a half, the project has grown in the following ways: The Small Steps bags: small ways to tune it in line with the project philosophy are committed to the project goals In the villages: Livelihood and awareness for the women who create the bags.

In the Villages The Small Steps bag is created by women in 11 villages in the bio-coastal region surrounding Auroville, Tamil Nadu, India. These women come from various classes and backgrounds and have mostly been housewives.

Through the project, a total of about 250 women have been trained in tailoring and other aspects of bag making
Currently 150 women are involved in regular production and we are giving training in more villages in collaboration with different NGOs across India.
The systems are based on the individual capacities of the women i.e. they earn based on how much they are able to produce. The average earnings of the women are between Rs.750 to Rs.1500 per month.
The women have also been exposed to various awareness tools such as the presentation and talks with the Small Steps team. Some have taken the message into their hearts and daily lives. As a next step the leaders of each village are being trained to be Small Steps ambassadors in their local area.

A Case Study Vijaya and her group of women in the village of New Nadukuppam is a passionate bunch. Not only do they create bags but are ambassadors in their own right. “We should keep our homes and villages clean” says Vijaya and they have been trying their hand at it too. “We have banned plastics in our homes and that’s the start…”say the women with broad smiles. The message is being spread and we are proud to see it aappening on its own.

The Small Steps Bags The materials used in the bag have been chosen for increased durability of the bag. The size and shape of the bag has been designed to increase efficient use of the materials and prevent wastage. There are 2 styles of bags available in 5 colors. The bag itself has been a key element of the awareness campaign and is being sent across the world. We have been thinking ways to make the travel more environmentally friendly.

When Small Steps bags are sent, we avoid sending it by courier and are grateful to find volunteers who take the bags when they travel. In this way the bags travel without clocking any extra costs or wastage. In India, the bags travels by road parcel services.
In case the bags are required in a larger quantity and a courier cannot be avoided, we have thought about the packaging. The cartons are sized to minimize wastage and we use minimal plastic to protect the bags.

The Campaign So far the campaign has reached out to more than 50000 people around the world. The aim of this project is to make 10 million bags. The journey has just begun. In order to spread our message far and wide, we have developed many campaign tools.

Small Steps presentation – Presentations have been made by the project team and project ambassadors throughout India and abroad. The Small Steps campaign has made its presence felt through green seminars in the corporate sector, by meeting students in primary schools, design schools and colleges, organizations and government bodies to UNESCO, Paris. The project has already managed to inspire many people and especially the youth who have volunteered to carry the message far and wide.
Posters, Brochures and Stickers – The posters augment the presentation and the brochures and stickers help spread awareness as they go along with the Small Steps bags.
Small Steps website (http/www.smallsteps.in) - The site contains all the information about the campaign as well as contact details of all our ambassadors. The presentation and posters are uploaded on the website. The Small Steps blog section invites viewers to leave their ideas on the problem of a polluted environment.

Spreading the message amongst the children – Schools have been our main field for spreading awareness. We have visited all the schools in and around Auroville and children from here are actively involved in small waste reduction projects. There are regular dialogues between the local school children and the Small Steps team. They meet every few months and the children relate the steps they took to educate family and friends to reduce waste and avoid plastics. Small Steps distribution - We promote “gift economy” which is based on unconditional giving. Under this type of economy, the bags are not “sold” but simply given. This concept is being carried out in places like schools and villages.

Where We Need Help

Donors to help us execute the training workshop in villages.
People who would help the project to provide micro finance in villages for the women to buy their own sewing machines and solar lights.
Donors who would help us with the production of bags so that we can take this campaign to a wider mass of citizens, especially children.
More volunteers.

Our Ambassadors Small Steps Ambassadors are the pillars of the project. These are passionate men and women who believe in the same ideology and are more than willing to carry the message with them everywhere. They have been vital in the awareness campaign and many have presented Small Steps in their communities, in exhibitions and also to the media.

Today we have about 50 active ambassadors in India, USA, Europe and South Korea.
We are soon launching monthly conferencing which will help the team and the ambassadors keeping touch and become inspired by each other.
To promote gift economy we invite Corporate Companies to “Take one and Sponsor one”. Bags that they sponsor are gifted to students and villages. In turn they are asked to contribute by spreading the message of the environment and working towards our green planet. This concept has been embraced by some companies like CAN from Spain.

This article attempts to elaborate on the importance of social markets and networks for sustaining crafts-based livelihoods. These two concepts of are often pushed aside and favour is given to discussions about income generation for artisans and upgrading skills so that products are better received at market. While the latter are important means to improve livelihoods, an understanding of social markets and networks is crucial for any intervention to remain sustainable.

Confronting the decline of crafts-based livelihoods in India means identifying the factors that have a direct bearing on this situation and understanding the ways in which these factors are impacting artisans, their crafts, and their communities. A plethora of reports and surveys blame both the colonial predatory interventions and post-independence development policies in India to have disproportionately and negatively affected traditional craft communities (Erdman 1988, SRUTI 1995, Halder and Pandey 2001, Christensen 1995, Kak 2003). These reports also suggest that even though the numbers employed in the crafts sector remains second only to agriculture, a long standing neglect of the sector on the part of policy makers has resulted in the declining social and economic status of artisans, and, combined with the significant collapse in the traditional forms of “civil society”, has left many struggling on the margins of society. The situation is further exacerbated in the recent decades by declining markets for a growing number of traditional crafts in the age of globalization and local governments’ often inept and haphazard interventions, such as removal of entire crafts communities from their traditional habitats in town and city centres to the periphery (Tarlo 2000, Dhar Chakrabarti 2000, Ali 1995). Cumulatively these continued assaults have not only impacted on craftsmen/women’s daily life and working practices by weakening their economic and social networks, but also on their sense of self, the future of their crafts and livelihood, and the continued existence of their communities. A walk in any old city around the world, where sectors, lanes, and markets are named after crafts – Potters Lane, Confectioners’ Quarter, Goldsmiths’ Bazaar, and so on – is an acute reminder that historically artisans the world over formed distinct communities within which both economic as well as social networks supportive of crafts and artisans were formed (c.f. Pal 1978: 106, 143). In India, of course, the need for artisans to be part of such communities and their networks seem to be even more indispensable for their self identification as well as work due to communities’ association with the varna-jati framework, which forms the cornerstone of the caste system. When communities and networks are weakened, broken or severed, the craftspeople struggle to survive in the absence of support systems and crafts as means of sustainable livelihood end up on a slippery slope to extinction. When discussing the production of crafts, which is most often situated in local communities, a conceptual differentiation needs to be made between the symbolic and historic realities at work in the community. Following Cohn (2002), symbolic reality “grows out of the mythology and sacred traditions,” and historic reality “is a set of ideas about the remembered experiences of a group of people” in a community. Further, the symbolic reality manifests itself in religious and cultural concerns; the historic reality influences social and political matters. Out of these two different realities networks are created that sustain the religious and cultural dimensions of craft production, as well as facilitate the social and political changes. Both types of networks assist in “their capacity as learning systems, passing information in multiple directions and with great situational adaptability” (Smith 1999: 147, my emphasis). The first kinds of networks, however, are concerned with the embeddedness of craft production in the symbolic reality of the community and hence facilitate communication through hierarchical linkages (Schwitzer 1997). At the production level, these networks are responsible for creating social awareness that not only provides a coded meaning to the artefact and creates shared aesthetics and values among the community, but it also helps in fashioning place-specific differentiation for artefacts while giving the craftsperson a sense of him/herself as an artisan. As an example of networking that supports crafts production within the symbolic realities of villagers, consider briefly the following description of pottery making in Manipur provided by the Indira Gandhi National Centre for the Arts (IGNCA). In Manipur, pottery is practiced by women without using a potter’s wheel in the manner found in other north-eastern states. The pottery is used both for ritual and domestic purposes. One ritual use for a specific artefact called the Chaphu, for instance, is associated with childbirth. The placenta of the newly born child is cut-off and kept inside a small earthen pot called Chaphu, which symbolizes purity and sanctity. Aspects of purity and sanctity are then transferred in varying degrees to artefacts for domestic use, which often lead to the production of a variety of Chapu like pottery: Chapu Uyan Pun for storing rice; Hantak Chaph, for keeping pounded fish mixture; Ishaiphu for containing water; Chini Chaphu, a small earthen pot with stalk for storing sugar; Chengpu pot to store starch, and so on. Furthermore, these utensils assume different colours and finishes in different districts and thereby acquire associations with various people. Thus, for instance, glossy black pottery is made in Ningi village in Ukhrul district by the Tangkhuls; the dull black pottery is made in Oinam village in Senapati district by the Poumais; pottery in brick red with a coat of blackish maroon colour is made in Andro village in Thouble district by the Chakpas, and so on. The complexity of the form/use/locality/group may be bewildering for the non-initiated person, but not for the members of local communities who are steeped in the coded sacred knowledge (IGNCA 1999: internet document). The second type of networks supports the embeddedness of craft production in the community’s historic reality, i.e., the interpenetration of social and cultural domains (Schweitzer 1997). At the practical level these networks are primarily concerned with the sustainability of crafts as a means of livelihood through continuous self-metamorphosis and adaptation of an artisan’s horizontal linkages with his/her jati-peers; the market place; the technology; skills upgrading, and so on. The establishment and maintenance of networks, both symbolic and historic, are necessary elements of a social market. In order to explain the concept of a social market, I will use a case study known as Third Italy. The term Third Italy refers to a process of industrialization that occurred in the central and eastern parts of Italy. The region has been differentiated from the industrialized north and the general poverty of the south (Boschma 2005). One of the main distinguishing characteristics of the Third Italy is its crafts-based small-scale industry, often no larger than a household unit, specializing in a wide range of crafts, such as shoemaking, textile production, and ceramics. Other than specializing in these generally low-technology, crafts-based industries, the region is distinguished by the prevalence of what Smith refers to as a “social market” (Smith 1999). Accordingly, “[A] market that had a strong social component to it demonstrated that the competitive efficiency of the region came neither from the open competition between firms that conventional economics might have expected, nor from a similar struggle between capitalists and workers. It came instead from some kind of historically established balance between competition and cooperation. A balance made possible, perhaps, through the mediation of local culture, understood here as values, goals and interests.” (ibid: 142). Generally, the growth of this kind of social market occurred as a result of several factors, such as localisation or industrial clustering and the reliance on local networks of formal and informal organisation. The formation of networks is not only essential for the transmission and propagation of knowledge but also for their “capacity as learning systems” (Smith 1999:147). The knowledge propagated through networks may be in the form of tacit knowledge (Polanyi 1973), which is transmitted endogenously within the confines of a family unit or within the broader scope of a community of agents who possess a similar knowledge base (i.e., knowledge of crafts or other skilled trades). Or alternately, the form of knowledge that passes through networks may be of an explicit nature, such as different kinds of codified knowledge. An interesting aspect of the Third Italy-type of social market organization is the way knowledge is transmitted through the dense networks created in industrial districts. In other modes of production such as factories or large transnational enterprises, the transmission of knowledge is explicit; meaning that for the factory or enterprise to function efficiently its knowledge base must be in the form of codified and structured information. Also, this kind of explicit knowledge is transmitted by various impersonal channels such as data tables, diagrams, articles, books, etc. In the case of Third Italy, networks of production are localized, flexible and trust-based and therefore the efficiency of production is not dependent on the transformation from tacit knowledge, which is necessarily transmitted through personal relations, into explicit and codified knowledge. Boschma also notes that the network-type of coordination associated with horizontal and trust-based relations facilitates innovation through the exchange of tacit knowledge, although he does not discuss how this is managed (ibid: 219). These observations are intriguing because they imply that tacit knowledge of a trade or craft, which is often passed down through the generations, can remain as sustainable as codified knowledge as long as there is a suitable social market for its generation, transmission and adaptation. The insights to be gained from studying the Third Italy case may be useful in the Indian context for a number of reasons. Firstly, as mentioned above, Third Italy illustrates the importance of spatial organization for the development of networks and the facilitation of knowledge transmission. In the Indian context, spatial boundedness is a distinct characteristic of crafts-based industries. In Delhi, for example, groups of artisans specializing in pottery have, until recently, resided in a spatially circumscribed part of the Old City. Although these potters have lately been forcefully dislocated from the old city and resettled on the outskirts of Delhi, they still reside in spatial clusters. The importance of space, in terms of spatial organization, as well as place, in terms of affiliation to ideals of community – and how these impact the transmission of knowledge – is significant in the formation of social markets. Secondly, the success of the Third Italy, based on the spatial clustering of one particular trade, is to a large extent determined by the inputs being generated within the same bounded area during the production process. Inputs could be in the form of knowledge and know-how of technique transmitted through households or formal networks; labour provisions from within the household or community; contributions made by networked agents or groups in the production process due to “put-out” work received; transportation services provided so the final product can reach the appropriate market. The key aspect of the Third Italy’s success is that the importance of space and place led to, more often than not, the efficient transmission of knowledge and the reduction of transaction costs. A third factor that constituted the success of Third Italy was the small size of the firms involved in the production process. Many of the firms were household units where the entire family would be involved in some aspect of production. The smallness of the firms, whether they were family-sized or whether employees were sought exogenously, played a significant role in the transmission of tacit and explicit knowledge and therefore a certain degree of trust was built within the networks. In the Indian context, craft production has traditionally revolved around the family structure (Krishnan 1989, Miller 1985).¹ The discussion of Third Italy does in no way call for an exact replica to be created in the Indian context, since there are very many differences between the two regions. These differences are of course based on the varying historical, social and economic developments of Italy and India. One important distinction that deserves mention is that although the Italian case is unambiguously demarcated between regions and their trajectories of economic, political and cultural developments², no such differentiation is made in the Indian context (that I am aware of). Since India is not divided regionally in terms of production strategies, caution must be exercised when discussing crafts in such a diverse country so as not to collapse the innumerable craft industries into the Indian craft industry. Each particular industry in India will no doubt have its own peculiarities ranging from methods of transmitting knowledge, organization of labour, levels of trust and extent of networking among various parties involved in the production process, amount of contact with domestic and international markets, proximity to urban centres, and so on. The Indian case, however, is also marked by complications arising from continuing assaults on artisan communities – spatially, economically, as well as culturally – manifesting in continuously fading networks that, as we saw, are so essential for the sustainability of crafts-based livelihoods. It is in this regard that insights from the Third Italy’s experience can be particularly useful, since as an example it demonstrates the importance of creating a socially embedded economy after its sustained embrace of industrialization.

REFERENCES:

Liebl and Roy (2000) “Handmade in India” report that 38% of crafts production occurs within household units.
Third Italy, with the peculiar characteristic of its "social market", is contrasted with the mass production factories of Italy’s North and the generalized poverty of the South.

BIBLIOGRPAHY

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Christensen, M. 1995. “In the Beginning was the Potter: Material Culture as Mode of Expression and Anthropological Object” Folk 37: 5-24.
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Erdman, J. L. 1988. “Living Institutions: The Social and Cultural Organization of Craft in Modern India”. Making Things in South Asia: The Role of Artist and Craftsman. Michael W Meister (ed). Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania, Department of South Asia Regional Studies.
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Kak, Krishen 2003. “Cultural genocide?” in Celebrating Craft: A symposium on the state of handicraft. http:/www.india-seminar.com/2003/523.htm
Krishnan, Shantha 1989. Traditional Potters: Entitlements and Enablements of Artisans. New Delhi: Indus Publishing Company.
Liebl, Maureen and Tirthankar Roy 2000. “Handmade in India: An analysis of crafts producers and crafts production in India”. Washington: World Bank Group.
Miller, Daniel 1985. Artefacts as Categories: a study of ceramic variability in central India. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Pal, M.K. 1978. Crafts and Craftsmen in Traditional India. New Delhi: Kanak Publications.
Polanyi, Michael 1973. Personal Knowledge: Towards a Post-Critical Philosophy. London: Routledge & Kegan Paul.
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