Journal Archive

Issue #008, 2021 ISSN: 2581- 9410 I will share my thoughts on the relevance of Gandhian Science in the Indian Cotton Textile Industry and I would like us to consider why it was that Gandhi chose the spinning of cotton yarn as the vehicle of swaraj Could anyone meeting Gandhi in say 1893 in South Africa, when he was a London trained barrister dressed in Western dress, representing a prosperous merchant in a civil court case, could such a person ever have thought that Gandhi would one day not only change his attire to become what the Prime Minister of Britain Winston Churchill sarcastically called a ‘half-naked fakir’ but be able to put his finger on the crucial issue of village India’s poverty? How did this middle-class urban person from a prosperous Kathiawadi family take up the cause of a simple wooden gadget on which cotton yarn was spun? Which, by the way he only saw for the first time in Bijapur village in Gujarat in 1917, when he was already 48 years old? But with his sharp insight into Indian village life Gandhi was quick to figure out that cotton yarn spinning as part of the making of cotton cloth was the key to the self-sufficiency of the Indian village, since it employed literally millions of people and was one in which no other country could match India’s strength. This is what he writes in his weekly paper Harijan in 1940: ‘The spinning wheel represents to me’ he writes ‘the hope of the masses. The masses lost their freedom, such as it was, with the loss of the Charkha. The Charkha supplemented the agriculture of the villagers and gave it dignity. It was the friend and the solace of the widow. It kept the villagers from idleness. For, the Charkha included all the anterior and posterior industries - ginning, carding, warping, sizing, dyeing and weaving. These in their turn kept the village carpenter and the blacksmith busy. The Charkha enabled the seven hundred thousand villages to become self contained’ Cotton cloth has been made in India for around 5 thousand years. Since at least the time of the Roman Empire there had been a demand for Indian cotton fabrics in Europe, and they had been exported from India in great quantities from then until the nineteenth century. But it was a one-way trade, since there was nothing the West produced that Indians wanted in return, so India had to be paid in gold and silver, creating balance of payments problems for even the mighty Roman Empire: Pliny, the Roman historian of the 1^st century AD calculates the value of the cotton textile trade between India and Rome at a hundred million sesterces [equal then to 15 million rupees] every year, and he complains that India is draining Rome of her gold. The gold and silver which poured into India went into the hands of the millions of farmers who grew the cotton, the millions of women who spun the yarn, and the millions of weavers who wove the cloth. It was certainly the largest manufactured trade item in the world in pre-industrial times. Indian cotton cloth, paid for in gold and silver, was arguably the source of India's fabled wealth. Not just the quantity, people marveled at the quality and variety of Indian cotton fabrics. Suleiman, an Arab trader who visited Calicut in 851 AD writes in his diary “..garments are made in so extraordinary a manner that nowhere else are the like to be seen. These garments are wove to that degree of fineness that they may be drawn through a ring of middling size”. Tome Pires, a Portugese traveler of the 16^th century writes in 1515 from Malacca describing the ships that came there from Gujarat and the Coromandel coast, “…worth eighty to ninety thousand cruzados”, he says, “carrying cloth of thirty different sorts..” a hundred years later Pyrard de Laval, a French mariner says that Indian fabrics clothed “ everyone from the Cape of Good Hope to China, man and woman, …from head to foot.” It was not just fine cloth that India exported. Excavations in Egypt of pieces of cloth dating from the 5^th to the 14^th century AD have brought to light the ordinary cloth that India made for ordinary people, which was also exported, samples of which can be seen today in the Newberry collection housed at the Ashmolean museum in Oxford. The many different regions of the Indian sub-continent, with their specific soils and their specific micro-climates, nurtured different varieties of cotton plants, each one specifically adapted to its particular conditions. Farmers used the best of their own seeds for the next year’s planting, so that over the centuries each variety of cotton plant was constantly refined and improved while retaining its distinctive character Then the cotton seeds were separated by hand from the lint on small household gins in the farmer’s house and the best ones were stored for the next year’s planting. Cotton lint was spun into yarn on household charkhas, producing the variety of yarns that gave Indian fabrics their fabled diversity. There was a charkha in every household, rich and poor. For the poorer folk, spinning was livelihood, for the richer ones it was a leisure pastime. Dhunkars/carders walked the streets twanging their carding bows, waiting to be called in by household spinners to make their ginned cotton lint into slivers. This idyllic picture was disrupted by the Industrial Revolution in England. It’s a well known story: the first machines of the industrial revolution were spinning machines. They ushered in the age of mass production: in the late 18^th century the first spinning mill was set up in England, followed by many others. The mills needed large quantities of cotton as raw material and so Indian cotton became a commodity for export rather than raw material for small-scale local weaving. Household ginning was no longer adequate to gin the large quantities in a short time that export production required, so large ginning machines were introduced into cotton growing areas. In these large ginning machines the seeds of the different varieties of cotton which had been so carefully kept separate for centuries were all mixed together and desi varieties carefully cultivated over the ages became mongrelized, dealing a mortal blow to the legendary diversity of Indian cottons. The English spinning mills began turning out huge quantities of yarn. And who was to buy these huge quantities of mill spun yarn? the weavers of India of course! Mill-spun cotton yarn began to be exported from England to India, destroying the livelihoods of millions of Indian spinners. Here is an extract from a letter written in 1828 and printed in the newspaper Samachar, by one such unfortunate person. This is what she says: When my age was five and a half gandas (a ganda is 4 years so she would have been 22) I became a widow with three daughters. My husband left nothing at the time of his death wherewith to maintain my old father-and-mother-in-law and three daughters.... At last as we were on the verge of starvation God showed me a way by which we could save ourselves. I began to spin on takli and charkha. In the morning I used to do the usual work of cleaning the household and then sit at the charkha till noon, and after cooking and feeding the old parents and daughters I would have my fill and sit spinning fine yarn on the takli. Thus I used to spin about a tola. The weavers used to visit our houses and buy the charkha yarn at three tolas per rupee. Whatever amount I wanted as advance from the weavers, I could get for the asking. This saved us from cares about food and cloth. In a few years' time I got together seven ganda rupees. With this I married one daughter. And in the same way all three daughters. There was no departure from the caste customs. Nobody looked down upon these daughters because I gave all concerned, what was due to them. When my father-in-law died I spent eleven ganda rupees on his shraddha. This money was lent me by the weavers which I repaid in a year and a half. ...And all this through the grace of the charkha. Now for 3 years we two women, mother-in-law and I, are in want of food. The weavers do not call at the house for buying yarn. Not only this, if the yarn is sent to the market, it is not sold even at one-fourth the old prices. I do not know how it happened. I asked many about it. They say that bilati yarn is being largely imported. The weavers buy that yarn and weave. I had a sense of pride that bilati yarn could not be equal to my yarn, but when I got bilati yarn I saw that it was better than my yarn. I heard that its price is Rs. 3 or Rs 4. per seer. (she sees that even though the yarn is smoother it is also cheaper) I beat my brow (she continues) and said, 'Oh God, there are sisters more distressed even than I. I had thought that all men of Bilat were rich, but now I see that there are women there who are poorer than I’ I fully realized the poverty which induced those poor women to spin. They have sent the product of so much toil out here because they could not sell it there. It would have been something if they were sold here at good prices. But it has brought our ruin only. Men cannot use the cloth out of this yarn even for two months; it rots away. I therefore entreat the spinners over there that, if they will consider this representation, they will be able to judge whether it is fair to send yarn here or not. This letter is reprinted by Gandhi in his paper Young India in 1931. It is the arrogance of imperialism that allows manufacture of yarn in England from cotton grown by slaves a thousand miles away, in America, to be sold in markets more thousands of miles away, in India, undercutting local manufacture. And it is Gandhi’s perfectly tuned intuition that grasps this and makes the charkha the symbol of the antithesis of imperialism: Swaraj. An opportunity for change comes when India throws off the colonial yoke and becomes independent. Independence from colonial rule provides a chance for the country to get rid of the colonial spinning technology it is burdened with. If Gandhi’s ideas on yarn spinning had been considered at this seminal moment, perhaps this could have come about… but this was not to be; his ideas were rejected outright by fellow patriots. Nehru and the scientist Meghnad Saha unfortunately did not engage with Gandhi’s ideas, but brushed them aside on the grounds as Saha said, that he advocated a return to ‘old world ideology’, to be discarded in favour of modern science and technology. Tagore repeatedly warned of the oversimplification he considered was inherent in Gandhi’s call for all to spin: “It is essential that the responsibility of swaraj should be accepted fully”, he said “and not as a matter of homespun yarn alone”. In fact Tagore famously dismissed the charkha as a distraction from “our task of all-round reconstruction”, while the All India Congress, with Nehru at its head, disowned it. As to Gandhi’s companions they unquestioningly accepted his ideas, but none of them took up a deep study into the relation between the cotton plant and the spinning process. Perhaps if Gandhi’s life had not been so tragically cut short soon after India’s independence he would have looked deeper into the question of yarn making. Perhaps he would have pointed Maganlal, his research-minded nephew, towards developing a spinning technology that could innovate machines that used the principle of hand-spinning to produce the vast quantities of yarn that the millions of hand weavers of the day needed. It could have been done with persistence and belief in the importance of yarn-spinning, but instead independent India chose to retain the spinning technology introduced by the EIC. Which meant that if our indigenous cottons the herbaceum and arboreum strains of the gossypium plant did not produce the long, strong cotton fibre this technology demanded then they must be abandoned in favour of foreign varieties, the American and Egyptian hirsutums and barbadenses. In other words, the demands of the machine began to dictate what nature should produce. A change of cotton varieties meant a change of the whole ecosystem in which they were grown: while the desis had been grown as rain-fed crops, the American varieties needed irrigation – a major change with 3 results – it added the huge costs of irrigation to the expenditure that the farmer had to incur, it depleted precious ground water and it increased humidity in the cotton fields. A humid climate is what encourages pests and in irrigated fields they increased by leaps and bounds, so that more technology was introduced to control them, laying the path for genetically modified cotton seeds in which the gene of an insect, Bacillus Thurigiensis is introduced into the cotton seed, producing the BT cotton which is in general use today. It is in this specific instance – the introduction of foreign varieties of cotton to suit an alien spinning technology - that I particularly miss the presence of Gandhian thought. Newly independent India should have framed science and technology policies for specific Indian circumstances and the strengths of the Indian samaaj. If technology development had been in the hands of Gandhi and his followers this is what they would have done - they would have come up with a spinning technology that could handle the different varieties of cotton that grew in the different regions of the country, as our hand-spinning and hand-weaving technologies were designed to do. The Gandhian way would have been to reject a spinning technology unsuited to desi cotton varieties, unsuited to handling diversity. Perhaps then we could have avoided the replacement of our indigenous cottons with the Americans, that have brought so much despair to Indian cotton farmers that lakhs of them have committed suicide..part of the farm suicides that P Sainath, chronicler of rural India calls ”the largest wave of suicides in history” I myself have been involved with cotton yarn spinning for many years and at this point I would like to share with you a brief insight into what we call the Malkha initiative, in which some steps have been taken towards making yarn on a small scale suited to the small scales of cotton growing and hand-weaving, what Gandhi refers to as “the anterior and posterior industries”. Malkha spinning units have a hundred times fewer spindles than commercial mills, (400 as compared to 40,000) and they produce a hundred times less yarn (40 kilos) per 8 hour shift, enough for 40 hand weavers. And here are a few slides to show you how the Malkha units work:

1.Malkha buys unbaled cotton lint rather than the lint that has been steam-pressed

2. In the Malkha unit the lint is fed into a carder, which produces

3. Carded sliver This carded sliver then goes through various stages

4. Before it becomes

5. Yarn.

6. The yarn wound onto bobbins then reaches the loom

While Gandhi was supremely confident of India’s ability to take a path to the future based on its own civilizational values and suited to its own circumstances, the new rulers of independent India preferred instead to follow the direction of its erstwhile colonial masters. They felt that the science and technology developed in the West was the best for India. They thought that India’s historical mastery of cotton cloth making was irrelevant in the modern world, that in this modern world small-scale, decentralized hand-production must be replaced by mass production in large, centralized, energy-intensive mills and factories. Mass production, they thought, would increase India’s material wealth and the well being of the country would automatically follow. They were wrong. Seventy-five years after independence India lags behind in providing food, health and education to large numbers of the people of the country We see the deficiencies of our health systems particularly in these covid times. Inequality between rich and poor is at stratospheric levels, with the richest 10% holding 77% of the country’s wealth, while the poorest suffer from poverty similar to that of the countries of sub-Saharan Africa, as Jean Dreze and Amartya Sen point out. And of course the wealth of the country is increasing at the cost of the exploitation of natural resources by industrial production.... of course the profits made through that exploitation of natural resources are accumulated by those who control that industrial production, while the costs of the destruction are borne disproportionately by the poor. Cutting down forests to build highways, building big dams to generate energy has benefited big industry while destroying local environments and disabling the local industries that for ages have used the resources of the forests and rivers without causing them any harm. Look for example at how river waters had been used for centuries: Local dyers such as the kalamkari hand-painters of Kalahasti and the indigo dyers of Ilkal attributed the brightness of their colours to the flowing water of local rivers and streams: “The water of Hirehalla nala was what gave our indigo dyeing its sheen” says one of the dyers of Ilkal. These waters no longer flow, they’ve been dammed upstream to generate electricity for big industries. Indigo dyeing has been given up altogether in Ilkal, while the artists of Kalahasti have ironically to resort to the water being pumped into fields for irrigation to wash their paintings. There are other ways in which the rights of villages were breached by colonial administrators, and which have not yet been restored by the rulers of independent India. Activities in the village which were the prerogative of local communities were snatched from their hands by colonial administrators. For example, fishing in local village ponds was a right allocated to local fishermen, but during colonial times were sold to the highest bidder. Bamboo from the forests from which local bamboo artisans made things of village use was now sold to be pulped for paper in the large paper mills set up in colonial days. Similar fates befell the collectors of minor forest produce, as well as to tappers of toddy trees and to sea-side salt makers. As artisanal industries declined the village as a community made up of people providing their skills to an interdependent village economy, an economy firmly rooted in its specific place now turned the village instead into a collection of individuals with no professional relations amongst each other, and no reason to remain where they were. They became rootless, a supply of cannon-fodder for the new mass-production industries that sprang up in urban centres far from their village homes. These new industries were structured around the technology of machinery, creating as Jacques Ellul, the 20^th century French philosopher says “an artificial world and hence radically different from the natural world”. No longer were tools made to serve humanity, now humanity had to service the needs of the machine. This is the direction of technology development that India continues to follow today: in the view of the vast majority of the twentieth century Indian westernised elite the dominant position of Newtonian science is unquestioned. It seems as if that ‘science’ is synonymous with modernity and progress, and under its banner, it is possible to dub traditions as superstitions and to consign whole cultures to the dustbin of the unscientific. For example State policies devalue the knowledge of weaving communities, imposing alien technologies among skilled weaver communities that they have designated as primitive, such as the recent effort to introduce jacquard weaving on frame looms among the loin-loom weavers of North East India. If Gandhi’s views on the contrary had steered India’s technology development, it would be in the direction of flexibility rather than the uniformity necessary for mass production: we would have a plethora of flexible technologies that would adapt to the diversity of this vast subcontinent, as traditional Indian technologies, the charkha and the handloom are designed to do. Flexible technology is what makes the spinning of multiple varieties of cotton possible, turning out different kinds of yarn in different regions that can be woven into a variety of cloths reflecting the heritage of each region. There’s no reason why modern technologies that enhance flexibility cannot be used for this purpose. Modern communication technologies such as social media can break the hold of the monopolistic market that demands large quantities of identical products; social media can broadcast information on small-scale local markets where the knowledge of the maker meets the expectation of the user directly, with just returns for the makers and made-to-order products for the buyers. In the Indian situation diversity should be seen as an advantage, not a drawback. Diversity is the poetry of India’s cotton cloth; and it begins with the lint of the diverse cotton plants and needs spinning technologies suited to each. In our particular circumstances and considering our particular strengths we should encourage the development of a plethora of spinning technologies suited to spinning a diversity of yarns from a diversity of cotton varieties. We should do away with the dominance of industrial spinning machinery that demands from the farmer the one kind of cotton that it can process, and doles out to the weaver the one kind of yarn it can spin. We should go in the opposite direction to that monoculture: growers, spinners and weavers of cotton in different regions should develop the particular technologies that suit them, which would make them confident in their own domains, participants in a network of equals. Technology development should be in the hands of the producers, anchored at the actual sites of production. Today in the 21^st century there are still millions of hand looms weaving cloth in India, distributed in the different parts of the country. A textile policy derived from the philosophy of Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi would ensure that India would establish in this country a diverse, producer-owned, ecological industry in which local environments would be respected: the burden on nature would be limited by nature’s own boundaries. Subsistence for all rather than profit for a few would reign. This would be true swaraj, in tune with Gandhi’s maxim that “Earth provides enough to satisfy every man's need, but not every man's greed.” Talk delivered at the Gandhi Science Lecture Series, Indian Academy of Sciences. 28 May,2021 [embed]https://youtu.be/oPq_OvVHwB0[/embed]

Ganesa, the lord of ganas, is considered the god of good luck and auspicious happenings. He is known by various names like Vighneswar Siddhidata, Girijaputra etc. Ganesa is worshipped alike by devotees of all communities. The birth-story of Ganesa has been referrd with slight variations in many Puranas, as Padma Purana, Matsya Purana, Linga Purana, Brahmavaivarta Purana. ,Skanda Purana and Siva Purana. The last one deals with this theme in such an interesting manner that during the late medieval period it becomes very popular among the artists, who carved out or painted the episode based on this text. Two doors have formed the subject matter of this paper. The story of the birth of Ganesa mentioned in Siva Purana states that once Jaya and Vijaya, friends of Parvati advised her to have a guard of her own, as almost all the ganas belonged only to Siva but Parvati did not pay any attention to this idea Once Siva entered the apartment in spite of Nandi's check, who was guarding the door. At this moment Parvati felt the need of having her own guard. Accordingly, she modelled a male child out of her toilet paste and infused life in it. Afterwards Parvati posted him at the main gate with instruction not allowing anyone inside as she was going for bathe. Meanwhile Siva came and tried to enter into the apartment. The guard, at the gate, did not allow him, even after a hot discussion. Parvati enquired about the noise and knowing the situation, she sent her approval to the guard to resist forced entry of Siva into her apartment. War took place between both the parties in which Parvati's Ganas won the war. This made Siva furious, Narad's admiration for Parvati's Gana made him more violent and he chopped off the head of Parvati's Gana On hearing this, Parvati also became very furious. By the time, all gods assembled there and tried to mediate. At last Parvati agreed on this condition that her son should regain life, which was accepted by Siva. He sent his gana's in northern direction and asked them to bring head of the first person whom they meet first. Accordingly, the head of baby elephant was brought by Ganas and it was fixed by Siva and Ganesa gained life and received the blessings of the gods (who assembled there at that time) including Siva himself. Besides this, the story is mentioned in Padma Purana, Marysa Purana,Skanda Purana, Brahmavaivarta Purana and Linga Purana also. While the former three refer the core of the story same as Siva Purana, where Parvati models that child out of the paste the latter two (Brahniavaivarta and Linga Purana) present comparatively altogether a different story which is not relvant here to the depiction of the door. While Padma and Marysa Purana present lord Ganesa with the elephant head right from very beginning Skanda Purana mentions that after cutting the head of Parvati's Gana, Siva fought with Gajasura and brought his head and fixed it on the top of the child's body. It is only in the Siva Purana that the Ganas brought the head of elephant on the order of Siva as depicted on doors, therefore, it is relevant that it is based on Siva Purana only," as scenes are painted like it. Presently two doors painted with the theme of Ganesa's birth, are housed in the National Museum, New Delhi. These belong to Orissa and are painted in folk styles and probably of 19th century. One of these has 24 medallions depicting the story of Ganesa's birth in great details (referred further as 'A') (Pl. l) while other one has only 10 medallions painted only with the events of the story (referred later as 'B') (Pl. 2). Both are rectangular in shape, but different on top. Door 'A' has semi-circular top, door 'B' has flat top. In the centre of both the doors elephant headed Ganesa is presented in a dancing pose under pyramidal shaped sikhar of a shrine. It is surrounded by medallions which are painted with the scenes related to the birth story of Ganesa On door 'A' six armed Ganesa is shown dancing on a lotus pedestal. He is carrying a rosary, ankusa, broken tooth and modaka. In the upper pair of hands he holds a snake forming a sort of canopy over his head. The Ganesa of door 'B' is only four armed. Rosary is replaced by the snake here. Both the images of Ganesa are highly bejewelled and dressed in yellow dhoti and his vahana rat is shown near by the row of animals, as elephant and deer. Floral motifs and geometric patterns are beautifully painted in both the doors. While painting these doors artists have followed the version of Ganesa's birth mentioned in Siva Purana. The story starts from the top centre medallion in door 'A'. First three roundels present the general scenes showing Parvati and Siva standing on the mount Kailas in their usual abode. However, the door 'B' presents only one roundel, with the theme here. They are shown in front of a beautiful house. The fourth medallion of the door 'A' depicts Narada visiting Parvati. But this theme describes slightly later in medallion three of door 'B'. The actual story of the Ganesa's birth starts from the fifth medallion where Parvati is shown busy in modelling a child out of her toilet paste. She is assisted by her maid. In door 'B' this important event is absent. Parvati seated with her baby boy blessed by Lord Visnu standing nearby is the theme of roundel two. This is depicted in sixth roundel of door 'A' also, where Parvati is standing with her baby in front of Lord Visnu. In the seventh medallion of door 'A' child is shown paying respect to his mother by touching her feet. The next roundel presents Parvati seated in a cane in anjali mudra. The next two scenes, the most important ones in the story, are common in both the doors. In first scene child is depicted with staff in the hand, guarding the door and stopping even the Siva's entry into the house. (Pl. No. 3) (details of door B). This makes Siva furious and later on he enters into hot arguments. The next part of the story, when the maid informs Parvati, who was curious to know about the happening of outside, is depicted in the following roundel of door-'A', The story is further carried out in the 12th roundel of door 'As, where Narada and Siva are standing face to face. Perhaps this represents the moment when Narada asked Siva regarding the happenings and started praising Ganesa (as mentioned Siva Purana). However, this theme is slightly varied in 6th roundel of door 'B' where Visnu and Narada are shown discussing. In the 13th roundel of door 'N Siva is ordering his Ganas for fighting with Parvati's Gana. And the most interesting part in this, is Parvati's maid appears again in the following scene conveying the approval of Parvati to Ganesa for his deeds as narrated in Siva Purana also. The next part of the story was taken by both the artists of door 'A' and 'B' where both the parties (Siva's and Parvati's Ganas) are arguing amongst themselves as mentioned in Siva Purana. Battle was fought which ended in Parvati's victory. Siva-Ganas returned back to their master with lowered heads and this forms the scene of roundel 16th in door 'A'. As mentioned in the Siva-Purana. Visnu and Siva are shown discussing in the next roundel This theme has been depicted on the door ‘B’ too. Siva Purana and Skanda Purana refer that at last to end the struggle Siva decided to cut-off the head of Gana and it is truly represented in both the doors. Parvati and her maid are shown paying respect to Lord Siva in the roundel of door 'A'. In the next roundel Parvati is shown seated in a sad mood because of her son's death and Siva is shown ordering his Ganas. For the point of identification of textual reference these scenes are the most important as they give the clue that this story is based on Siva Purana only. Skanda Purana refers that after the cutting off the head of Parvati's Gana Siva fought with Gaja-sura and brought his head and fixed to the child. But in the Siva-Purana the Ganas who on the command of Siva went to the northern direction and brought the head of single tusked elephant whom they met first in the direction and this forms the subject of 22nd roundel. In the next roundel, Siva is shown fixing the head of elephant on the baby body. However, in door 'B' all these episodes are missing and in the end both the doors present Ganesa seated with his parent. From the above representation it can be clearly concluded that the artist of the door 'A' was fully aware of the story of Siva Purana while the artist of door 'B' either has the vague idea of the story or he was under the restriction with the limitation of space. These types of doors were made for temples as well as for palaces also under the traditional art of Orissa. This art of painting the wooden doors and Patachitra is mostly practiced in the states of Sonepur and Ranpur. Usually painters prepare the background by coating it with a mixture of chalk and gum made from tamarind seeds. This mixture gives the surface a leathery quality on which the artist paints freely with colours made from various types of clay and stones. For example red colour from Hingala stone, white from Sankha, yellow from Hartala, blue from blue stone and black from the domestic soot. So this pictorial conception of art has special and peculiar forms and types evolved by the native Orissan genius. REFERENCES

Besides the doors, which is the theme of this paper, one four feet high ivory tusk is also carved with the same theme of Ganesa's birth story in small 36 scenes. This marvellous piece of art is the property of the Mess. Handicrafts Board. New Delhi. This tusk has been published by Mrs. K. Lal for U.S.S.R., Festival of India Catalogue, New Delhi. 1987. PI No. 86.
Siva-Purana, ed. J.L. Shastri, Vol. II, Rudrasamhita, ch. 13-17.
Brahmavaivarta Parana, Baburam Upadhaya, 1981, Prayag, ch. 8-12, pp. 674-697.
Linga Purana, ed. J.L. Shastri. Part 11, Vol.6, ch. 103, pp. 576-579.
Matyasa Purana Kalyana, 1985, ch. 154, pp. 643-644. Padma Purana ed : J.L. Shastri. ch.1 (Shrsti Khanda)
Kalyana's Devata Anka, Gita press
Siva Purana, ed. J.L. Shastri. Vol. II Rudrasamhita 17
In Mukteshvar of Bhuvneswar. there is an old and beautiful temple of Lord Ganesa which was built in between 800-1060 A.D. It has an image of eight armed dancing Ganesa. He also holds the snake in the same manner. Kalvana's Ganesa Anka, 1974, pp. 445.
May be artist does not want to paint the toilet scene or it can be local variation also.
May, Sept. 55, Ancient Arts and Crafts in Orissa, by P.S.R. Sharms. pp. 73.
Indian Crafts, D.N. Saraf, Delhi. 82' pp. 54-55.
This was told by the Pata-Chitra artist of Orissa who came to New Delhi for their skill demonstration.

Door 'A'

Siva-Parvati are standing in abode in a garden.
Parvati is seating near Siva.
Parvati is in Anjali Mudra seated in front of Siva.
Parvati is seated in a sad mood and Narad is standing in front of her.
Parvati is standing with her baby and her maid standing at her back.
Parvati is standing with her baby and lord Visnu standing in front of her.
Baby is touching Parvati's feet.
Parvati is seating in Anjali mudra in a cave.
Baby is standing outside the cave.
Siva being stopped by the baby for entering the cave.
Parvati is being told by her maid inside the cave.
Siva is seated on a rock and Narada standing in front of him.
Siva ordering his Gana.
Maid is talking to the Gana.
Battle scene.
Siva Gana are standing with the lowered head in front of their master.
Siva and Visnu are discussing.
Siva and Parvati's Gana's fighting.
Maid is praying Siva.
Parvati is touching the feet of Siva.
Parvati is seating in sad mood and Siva ordering his Ganas
Ganas bringing the elephant head.
Siva is fixing the elephant head on the Parvati's Gana.
Ganesa is seating with his parents.

Door ‘B’

Siva is standing and Parvati seating in Anjali mudra in front of a house.
Parvati is seated with a baby in her lap and Visnu standing.
Parvati and Narad are standing.
Parvati's Gana is guarding and her maid seating inside the cave.
Siva being stopped by the Gana into the cave.
Narada and Visnu are standing.
Siva's and Parvati's Ganas are discussing.
Siva is in attacking pose.
Parvati is seating with a head-less child and Siva standing in front of her.
Ganesa is seated with her parents.

Destruction of her murals shows the rot in the museum.

The mindless destruction of Ganga Devi’s extraordinary last works at the Crafts Museum is terribly sad. It highlights the caste system between art and craft, the indifference to the creative integrity of a craftsperson’s vision. The quoted reaction of a Crafts Museum official, “Don’t worry, I’ll get another kohbar ghar painted” shows that, even for someone who claims to have worked there for 30 years, one piece of craft is much like another. So Ganga Devi is no more, let’s get Sita Devi or Champa Devi or Ambika Devi. It’s all Madhubani after all, so what’s the difference? There was an eerily similar response when rumours of the transformation of the Crafts Museum into a Hastkala Academy evoked a public outcry. “Why the fuss? Nothing much happens in the Craft Museum,” was one bureaucrat’s reaction. Typical is the lack of communication and consultation. Bureaucrats naturally cannot be experts in everything. They need inputs from specialists. Earlier, there was always a process of consultation. When new schemes were being planned, when changes in an established institution or practice were contemplated, when programmes needed evaluation, a committee or working group would be set up, consisting of a cross-section of experts — representative, knowledgeable, and hopefully objective. If there was occasionally too much talk and not enough action, there was at least informed debate. These days, this interaction with civil society is simply not happening. Ad hoc decisions are taken and no one knows how and why. Occasionally there’s a political agenda but often (as in the case of the Ganga Devi murals, I suspect) the people involved are neither wilfully wicked, nor have axes to grind. They simply don’t know much about the matter and take knee-jerk decisions without asking anyone or thinking them through. Whether it’s building a six-storey glass and concrete building next to a heritage site, changing handloom policy, withdrawing Delhi’s bid to be a Unesco Heritage City, deciding who is to head a prestigious cultural institution, or even renaming a road, neither legalities nor long-term implications are considered. Things are decided by a few individuals who then become defensive and surprised at the ensuing outcry. Not rolling back the decision becomes a matter of prestige. To return to the Ganga Devi murals, the present head says the decision was taken before her tenure, and the former director, Ruchira Ghose, says that though the space certainly needed major repairs, the destruction of the artworks was done after she left. Since I myself was on the museum rejuvenation committee previously, I can vouch that though we all agreed that the building urgently needed restoration and upgrading, destroying existing parts of the collections was nowhere on the agenda. The murals could have been restored. Intach performs miracles. There is a paradox here, however. The cost of proper professional restoration is considerably more than a Madhubani craftswoman would receive for an original painting. Restoration is seen as a 21st-century technical skill, Madhubani, a rural “handicraft”. No surprise it was decided to simply paint over the pieces. Unfortunately, we were not consulted. The last meeting I attended was in mid-2014. At that time, slabs of plaster were falling dangerously from ceilings supported by wooden struts, the godowns which housed the priceless reserve collections were seeping damp and mildew, the galleries had no temperature or humidity controls. We were all ecstatic that the long-delayed funding had finally come through, and that the museum would be brought to international standards. In the last six months, media reports and rumours about the future of the Crafts Museum and its amalgamation into a Hastkala Academy began circulating. No one in the sector was informed or consulted. Ministry officials were tight-lipped, saying only that “the status of the Crafts Museum would remain unchanged”. Why can’t we know what’s planned for its future? When the prime minister talks of Make in India and Skill India, he should rcall those amazing undervalued skills we already have. Let’s not demolish them in our haste to acquire new ones.

Games are a common passion, a common pastime which cross all sections of the community. Playing or watching games form a highly significant aspect of culture, both because of their importance in peoples lives and their capacity to bring families and communities together and because of the degree of creativity and skill that go into devising them. No indoor games match the passion with which cards are played in India. One such card game, now facing extinction is Ganjifa.

HISTORY The leading theory is that the Ganjifa pattern was created in Persia, most likely under the influence of playing cards from the East (probably money-suited decks), and introduced in India by the Mughals. The origin of the term Ganjifa is obscure. Ganj is a Persian term meaning 'treasure, treasury or hoard'. The first mention of the game is made in the Babarnama, the memoir of Babar. The founder of the Mughal dynasty, Emperor Babur, who ruled from 1526 to 1530, reports in his annals, "This evening... Mir Ali Korchi was dispatched to Tatta [in Sindh] to Shah Hussain. He is fond of the game with cards and had requested some which I have duly sent him." The word used for cards in this text is Ganjifa or the Persian Ganjafeh.

The next, more detailed, reference is found in the Ain-I-Akbari, a book written by Abul Fazl Allami towards the end of the 16th century during the reign of the great Mughal emperor Akbar (1542-1605). Abul Fazl devotes a short chapter to the games - chess and ganjifa - played by Akbar.

Card playing became very popular and widespread in the 17th and 18th century at the innumerable Indian courts, especially within the zenanas (women's quarters) where Ganjifa was the recourse from institutional boredom. With rising popularity it became the subject of much writing and beautiful decks were created for the nobility made of ivory or tortoise shell inlaid with precious stones (called darbar kalam). But the game was so popular it spread among the common people, who used cheaper sets made from wood, palm leaf, pasteboard, and various other inexpensive materials (called bazaar kalam).

The game spread with the expansion of the Mughal Empire. The Deccan belt, with its intermingling of North and South, Hindu and Muslim cultures became fertile ground for the development of a variety of games and cards. The hinduization of Ganjifa cards contributed to their spread and popularity and was played in Rajasthan, Bengal, Nepal, Odisha, Madhya Pradesh, Andhra Pradesh, Maharashtra and Karnataka.

The practice and the rules of the game, played for centuries in India - across palaces and hovels - is now almost wiped out replaced, we hope not irrevocably, by the western import of the 52 set game. These cards, now curiosity items for tourist, are still hand-made and hand-painted by skilled craftsmen (chitrakara). Therefore, each deck is a truly unique item.

TYPES OF GANJIFA DECKS Despite the many changes, the general structure of any Ganjifa deck is not really different from other kinds of pattern. The suits are always made of twelve subjects, whose backgrounds are colored. Their values include pip cards running from 1 (or ace) to 10, and two courts: a minister (or counsellor) and a king.

The pips are small suit signs, more or less stylized, arranged in patterns of various fashion, a free choice of the artist who painted the deck, though often influenced by the regional trend.

The illustrations depict human figures and incarnations of many Indian divinities, posing in different attitudes, that change in accordance with the pattern of the deck and with the regional custom. Ganjifa packs that come from the same area not only have similar illustrations but matching backgrounds too, differing from those of decks made elsewhere. The use of different background colors for identifying the suits of the deck was once found also in the other variety of traditional Persian cards, the As-Nas, now extinct. The geographic origin of a deck affects its background colors, one different for each suit, thus alternative names for Ganjifa decks, according to how many suits they have, are atharangi ("eight colours"), navarangi ("nine colours"), dasarangi ("ten colours"), baraharangi ("twelve colours"), and so on. In patterns with more than eight suits, some colors may appear similar, but in this case the rim, clearly different, provides an easy reference.

● Mughal Ganjifa

This style of Ganjifa was created and used by the Mughal courts and among the known patterns is probably the variety closest to the original pattern once used in Persia.

It has 96 cards divided into eight suits. The court cards are usually referred to with their old names: wazir (the minister), while the king is called shah (also padishah, or mir, probably short for amir).

In most parts of India, the wazir and shah subjects feature human figures (the king either seated on a throne or under a canopy, the minister often mounted, with or without his retinue). But in decks made in Odisha they are replaced by characters of the local mythology and religion.

● Dasavatar Ganjifa

Although the game played with Ganjifa cards flourished among the Mughals in its 8-suited version, the Hindu players felt the need of a scheme somewhat closer to their homeland traditions. Therefore, they sought inspiration in themes borrowed from the local religion for illustrating the court cards, and creating their own suit signs.

The main non-Mughal Ganjifa pattern is the Dasavatara. This word literally means "ten incarnations", referring to the human and animal appearances traditionally chosen by god Vishnu for revealing himself, in opposition to evil.

Such incarnations, usually ten but sometimes more, according to the local beliefs, are as follows: Matsya (fish), Kurma (tortoise) Varaha (boar), Narasimha (half man, half lion), Vamana (dwarf), Parashurama (Rama with an axe), Rama (hero of the Ramayana), Krishna, Buddha and Kalkin (the incarnation yet to come)

The number of suits in the Dasavatara Ganjifa are ten (five "strong" and five "weak"), and their signs reflect the features of the religious theme. Eight out of ten suits are standard, found in all decks, while two of them may vary from region to region, chosen among a number of optional ones (see the following table).

However, often Dasavatara Ganjifa decks have more than ten suits: two additional ones are common, but larger sets may count up to 20 or 24 suits (i.e. 240 to 288 cards, a rather unusual composition).

Some names of the Dasavatara suits are those of the incarnations to whom they refer, while all the signs are symbols of their feats; besides the customary ones, some alternative signs are sometimes preferred.

TABLE OF SUITS FOR DASAVATARA GANJIFA

Suit Names (Incarnations)	Suit Signs (alternatives shown in square brackets)
Bishbar suits
Parashurama Rama Kalkin Balarama (optional) Buddha (optional) Jagannath (optional) Krishna (optional)	axe monkey [ bow and arrow ] [ arrow ] sword [ horse ] [ parasol ] plough [ club ] [ cow ] shell [ lotus flower ] lotus flower cow [ crowned bust ] [ blue child ] [ chakra ]
Kambar suits
Matsya Kurma Varaha Narasimha Vamana	fish turtle shell chakra (decorated disc) jug / vase
additional suits (if any)
Ganesh Kartikkeya Brahma Shiva Indra Yama Hanuman Garuda Krishna Narada	rat peacock vedas (scriptures) drum thunderbolt snake noose club small Garuda flute vina (Indian lute)

● Bird Motif Ganjifa

A particular variety of Ganjifa cards is the one in which the ordinary suit signs are replaced by birds (or, more seldom, by other animals too). It is found especially with a Mughal composition, i.e. eight suits. More recently, also a few Dasavatara samples have been made with ten suits, each of which is represented by a different bird; the small flower vase at the base of each pip card is merely decorative.

The choice of using birds as suit signs is not terribly surprising, considering the many included in Hindu mythology, among which are the crow (vehicle of Shani), the peacock (vehicle of Kartikkeya), the parrot (vehicle of Kamadeva), the swan (vehicle of Saraswati and Brahma), plus a few mythical creatures such as Garuda (half man and half eagle, vehicle of Vishnu) and Arva (half horse and half bird).

The birds featured in Ganjifa cards (i.e. the pips) are small and rather stylized, but the suits can be told also by the colour of the background, and by the personages of the court cards, who sometimes hold the traditional sign (sword, shell, jug, etc.), or are recognizable by their particular shape.

● Other Ganjifas

Besides the Dasavatara and the Mughal Ganjifa (including the "birds" variety), several other patterns exist, yet less common than the two aforesaid ones. They feature specific themes with a various number of suits.

Rashi Ganjifa: Rashi (zodiac) Ganjifa is a twelve-suited pattern that features zodiac symbols as suit signs. The Indian or Vedic zodiac is similar to the Western one: it divides the year into twelve periods or "houses", each of which is identified by a symbol.
Navagraha Ganjifa: Navagraha means "nine planets". In Hindu culture, these planets are believed to bestow humans with special gifts, and are worshipped as gods (specific prayers are recited to each of them). In India this is an important cult; in fact, the Navagraha Ganjifa pattern was created at the beginning of the 20th century by Shankar Sakharama Hendre, whose project was to sell cards to raise enough money for building a temple dedicated to the Nine Planets, in Bombay. Although his goal was not achieved, the Navagraha Ganjifa survived. In this pattern each suit represents a planet; but the last two, Rahu and Ketu, are actually lunar nodes, namely the ascending node and descending node, respectively referred to as "dragon's head" and "dragon's tail", and often pictured as a bodyless head and a headless body. Each planet is a deity itself, to which a month, a zodiac sign, a color, a gem and a steed are matched.

The full series of planets (some have alternative names, according to the different parts of the country) are: Surya/ Ravi (Sun) on a 7 horse-drawn chariot, Chandra (Moon) on an antelope-drawn chariot, Mangala/ Kuja (Mars) on a buffalo or goat, Budhan/ Buddha (Mercury) on a lion with elephant's trunk, Guru/ Brihaspati (Jupiter) on an elephant or goose, Sukrana/ Sukra (Venus) on a horse, Sani/ Shani (Saturn) on an eagle or crow and Rahu (Dragon's head) and Ketu (Dragon's tail) who have no vehicles.

Besides the Ganjifa varities mentioned so far, some others exist: the Ramayana Ganjifa, a twelve-suited pattern inspired by the Sanskrit epic Ramayana, the Ashtamala Ganjifa, inspired by eight episodes of Krishna's life as a youth, and the Ashtadikpala Ganjifa which refers to the eight cardinal directions.

PROCESS OF MAKING GANJIFA CARDS Besides their graphic features, what is probably the most interesting peculiarity of any Ganjifa deck is that these cards are still hand-made and hand-painted by skilled craftsmen, known as chitrakara. Therefore, each deck is a truly unique item.

Ganjifa are traditionally round, measuring approximately from 20 mm to 34 mm to 120 mm in diameter.

Today Ganjifa cards are made of layers of pressed paper, but in Odisha cloth is still used. At first, paper layers (normally six) are layered and glued together, primed with lime, dried, burnished, cut, painted and lacquered. The lacquer is made from Indian shellac (chapra) or other natural resins which give the cards the required stiffness, protection and smoothness in handling. Cloth cards are made from cotton waste rags, soaked and starched with glue made from tamarind seeds; when dry, by using a mold the starched cloth is cut into discs, two of which are glued together to make individual cards; a paste made from chalk is then applied to make the surface even, and the deck is finally painted. Paints were traditionally made from mineral or vegetable substances are today increasingly replaced by readily available synthetic colors.

The process of making cards is shared by the entire family of chitrakars. Much of the preparatory work is done by women. Pip cards are painted by junior artists, figure cards by senior ones. They begin on previously prepared colored backgrounds by first outlining the figure in white or lighter colors and then they successively paint the details in different colors finishing the figure with a thin outline in black. Each artist evolves a personal style in spite of his fidelity to traditional conventions.

The cards are painted plain red or orange on the back. Cards from Odisha have yellow, green, blue and black backs and increasingly in recent years, brown backs rendered in cheap paint made from lal mati (red mud). Occasionally one finds the backs decorated with a rim line or small central flower. Fully ornamented backs are rare as the artist has to take special care to make the backs identical so as not to create any tell-tale irregularities.

Some decks are housed in a wooden box or case, often decorated with themes consistent with the pack's pattern. Each region has evolved its own distinctive type for instance, in Rajasthan boxes are short and oblong painted predominantly in green or crimson, in Sawantwadi they are cubic are commonly in red, in Andhra Pradesh they are long with bulging sides painted in green, in Mysore they are oblong or cubic, in Odisha cubic in black, brown and yellow and in Kashmir long boxes with floral patterns. The paintings vary from region to region, from floral motifs to elaborate processions. All boxes have a sliding lid.

Attempts to print Ganjifa decks have been made during the 20th century, without proving very successful, and therefore never replacing the traditional craft.

Regrettably, due to the lack of request, during the past decades the making of these decks, once a common activity throughout India, has considerably subsided, and is now no longer very common. The game too is certainly endangered, but not extinct, and especially in the state of Odisha the locals are still known to play with Ganjifa sets.

The main centres of Ganjifa manufacture are Sawai Madhopur and Karauli in Rajasthan, Sheopur in Madhya Pradesh, Fatehpur District in Uttar Pradesh, Sawantwadi in Maharashtra, Balkonda, Nirmal, Bimgal, Kurnol, Nossam, Cuddapah and Kondapalle in Andhra Pradesh, Mysore in Karnataka, Puri, Sonepur, Parlakhemundi, Barapalli, Chikiti and Jayapur in Odisha, Bishnupur in Bengal and Bhaktapur, Bhadbaon and Patan in Nepal.

THE GAME OF GANJIFA The detailed rules of ganjifa games vary from region to region but they belong to the vast category of trick-taking games. In all such games, each player starts with an equal number of cards in hand. The hands are played out in tricks, each trick consisting of one card furnished by each player. In Ganjifa, the hand moves counter clockwise. A trick can only be won by a card of the same suit. If a card of the same suit is not with a player he may play with a low card of another suit. Since in ganjifa, players have so many cards in hand, this is common practice. Before the game begins, the player separates the winning and non-winning cards and uses the latter indifferently.

From this basic play, variations are derived. A univeral characteristic of Ganjifa games, whether played with eight, ten or twelve suits: the two court cards always rank highest in each suit, but in half the suits the numerical cards then rank in one order and the other half in the opposite order. The objective of the game is to win as many tricks as possible.

To a game in which the evocation of "your Rama did this" or "your Matsya lost and my Narasimhan won" was said to remit sins, Ganjifa today is a craft in crisis. In the coming years, unless the cards can make a transition from museum collections to the drawing rooms and card tables, it is an art which will become extinct.

Importance Of GI Registration: Under the law of Geographical Indications in India, only if a Geographical Indication (hereinafter referred to as, “GI”) is registered in India, then the registration affords legal protection by enabling infringement action possible. Further under the TRIPS Agreement, to which India is one of the signatories, registration in the home country (i.e. country of origin) is a pre-requisite for registration in other member countries.That apart registration enables protection of the GI and its promotion. It confers exclusive right to the producers concerned to produce and market the GI goods. Production and sale by anyone other than the producers concerned is an offence punishable under the GI law.Registration therefore enables the entire world demand to be catered to by the producers concerned as opposed to it being met by the world at large, prior to registration. Therefore registration paves the way for the concerned producers to cater to the entire market demand. It thereby increases the sales of the producers, thereby increasing their turnover and profits. This in turn leads to national development and prosperity. This is also called as the cascading effect of GI registration.Further, GI protection ensures that the consumers get only original GI goods from the place of origin, thereby preventing them from deception and ensuring originality. It forms the basis for initiating infringing action, and to curb piracy and entry of spurious goods into the market. What Could Be Protected? A name or a figurative or geographical representation or any combination of them suggesting the geographical origin of goods to which it applies can be protected as a GI in IndiaExample: Pochampally Ikat, Sri Kalahasti Kalamkari, Kashmir Pashmina, Kashmir Sozani, Muga Silk & Madhubani Paintings, Sikki Grass Products of Bihar.Who Is Entitled To Seek Protection Of A GI? Any association of person or producers or any organization or authority established by or under any law and which represents the interests of the producers concerned is entitled to file an application for registering the GI concerned.Example:

In the case of Pochampally Ikat two associations of the producers are registered as the proprietors of the Geographical Indication.
In the case of Nakshi Kantha an NGO which represents the interest of the producers is registered as the proprietor of the GI.
In the case of Kashmir Pashmina, Kani Shawl and Kashmir Sozani Embroidery, the proprietor is the society formed by the Government which represents the nature of the producers.
In the case of Alleppey Green Cardamom the proprietor is Spice Board, a commodity board established under the Spice Board Act, 1986.

How to protect? In order to protect a Geographical Indication many aspects are to be kept in mind. Our firm has handled the largest number of GI registrations in the country. Based on our experience on GI registration I would mention a few aspects to be kept in mind before proceeding for registration. Firstly the GI has to be identified and coined properly. Example: In the case of Sri Kalahasti Kalamkari the GI was amended to read as such from that of “Kalamkari” per se because there are other forms of Kalamkari such as “Machilipatnam Kalamkari” that are in existence. Secondly the applicant has to be identified. As already mentioned in the preceding paragraphs it can be a registered society/s, trust, NGO, statutory body, incorporated company, or a Government Undertaking. Thirdly the geographical area for which GI protection is to be sought has to be clearly identified and demarcated along with the latitude and longitude specifications. Care should be taken to ensure that genuine producers are not left out. The geographical area can be a locality i.e. a village, a town or a city of a district/s. E. g. In case of Sri Kalahasti Kalamkari the town ship of Kalahasti near Tirupati in the State of Andhra Pradesh is the territory covered by the GI. In case of Mysore silk the area covered is the premises of the company which produces and markets Mysore Silk products. In case of Pochampally Ikat, two districts in the State of Andhra Pradesh have been identified and demarcated. The geographical area can be a region i.e. A state or a part of a state or parts of states. E.g. In the case of Kashmir Pashmina, Kani Shawl, & Kashmir Sozani Embroidery the territory covered by the GI registration is the entire State of Kashmir of India. In case of Alleppey Green Cardamom the territory covered is 5 districts in the state of Tamil Nadu and 4 districts in the state of Kerala. The geographical area can be a territory i.e. a country E.g. In the case of PISCO the territory coved is the entire country of Peru in South America. Fourthly, documents and relevant material to show proof of origin have to be collected/ consolidated. Because they are important evidence to prove the origin of the GI. Fifthly a fool proof inspection structure has to be incorporated and put in place to check and certify the GI goods so that quality is ensured. Lastly the uniqueness of the GI has to be brought out by a techno-legal analysis of the uniqueness of the GI concerned. Uniqueness can be based on quality, reputation or other characteristics attributable to the place of origin of the GI. Registration of the GI: The GI application has to be drafted and filed at the Geographical Indications Registry, strictly in compliance with the legal requirements specified under law. The GI Registry then examines the application and subject to compliance the application is advertised in the GI journal. If there are no oppositions within the opposition period then the GI registration is granted in favour of the applicant who is then legally recognized as the proprietor of the GI. Thereafter the users of the GI must also register themselves as such, so as to be able to use the GI. Post Registration Measures This includes creating public awareness on the need for the use of the GI goods and as to how it aims at improving the life and livelihood of the artisans concerned by simultaneously protecting the culture, tradition and heritage of our country. Vigilant market watch/ inspections should be undertaken. Based on which infringement action, civil and/or criminal as appropriate has to be initiated against the infringers. In a criminal prosecution a conviction can result in imprisonment and fine. The minimum period of imprisonment is six months and the maximum is three years. The minimum amount of fine imposable is Rs.50, 000/- and maximum is Rs.2 Lakhs. The duration of imprisonment and amount of fine vary depending on the nature of infringement committed. In a civil action declaratory relief, injunction, accounts, delivery of infringing goods etc can be claimed. To facilitate taking up of post registration measures, a separate fund should be set up. In cases where in-house funding is not possible, the Government or NGOs can be approached for financial assistance. Many registered GIs are facing acute shortage of funds for taking up post registration measures. So the Government and NGOs could facilitate setting up of funds and implementing post registration measures. Conclusion As part of my social responsibility I have requested my wife to prefer only GI goods wherever possible. Considering the interest and benefit to the artisans by the use of each one of us of only GI goods wherever applicable, she has agreed. This is only a modest beginning. So, if each one of us begins by using only GI goods wherever applicable, like giving a marriage gift of a Silver Filigree article from Karim Nagar, or using Kondapally Toys, or Channapatna Toys as play things for our children, buying Nirmal Furniture or Mysore Rose Wood Inlay Furniture for our homes, decorating our house/ office with Nirmal Paintings or Madhubani Paintings or other GI protected handicrafts, then it would help a lot in increasing the demand, sales and profits to the artisans. This would go a long way in improving the life and livelihood of the artisans and in realizing the dream of India as a developed country in the near future.

With Intellectual Property Rights (IPRs)¹ increasingly influencing trades both at the national and international level; harnessing trade benefits depends on the degree of protection enjoyed by the owners of the IPRs. Geographical Indications (GI) is one of the six Trade-Related Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPS) of the World Trade Organisation (WTO)² that seeks to provide comprehensive and effective protection to goods registered as GI goods. Geographical Indication (GI) is defined³ as any indication that identifies a good as originating from a particular place, where a given quality, reputation or other characteristics of the good are essentially attributable to its geographical origin. GIs may be associated with agricultural, manufactured or industrial goods. Non-agricultural products, which typically qualify for GI protection include handicrafts, jewellery, textiles, etc. (WTO, 2004). Given India’s historically vibrant and famous craft traditions, a number of craft genres and products from the crafts sector qualify as GI goods. If harnessed properly, trade gains from enhanced sale of these GI goods could provide tremendous socio-economic benefits to the producers of such goods. India, in compliance with the TRIPS Agreement of the WTO, enacted ‘The Geographical Indications of Goods (Registration and Protection) Act, (GI Act) on 15th September 2003 to provide protection to the goods registered under the Act. Seven years down the line, evidence from the ground suggests that while there has been some progress in terms of number of goods registered under the GI Act, there remain a number of issues and concerns in the context of harnessing the potential commercial benefits out of GI registration in India. The Rationale underlying GI Protection Huge information gaps (information asymmetry) exists in the markets today that lead to typical market information problems in the form of adverse selection and moral hazard (Akerlof, 1970). Information asymmetry impacts negatively on the market: the quality of total supply drops, higher-quality products are driven out of the market and some consumers are no longer able to satisfy their preferences (OECD, (2000). Producers maintaining the quality of their products are exposed to unfair competition from producers who sell lower quality products at the same price.This unethical practice of selling fake products in the name of reputed products to fetch better prices is rampant in the Indian market and even abroad. In India, for example, cheap powerloom saris are sold as reputed Banarsee handloom saris within and outside Banaras, harming both the producers and consumers of Banarsee handloom saris. While original producers suffer a loss of market for their goods, consumers end up paying inflated prices for fake goods. Consumers usually do not have perfect access to information regarding the prices of goods, and even less so to the quality of the goods (Nelson, 1970). In a situation like this, GI protection has the potential to eliminate information asymmetry and benefit both the producers and the consumers (OECD, 2000). Once the goods are registered as GI, they will be protected under the GI Law and any violation on this account would be tantamount to a legal offence. If the Act is implemented effectively, it will act as a deterrent to unethical producers selling their low quality and cheap products free riding on the reputation enjoyed by GI goods. The GI tag attached to products acts as a signalling device that helps producers to differentiate their products from competing products in the market and enables them to build reputation and goodwill around their products, which allows them to fetch a premium price. Eliminating information asymmetry is also the rationale of another IPR: Trademarks. But, there are at least two major differences between Trademarks and GI. Firstly, while Trademarks can be owned individually or by a group of people, GIs are collective rights owned by the concerned communities. Secondly, Trademarks can be transferred or assigned to another right holder but GI rights are perpetual collective rights. Besides, since most of these GI goods or potential GI goods have their origin in rural areas, the increased sales of these goods as a result of protection under the GI Act has the potential to lead to enhanced income to the producers’ communities and hence to rural development. Historical Development The term ‘geographical indication’ (GI) is a relatively new concept introduced by the TRIPS Agreement (WTO,1994).However , evidence suggest that the practice of using other closely related concepts existed even in the pre-industrial times. The concepts such as ‘appellations of origin’, ‘indications of source’ ‘designations of origin’ and ‘protected geographical indications’ used names of places and distinctive signs for variety of products as ‘indications of geographical origin’ (IGO). For example: Mt. Fuji sake and Pisa silk, Champagne, Florida Oranges, New Zealand lamb, Murano Glass, Swiss Watches, Bukhara carpets etc. Prior to TRIPS agreement of the Uruguay round which concluded in 1994, there were mainly three international conventions dealing with protection of IGOs, i.e. the Paris Convention for the Protection of Industrial Property (1883), the Madrid Agreement (1891) and the Lisbon Agreement for the Protection of Appellations of Origin and their International Registration (1958). While the Paris Convention and the Madrid Agreement dealt with ‘indications of source’, the Lisbon Agreement focused on protection of ‘appellations of origin (Kasturi Das, 2006).In terms of providing global protection to these IGOs, however, these multinational treaties offered limited scope as these conventions were ratified only by few countries. Hence, signing of the TRIPS Agreement, which brought GI to the fore in multilateral negotiations; by more than 150 member countries was an important step forward for the international protection of IGOs. The agreement provided the ‘minimum’ standards of protection for GIs (along with all other IPRs) backed by an enforcement mechanism. However, there remains the problem of a hierarchy in the levels of protection based on an arbitrary and specious categorisation of goods under the TRIPS Agreement. In international trade negotiations on IPRs, the European Commission has always shown keen interest and even aggression in seeking effective protection to GI goods. The negotiations, particularly on the GI section of TRIPS Agreement, were among the most difficult and this stemmed from clear division between the main proponents of the TRIPS agreement-the US and EU. The European Communities (EC) and Switzerland constantly emphasised on inclusion of GI in TRIPS during the Uruguay rounds of negotiation. The fact that GI was finally included in TRIPS agreement can be attributed to the EU’s remarkable negotiating capacity. The final outcome was tilted in the interest of the European countries. The Current TRIPS text provides a basic standard of protection to all other goods and higher standards of protection to wines and spirits in which they have clear advantages. The EC and its member states have a diverse portfolio of over 6,000 protected GIs. Socio-Economic Implications of GI in Developing Countries It is interesting to note that unlike other IPRs, the concept of GI has been received favourably in the developing countries. The potential socio-economic benefits that GIs could accrue to developing countries have led many to believe that GI is the ‘sleeping beauty IPR’ (WIPO, 2007). Research on socio-economic implications of GI for developing countries is scarce and it is evident that most socio-economic studies of geographical indications have been done in European countries where the concept is well entrenched. Nevertheless, the literature review of these socio-economic studies does still hold relevance for their theoretical and methodological rigour and act as a guide-post. The key socio-economic issues relating to geographical indications particularly relevant to developing countries are misappropriation, protecting traditional and indigenous knowledge and culture, improving market access, creating niche markets, protection of reputation, potential income effect and rural development. European policies and studies conducted in this area emphasize the potential of GIs to improve rural livelihoods based on local resources (Pacciani et al, 2001) and thus, advance rural development. Worldwide, rural communities have developed typical products based on the interaction between traditional-local know how (including selection, production and processing), cultural settings and particular environmental conditions such as the soil and climate (World Bank Report, 2004). The market mechanism, as it exists today, does not necessarily reward either these products or the producers.GI provides an effective framework to counter information asymmetry, leading to a process which can be viewed as ‘Institutionalisation of Quality’ that rewards such products and producers with premium prices. Numerous empirical studies indicate that consumers are willing to pay a premium for origin- guaranteed products. A consumer survey done in Europe (WTO, 2004) revealed that 40 percent of consumers surveyed were willing to pay a premium as high as ten percent. Econometric studies have shown that consumers are ready to pay a high price premium for origin labelled wines. For instance, Bordeaux wine with ‘Pomerol’ designation, commanded a premium of $15 per bottle (Landon and Smith, 1998) and wines from Napa Valley fetched 61 percent higher premium than California wines (Bombrun and Sumner, 2003). The price premium is not restricted to wines. A study done by Loureiro and McCluskey, 2000 on meat products indicates that Galician Veal commanded a premium upto $0.21 per kilogram. Whether this premium will lead to increased income for producers actually depends on the capacity to implement effective enforcement. While confirming GI as an effective strategic tool for development of rural enterprises, a study by the OECD (1995) pointed that the two main factors that influence the success of small rural enterprises are: market access and socially constructed differentiation. One of the effective approaches to address these factors is for the enterprises to work together in order to develop a competitive advantage. This sort of collective monopoly achieved through GI enabled the French origin-labeled cheeses earn an average of two euros per kilo more than French non-origin-labeled cheeses. French poulet de Bresse has a market price four times higher than regular French chicken.Producers of milk used for Comté cheese are paid 10 per cent over regular milk prices. Similarly, producers of Italian Toscano olive oil have managed to earn a premium of 20 per cent since registration as a geographical indication in 1998 (EU Background Note, 2004). The premium captured by products displaying a geographical indication suggests that some form of value is embedded in the use of GI which is a mixture of economic, cultural and social values reflected in product-place linkages. However, some studies also discovered that lesser known and lower quality products may earn small or insignificant price premiums, thus reinforcing the argument that GI registration itself is not enough for exploiting commercial benefits unless backed by promotional initiatives and quality maintenance mechanism (Loureiro and McCluskey, 2000). In the context of developing countries, GI goods reflect strong links with localized specific production assets derived from local culture as it characterizes the “historical memory” of the local population and represents a catalyst of identity (Bérard and Marchenay,1995). As such, GIs draw from both natural and human resources located within the territory, thereby stimulating the rural economy. According to a study origin-labeled products are often considered useful instruments to preserve local culture and traditions and to foster rural development, especially in disadvantaged areas (Pacciani et al ,2001). According to the same study, the rural development impact depends on the extent to which local actors succeed in appropriating the rent with respect to actors located outside the territory. The potential of appropriating this rent is closely tied to the ability of local actors to create institutional processes that can regulate the use of these free goods (Pacciani et al., 2001). Thus, the rural development potential of GIs is dependent on an inclusive and representative Producers’ Association that ensures participation of local actors and capacity building of the PAs so that they are able to capture more of the rents from the production and supply chain. Geographical Indication: The Indian Scenario Unless a geographical indication is protected in the country of its origin, there is no obligation under the TRIPS agreement for the other countries to extend reciprocal protection. In India ‘The Geographical Indications of Goods (Registration and Protection) Act, 1999’ (GI Act) was enacted in compliance with India’s obligations under TRIPS at the WTO. The Geographical Indications of Goods (Registration and Protection) Act, 1999 (Act 48 of 1999) came into force with effect from 15 September 2003.This Act seeks to provide for the registration and better protection of Geographical Indications relating to goods in India to fulfil three key objectives:1. Adequately protect the interest of producers of GI goods and add to the prosperity of the producers of such goods, 2. Protect consumers from deception, and 3. Promote goods bearing GI in the export market. The Indian GI Act defines “Geographical Indications in relation to goods as an indication which identifies such goods as agricultural goods, natural goods or manufactured goods as originating, or manufactured in the territory of a country or a region or a locality in that territory where a given quality, reputation or other characteristics of such goods is essentially attributable to its geographical origin and in the case of manufactured goods where one of the activities of either the production or of processing or preparation of the goods concerned takes place in such territory, region or locality, as the case may be.” Goods include any agricultural, natural or manufactured goods or any goods of handicraft or of the industry and include food stuff. The salient features of the Act are mentioned under the following sixteen points:

Definitions and interpretation of several important terms like geographical indications goods, producers, package, registered proprietor, authorised user etc.,
Provision for the establishment of a geographical Indications Registry;
Provision for the maintenance of a Register of geographical Indications in two parts-part A and part B and use of computers, etc, for maintenance of such registers. While part A will contain all registered geographical indicators ,part B will contain particulars of registered authorised users;
Registration of geographical indications of goods in specified classes
Prohibition of registration of certain geographical indications
Provision for framing of rules by the central Government for filling of applications, its content and matters relating to substantive examination of geographical indications applications;
Compulsory advertisements of all accepted geographical indications applications and for inviting objections;
Registration of authorised users of registered geographical indications and providing infringement action either by a registered proprietor or authorised user;
Provision for the renewal, rectification and restoration of geographical indication and authorised use
Provision for higher level of protection for notified goods
Prohibition of assignment etc. of a geographical indications as it is public property
Prohibition of registration of geographical indications as a trade mark;
Appeal against registrar decisions
Provisions relating to offences and penalties
Provisions detailing the effects of registration and the rights conferred by registration;
Provision for reciprocity, power of registrar, maintenance of index, protection of homonymous geographical indication, etc.

To carry out the provision of this Act, the central Government notified a set of rules in 2002. The Government of India has established the ‘Geographical Indications Registry’ with all-India jurisdiction at Chennai, where the GIs can be registered. The controller General of Patents, Designs and Trademarks, who is also the registrar of Geographical Indication of India, is responsible for administering the GI Act. So far, 120 goods have been registered under the Act and many more are in the pipeline. Some of the well known GI goods are ‘Darjeeling’ (tea), Pochhanpalli Ikkat, Chanderi Handloom, ‘Basmati’ (rice), ‘Alphonso’ (mango), etc. An exhaustive list of registered GI products is available online at http//ipindia.nic.in/girindia/ Registration process for GI goods Darjeeling Tea was the first good to be registered as a GI good in India. The need for Darjeeling Tea to get GI protection became pronounced when it was discovered that the volume of Darjeeling Tea being sold in in international markets was more than the volume being produced. This made it clear that gross misappropriation by way of free riding on the brand reputation of Darjeeling tea was taking place in the international market. The move for registration of Darjeeling Tea was initiated soon after the GI Act came into force and the process of registration was relatively smooth because it was initiated by The Tea Board of India which is a financially sound body and could afford hiring the services of all required legal, scientific and other technical experts. The point which is being made here is that for GI registration, the nature and capacity of the applicant association is crucial. Once the need is felt for registration of a good as a GI good, the first and foremost requirement is the existence of a credible association that can be said to represent the interest of the producers of the good under consideration. The Indian GI Act says that any association of persons, producers, organization or authority established by or under the law is eligible to apply for GI registration. The applicant must represent the interest of the producers. Producers are defined as persons dealing with the following three categories of goods: 1) Agricultural Goods includes the production, processing, trading or dealing; 2) Natural Goods includes exploiting, trading or dealing; and 3) Handicrafts or Industrial goods include making, manufacturing, trading or dealing The second stage is the submission of application for registration under the GI Act, 1999. The due diligence exercise requires tremendous amount of time, energy, money and technical expertise. The application has to include details of special characteristics of the product to convincingly prove the uniqueness and establish linkages between the product and its place of origin. The documentation process is extremely rigorous and requires elaborate audio-visual documentation. Most of the lead applicants/producers do not have the capacity/resources to undertake this process. Some hire legal and scientific experts to file the application on their behalf. After the preparation of application is completed, applications can be filed and submitted by a legal practitioner or a registered agent and submitted to the Registrar of Geographical Indications, Chennai along with a prescribed fee. The application must in writing in triplicate in the prescribed format (available at //http//ipindia.nic.in/girindia/). The application has to be signed by the applicant or his agent and accompanied by a statement of case. After the application is submitted, the examiner at the Registrar’s office scans the application and any deficiencies have to be corrected by the applicant within one month. The content of the statement of case is assessed by a consultative group of experts in the area and an examination report is issued. Post this process, in case of any objection, the Registrar communicates with the applicant and is given two months to respond or apply for a hearing. The Registrar may also withdraw an application after the hearing. Every application within three months of acceptance is published in the Geographical Indications Journal, which is bi-monthly and bi-lingual (Hindi and English) statutory publication. The Journals are published on the Registrar of Geographical Indications website and any person can file a notice of opposition within three months opposing the GI application published in the journal. At this stage, the applicant can send a copy of counter-statement which can be accepted or result in abandoning of the application after a hearing. When an application of GI has been accepted, the Registrar registers the geographical indication and the applicant is issued a certificate with the seal of the Geographical Indications Registry. A registered GI is valid for 10 years and can be renewed on payment of renewal fee. Any person aggrieved by an order or decision can file an appeal to the intellectual property appellate board (IPAB) within three months. GI is a public property belonging to the producers and it cannot be transmitted, assigned or mortgaged. The Appellate Board or the Registrar of GI has the power to remove the GI or an authorized user from the register (also see Figure 1). Figure 1: GI registration process in India

(Source: GI Registry office, Chennai) The Textile Committee of India has been spearheading a nationwide campaign in India by creating awareness among various stakeholders of Textile and Clothing sector on the benefits of GI. The Committee identifies potential products and facilitates GI registration of the products. Some GI registrations that the Committee has facilitated include Pochampally Ikkat, Lucknow Chikan Craft, Banaras Saree & Brocades of Uttar Pradesh etc. The Committee has also supported state governments of Kerala and Uttar Pradesh for registration of some of the products. In this context, three studies were conducted by the Committee. The first focused on assessing the awareness among stakeholders on GIs and identifying potential products for registration under the act. The study identified more than 200 potential products for GI registration on the basis of threat perception. The second documented the specification and uniqueness of various products, which included the production process, historical origin etc. The third study, is currently being undertaken, analyses the post GI implication for Pochampally Ikat, Sholapur Chaddar and Terry Towels. It is interesting to note (see Table 1) , that out of the total 120 registered GIs so far, 80 (66%) belongs to the handicraft category followed by agriculture 31 (26%), manufactured 7 (6%) and food stuffs (2%). Table 1: Category wise registered Gis

Category	Number of registered products
Agriculture	31
Handicrafts	80
Manufactured	7
Food Stuff	2
Total	120
Source: GI Registry Office, Chennai; as on August 2010

Out of the total 28 states and 7 union territories of India (see Table 2), products from only 18 states have been registered under the GI act. Not even a single product has been registered from 10 states and 7 union territories of India. While Karnataka has the maximum products registered (27), the number of registered products from some of the biggest states with rich cultural and traditional knowledge is dismal. Interestingly, only a single product (Peruvian Pisco, a wine from Peru) from outside India has been registered seeking protection with the Indian GI Registry office. Table 2: State/Region wise distribution of Gis in India

State/Region	Number of registered products
West Bengal	7
Kerala	13
Tamil Nadu	18
Madhya Pradesh	4
Maharashtra	3
Orissa	5
Karnataka	27
Rajasthan	5
Andhra Pradesh	12
Himachal Pradesh	3
Bihar	4
Assam	2
Goa	1
Uttar Pradesh	4
Gujarat	4
Chhattisgarh	3
Nagaland	1
Jammu and Kashmir	3
Peru	1
Total	120
Source: GI Registry Office, Chennai; as on August 2010

(Source: GI Registry Office, Chennai); as on August 2010 The trends and patterns in the year wise distribution of Gis in India show (see Figure 2) that while there has been an overall increase in the number of registered GI products, the increase has not been consistent over the last 6 years. Only three (3) products were registered in the first year (2004-2005). Figure 2: Year wise distribution of Gis in India

Source: Based on data from GI Office, Chennai; as on September 2010 The number of products registered under GI recorded a significance increase in the year 2005-06. Twenty four (24) new products were registered in the following year (2005-2006) but in the next year 2006-2007, only 3 new products were registered. The year 2008-09 witnesses the maximum number of new products registered (45) .However, in the following year there was again a significant drop in the number of new GI product registration. Only 14 products were registered in the year 2009-10. Issues and Concerns There are a number of issues and concerns in the context of harnessing the potential commercial benefits out of GI registration in India. Perhaps the biggest concern is near complete absence of an effective post-GI mechanism in the country. While domestic registration of a GI is a relatively easy task and there has been some progress on this account over the last seven years, it is important to understand that only registration of goods per se does not fulfil the objectives of the Act, unless it is backed by sound enforcement mechanism both in domestic and export markets. In fact, the enforcement of the Act in other countries is a much more complicated venture as this may pose a variety of constraints including technicalities involved in the registration process in various foreign countries; exorbitant expenses involved in appointing a watch-dog agency to get information on misappropriation; and huge financial resources needed for fighting legal battles in foreign lands (Kasturi Das, 2006). The government’s role is vital in the post- GI mechanism because without government support, most producer groups do not have the wherewithal to effectively defend or promote their GI brand. In India, perhaps only in the case of one good i.e. Darjeeling Tea; the Tea Board has had some success in defending against misappropriation in a few countries because they have the financial capacity to do so. Though the Act defines the cases when a registered GI is said to be infringed, it is silent on the mechanism and provisions to fight against the infringement and this is an area where the government needs to play a larger role. According to Dr. Rajnikant Dwivedi, Director of Human Welfare Association, an association based in Varanasi working with handloom weavers, benefits of GI protection under the GI Act will actually depend on how effective is the post-GI mechanism. “Banarsee saree weavers continue to be a distressed lot, idle looms have not begun functioning and unscrupulous practices of selling imitation products in the name of Banarsee Saree have not been curbed.GI has not delivered its proposed benefits as yet. The moot question is –‘Will GI be helpful in bringing back those thousands of weavers back into this famous craft who gave up weaving as their livelihoods were destroyed due to almost the same reasons GI protection is supposed to address?’ Though it is a bit early to expect so much but even the associated optimism among the weavers seems to be somewhat missing. The above concern highlights the facts that essentially the litmus test for GI is whether it can effectively protect and promote the livelihood interests of the concerned producers or not, especially the poor producers. Mr. Anil Singh, Director-NEED, a Lucknow based organisation and also an applicant in GI registration for Lucknow Chiken Craft says that GI may leave the artisans community completely high and dry as the awareness level on GI, the most basic recipe for success of any policy, is alarmingly dismal. The post-GI mechanism must have adequate provision for promotion and continuous awareness building. Chicken Craft, being an eco-friendly, gender sensitive craft, has huge potential to increase the bargaining power of the producers, however, this potential has not been tapped. Attempts have been made by the State Government to tap this potential by merging GI promotion with the department of tourism, promoting producer companies and other promotional measures. However, these efforts remain restricted to a few areas where civil society is active. One of the key concerns that Mr. Singh points out is that a majority of producers do not have the capacity to report and fight an infringement case. The government also has not made any headway in adoption of strategies for marketing and distribution of the product, its branding and promotion, especially in foreign countries. This again is a herculean task, especially for the stakeholders from a resource-poor country like India. Success in exploiting the economic potential of a GI, to a great extent, depends on effective marketing and promotional efforts to develop consumer perceptions about the ‘niche’ acquired by the product on account of product-place link. Building up reputation about a GI-product is not an easy task, however. It takes a lot of time, patience, money, quality control and a well crafted marketing strategy to create a valuable GI brand. Champagne, for instance, took 150 years to build up reputation and goodwill. Currently, the action related to GI appears concentrated on registration of GI goods and in many states the state Governments are acting in haste. The identification and registration is happening without adequate due diligence. Applicants often do not assess the commercial status/prospect of a GI product in the domestic and export markets; the potential of its GI status in contributing to its future growth; and the socio-economic implications of its GI-protection for the communities involved in its supply chain. As a result, the larger and the real objectives of the Act are bypassed, often leading to frivolous and inconsequential registration. Moreover, as Gis are a collective rights and not an individual right, the registration process offers an opportunity for community level sensitization and awareness. However, in the haste to register Gis, this opportunity is also lost. The awareness and involvement in the registration process of even GI goods remain reduced to the level of a few selected stakeholders. This has in some cases led to seriously erroneous omissions and commissions, defeating the larger purpose of the GI Act. For instance, the map submitted while applying for GI registration of Bagh Print (already a registered GI) excluded some areas where Bagh printing has existed for decades⁴. Another error has been pointed out in the case of Madhubani painting. Madhubani Painting on paper is registered as GI under Class16 which implies that Madhubani painting on cloth is not protected. Another lacuna is that the definition of ‘Producer’ in the Act does not distinguish between a real producer, retailer or dealer. As a result of this discrepancy, the benefits of the Act may not percolate down to the real producer. Various economically powerful intermediaries may still continue their control over markets and the real producers may still be dependent on these intermediaries for market access. Even if GI protection would yield financial benefits, in such a scenario, firms with superior bargaining positions (located on the upper stream of the supply chain) may end up appropriating a disproportionate share of the economic value generated from securing protection (Ragnekar, 2004). The knowledge underlying a GI remains in the public domain; hence misappropriation of the embedded knowledge is not protected against. For example, in handicrafts, the technical content will not be protected as a technical idea under the GI, while the cultural value as form of expression and its distinctive characteristics do get protection through marks or indications of geographical origin. Hence, GI should be considered as part of a wider set of policies measures that seek to protect and reward indigenous knowledge. If needed, the technical component of the handicraft could also be protected through other IPRs. There is a dearth of literature from an Indian perspective on potential benefits from GI protection. While many studies have been done in Europe on the issue, hardly any systematic assessment has been undertaken by the relevant agencies in India while identifying the products to be accorded GI status. In the Indian context, studies are not available to address some of the pertinent questions related to GI and its development potential such as: What are the price premium consumers are willing to pay for goods protected under GI and given the ground realities, whether and how much the commercial benefits from GI protection will percolate down to the downstream supply chain? What implication will GI protection have in for rural development in India? Recommendations Extensive gaps exist on operationalizing Gis and this is where the focus of the government needs to be. Well-crafted policies and strategies on post-GI mechanisms are required for marketing, distribution, branding and promotion of the Indian GI products to realise the commercial potential of Indian Gis. There is the need for setting up a national level fund for fighting against infringement, brand building and promotional efforts of GI products. Best possible efforts should be made to sensitize and make the concerned GI community aware through a series of workshops and consultations to ensure maximum level active participation in the process for GI registration. This will in turn translate into socio-economic benefits to the community flowing from GI registration post-GI. In the wake of the deadlock existing at the multilateral trade negotiations at the WTO, international trade is shifting towards regional and bilateral free trade agreements and Gis are featuring prominently among the negotiation issues, including in the ongoing Indo-EU FTA. In the light of these developments, rigorous analytical studies on impact and implications will prove to be useful in chalking out negotiating positions for India. Existing empirical studies are predominantly done within the European context and do not provide for the characteristics of origin-labelled supply chains in developing countries. From a policy perspective much empirical work remains to be done to determine the direct and indirect impact of geographical indications in the developing world. Systemic studies need to be undertaken to study the real impact of the registered GI on the producers’ community and the potential impact of GI protection for the goods identified for production. The implications of Gis in the context of rural development in India need to be studied especially for sectors like agriculture, fisheries, crafts and artisanal works that provide livelihood for a large section of the poor in India. The entire supply chain study should be undertaken to examine or understand the socio-economic implication of GI. Without a collective body of empirical evidence on the impact of geographical indications, policy decisions in the developing world will remain uninformed, potentially producing unintended welfare impacts. References Akerlof, A.G., ‘The Market for Lemons: Quality, Uncertainty and the Market Mechanism’. Quarterly Journal of Economics, 84 (August): 488-500, 1970. Cerkia Bramley, Estelle Bienbe and Johann Kirsten, The Economics of Geographical Indications: Towards a Conceptual Framework for Geographical Research in Developing countries published in Economics of Intellectual Property Das, Kasturi (2006), Protection of Geographical Indications: An overview of select Issues with Special reference to India, Working Paper, 8;Centad,Delhi Das, Kasturi (2009), Socioeconomic Implications of Protecting Geographical Indications in India, WTO Centre, IIFT, New Delhi. EU Background Note, ‘Why do Geographical Indications Matter to Us?’ available at //http//jp.cec.eu.int/home/news_en_newsobj553.php , 2004. Loureiro, M.L. and J.J. McCluskey, ‘Assessing Consumer Response to Protected Geographical Identification Labelling’, Agribusiness 16 (3): 309-20, 2000. Nelson, P., ‘Information and Consumer Behaviour’, Journal of Political Economy, 78 (March-April): 311-329, 1970. OECD, ‘Appellations of Origin and Geographical Indications in OECD Member Countries: Economic and Legal Implications’, Working Party on Agricultural Policies and Markets of the Committee for Agriculture, Joint Working Party of the Committee for Agriculture and the Trade Committee, COM/AGR/APM/TD/WP (2000)15/FINAL, Paris, 2000. Pacciani, A., G. Belletti, A. Marescotti and S. Scaramuzzi, ‘The Role of Typical Products in Fostering Rural Development and the Effects of Regulation (EEC) 2081/92’, 73rd Seminar of the European Association of Agricultural Economists, Ancona, Italy, June 28-30, 2001. Rangnekar, D, ‘The Socio-Economics of Geographical Indications: A Review of Empirical Evidence from Europe’,Capacity Building Project on Intellectual Property Rights and Sustainable Development, UNCTAD/ICTSD, October 2003b. Rangnekar, D.,‘The International Protection of Geographical Indications: The Asian Experience’, UNCTAD/ICTSD, Regional Dialogue on Intellectual Property Rights, Innovation and Sustainable Development, Hong Kong, SAR, Republic of China, November 8-10, 2004. WIPO Magazine, “Geographical Indications: From Darjeeling to Doha” July 2007 World Trade Organization, ‘Promoting Agricultural Competitiveness through Local Know-How’ Workshop on Geographical Indications for Middle Eastern and Northern African Agri-Food Products, World Bank Report, Montpellier, June 2004. World Trade Organization, ‘Exploring the Linkage between the Domestic Policy Environment and International Trade’, World Trade Report, available at //http//www.wto.org/english/res_e/booksp_e/anrep_e/world_trade_report04_e.pdf , 2004. Zografos, Daphne(2008);Geographical Indications and Socioeconomic Development, Working Paper 3, Iqsensato, U.K Annexure – 1 Handicraft Products registered under Geographical Indications Act

S. No	Application No.	Geographical Indications	Goods	State
FROM APRIL 2004 – MARCH 2005
1	3	Aranmula Kannadi	Handicraft	Kerala
2	4	Pochampalli Ikat	Handicraft	Andhra Pradesh
FROM APRIL 2005 – MARCH 2006
3	5	Salem Fabric	Handicraft	Tamil Nadu
4	7	Chanderi Fabric	Handicraft	Madhya Pradesh
5	8	Solapur Chaddar	Handicraft	Maharashtra
6	9	Solapur Terry Towel	Handicraft	Maharashtra
7	10	Kotpad Handloom fabric	Handicraft	Orissa
8	11	Mysore Silk	Handicraft	Karnataka
9	12	Kota Doria	Handicraft	Rajasthan
10	15	Kancheepuram Silk	Handicraft	Tamil Nadu
11	16	Bhavani Jamakkalam	Handicraft	Tamil Nadu
12	19	Kullu Shawl	Handicraft	Himachal Pradesh
13	20	Bidriware	Handicraft	Karnataka
14	21	Madurai Sungudi	Handicraft	Tamil Nadu
15	22	Orissa Ikat	Handicraft	Orissa
16	23	Channapatna Toys & Dolls	Handicraft	Karnataka
17	24	Mysore Rosewood Inlay	Handicraft	Karnataka
18	28	Srikalahasthi Kalamkari	Handicraft	Andhra Pradesh
19	31	Kasuti Embroidery	Handicraft	Karnataka
20	32	Mysore Traditional Paintings	Handicraft	Karnataka
FROM APRIL 2006 – MARCH 2007
21	37	Madhubani Paintings	Handicraft	Bihar
FROM APRIL 2007 – MARCH 2008
22	44	Kondapalli Bommallu	Handicraft	Andhra Pradesh
23	47	Thanjavur Paintings	Handicraft	Tamil Nadu
24	53	Silver Filigree of Karimnagar	Handicraft	Andhra Pradesh
25	54	Alleppey Coir	Handicraft	Kerala
26	55	Muga Silk	Handicraft	Assam
27	65	Temple Jewellery of Nagercoil	Handicraft	Tamil Nadu
28	63	Thanjavur Art Plate	Handicraft	Tamil Nadu
29	76	Ilkal Sarees	Handicraft	Karnataka
30	73	Applique – Khatwa Patch Work of Bihar	Handicraft	Bihar
31	74	Sujini Embroidery Work of Bihar	Handicraft	Bihar
32	75	Sikki Grass Work of Bihar	Handicraft	Bihar
33	52	Nakshi Kantha	Handicraft	West Bengal
34	60	Ganjifa cards of Mysore (Karnataka)	Handicraft	Karnataka
35	61	Navalgund Durries	Handicraft	Karnataka
36	62	Karnataka Bronze Ware	Handicraft	Karnataka
37	77	Molakalmuru Sarees	Handicraft	Karnataka
38	94	Salem Silk known as Salem Venpattu	Handicraft	Tamil Nadu
39	93	Kovai Cora Cotton	Handicraft	Tamil Nadu
40	92	Arani Silk	Handicraft	Tamil Nadu
FROM APRIL 2008 – MARCH 2009
41	83	Bastar Dhokra	Handicraft	Chattisgarh
42	84	Bastar Wooden Craft	Handicraft	Chattisgarh
43	91	Nirmal Toys and Craft	Handicraft	Andhra Pradesh
44	59	Maddalam of Palakkad	Handicraft	Kerala
45	58	Screw Pine Craft of Kerala	Handicraft	Kerala
46	64	Swamimalai Bronze Icons	Handicraft	Tamil Nadu
47	82	Bastar Iron Craft	Handicraft	Chattisgarh
48	87	Konark Stone carving	Handicraft	Orissa
49	88	Orissa Pattachitra	Handicraft	Orissa
50	90	Machilipatnam Kalamkari	Handicraft	Andhra Pradesh
51	57	Brass Broidered Coconut Shell Crafts of Kerala	Handicraft	Kerala
52	66	Blue Pottery of Jaipur	Handicraft	Rajasthan
53	67	Molela Clay Work	Handicraft	Rajasthan
54	68	Kathputlis of Rajasthan	Handicraft	Rajasthan
55	97	Leather Toys of Indore	Handicraft	Madhya Pradesh
56	98	Bagh Prints of Madhya Pradesh	Handicraft	Madhya Pradesh
57	100	Sankheda Furniture	Handicraft	Gujarat
58	101	Agates of Cambay	Handicraft	Gujarat
59	102	Bell Metal Ware of Datia and Tikamgarh	Handicraft	Madhya Pradesh
60	103	Kutch Embroidery	Handicraft	Gujarat
61	51	Kani Shawl	Handicraft	Jammu & Kashmir
62	79	Chamba Rumal	Handicraft	Himachal Pradesh
63	86 & 108	Pipli Applique Work	Handicraft	Orissa
64	89	Budiiti Bell & Brass Craft	Handicraft	Andhra Pradesh
65	96	Thanjavur Doll	Handicraft	Tamil Nadu
66	104	Santiniketan Leather Goods	Handicraft	West Bengal
67	105	Nirmal Furniture	Handicraft	Andhra Pradesh
68	106	Nirmal Paintings	Handicraft	Andhra Pradesh
69	107	Andhra Pradesh Leather Puppetry	Handicraft	Andhra Pradesh
70	46	Kashmir Pashmina	Handicraft	Jammu & Kashmir
71	48	Kashmir Sozani Craft	Handicraft	Jammu & Kashmir
72	119	Lucknow Chikan Craft	Handicraft	Uttar Pradesh
73	122	Uppada Jamdani Sarees	Handicraft	Andhra Pradesh
FROM APRIL 2009 – MARCH 2010
74	128	Puneri Pagadi	Handicraft	Maharashtra
75	99	Banaras Brocades and Sarees	Handicraft	Uttar Pradesh
76	127	Tangaliya Shawl	Handicraft	Gujarat
77	138	Santipore Saree	Handicraft	West Bengal
78	144	Cannanore Home Furnishings	Handicraft	Kerala
79	147	Sanganeri Hand Block Printing	Handicraft	Rajasthan
80	152	Balaramapuram Sarees and Fine Cotton Fabrics	Handicraft	Kerala

Note: This paper is a shorter version of the GI policy brief printed, published and disseminated by AIACA. Foot Note References

Intellectual property Rights, very broadly, means the legal rights which result from intellectual activity in the industrial, scientific, literary and artistic fields. Countries have laws to protect intellectual property for two main reasons. One is to give statutory expression to the moral and economic rights of creators in their creations and the rights of the public in access to those creations. The second is to promote, as a deliberate act of Government policy, creativity and the dissemination and application of its results and to encourage fair trading which would contribute to economic and social development. (WIPO Intellectua;l Property Handbook; Policy, Law and Use)
The six IPRs are patents, copyrights, trademarks, Geographical indications, Industrial Designs and Trade secrets.
As defined in realm of the Agreement on Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPS) of the World Trade Organisation (WTO)

Pointed by Mr. Chinmaya Mishra in a planning Commission meeting held recently

Mr. Mahesh Gulati, National expert, UNIDO Chanderi spent an afternoon at the Craft Revival Trust office telling us about his work to develop the Chanderi Craft cluster since 2003. While the application and successful allocation of the GI for Chanderi is a major step in protecting the craft and its identity and is a useful tool for marketing, authenticating the Chanderi brand, Mr. Gulati has been working towards the upliftment of the craft and the craftspeople on many levels. On his arrival at Chanderi, he conducted a SWAT analysis, identified and developed an action plan with the involvement of the stakeholders – 10,000 families are involved in the textile production at Chanderi and there are 3659 looms in use. The action plan included among others - cluster mapping and developing a database, micro-finance schemes and economic development, social development and vision building (there are 60 self-help groups today in Chanderi), technical and product upgradation, marketing and sourcing new markets. What will make Mr. Gulati’s intervention last in the long term is that from the start he involved the local stake holders. He established the Chanderi Development Foundation comprising of 11 representatives from all the communities involved in the Chanderi textile, from weavers to traders, women to yarn manufactures. This ensures that after his transfer in June 2006, the work he has done at Chanderi will continue. Mr. Gulati categorically stated that it is very difficult for a craft community to apply for the GI without the assistance of an NGO or enlightened individual. Though it is not hard to get the GI, it does require organization and cooperation. With craftspeople viewing each other as rivals in a small and diminishing market, the level of dialogue and cooperation required makes it an impossible feat for a craft cluster to achieve on their own. He has shared with us the document they prepared for the application of the GI which was awarded in November 2005. We bring you this document.

APPLICATION FOR THE REGISTRATION OF A GEOGRAPHICAL INDICATION IN PART A OF THE REGISTER SECTION 11(1) RULE 23(2)

Application is hereby made by for the registration in Part A of the Register of the accompanying geographical indication furnishing the following particulars: -
NAME OF THE APPLICANT: Chanderi Development Foundation
ADDRESS: Old Telephone Exchange Building, Rajghat Road, Chanderi, Madhya Pradesh, India
LIST OF ASSOCIATION OF PERSONS / PRODUCERS / ORGANIZATION / AUTHORITY: A detailed List containing list of Traders, Master Weavers, Weavers, Cooperative societies etc involved in the production, marketing and trading of the Chanderi Fabric is annexed to this application and is marked as Annexure A.
TYPE OF GOODS: A detailed List of various products i.e. Sarees, Dress material, Fabric etc. is annexed to this application and is marked as Annexure B.
SPECIFICATION: Specification is also mentioned in Annexure B.
NAME OF THE GEOGRAPHICAL INDICATION [AND PARTICULARS]: CHANDERI FABRIC: It is used for last more than 500 years for manufacturing sarees, Pagrees, Dupatas, Dress material, ladies suits, Handloom material etc.
DESCRIPTION OF THE GOODS: CLAUSE 24 of the G.I. Rules: -Chanderi fabric is in existence for last more than 500 years for manufacturing sarees, Pagrees, Dress material, ladies suits, Handloom etc. Its products are famous all over the country and as well in the international market. Needless to say that Chanderi products are well known by its name and reputation.
GEOGRAPHICAL AREA OF PRODUCTION AND MAP: The certified copy of the map is annexed herewith and is marked as Annexure C.
PROOF OF ORIGIN [HISTORICAL RECORDS]: The Government gazetteer also mentions in detail about the Chanderi Fabric and its products, which has been used since the Moghul era. Even in the Imperial Gazetteer of India the Chanderi silk Sarees are specifically mentioned. The copies of the Gazette maintained and issued by the Govt. of Madhya Pradesh and the copy of the relevant portion of the Imperial Gazetteer of India are annexed herewith and is marked as Annexure D.
METHOD OF PRODUCTION:
1. Procurement of raw – material: the master weaver purchases the raw material from the yarn dealers who in turn get the silk from Karnataka. The silk yarn used is largely imported Chinese or Korean silk. The cotton yarn is procured from places like Coimbatore in southern India, and Jaipur and is usually pre-dyed. The yarn dealers of cotton also often get customized colors dyed as per the requirement of the master weaver. However the minimum quantity required for such dyeing is almost 25 kgs. or 10 hanks.
2. The dyeing in Chanderi is undertaken mainly for the silk yarn and by dyers many of whom have been in this skill since long. The silk yarn dying process takes about 45 to 60 minutes depending on the color.
3. After dyeing the yarn is loosened or wound on reels or swiftons. This is a prelude to the preparation of the warp and weft.
4. For the weft the yarn is wound on pirns with the help of a charkha and this activity is usually performed by the members of weavers family. Warping is a specialized process, which is performed by the warpers. The warp yarns are wound on bobbins, which are arranged across a wooden frame called reel. The yarns from these reels pass through a reed to be wound around a vertical drum. A warper in good times would warp 4 or 5 warps for 12 sarees each.
5. The next step is the task of passing the warp through the reed and the healds. The warp threads are then joined to the old war threads with a deft twist of the hand of the women folk. This process takes approx 3-4 days.
6. Before the actual weaving begins the weaver sets the design of the border and the pallav. The respective ends of the design are tied to the a vertical harness called jala and the process is called jala tyeing. This process takes anywhere between 3-4 days depending on the complexity of the design. The figured effects are produced with the help of an extra weft and the number of tillis (or the no of weft yarns will determine the time taken). That is higher the number more will be the time taken. However the time reduces if the number of ply in the weft yarn is more and consequently the weaver can move faster and cover more ground. However in this case the output is less fine. Similarly higher the reed count more is the production time.
7. The weaving is performed by one or two very skilled weavers of the same family. The looms being used are largely traditional pit looms with throw shuttle.
8. The Chanderi fabric does not require any post loom process and is cut off the loom to be packed and sold. It is packed as per the requirement of the buyer and of the trader by way of customized packing methods.In addition to the above a separate map showing the process of manufacturing is annexed herewith and is marked as Annexure E.
UNIQUENESS:
The Chanderi Fabric is known for the centuries for its transparency, Buttis and sheer texture BUTTIS/ BUTTA "MOTIFS": Since the inception of the Chanderi fabric and primarily ladies Sarees, the butiis on the Fabric are hand-woven and absolutely woven on Handloom. There is no use of any other process of manufacturing and it is Gold coated, Silver coated and as well as Copper coated. Now a days Tested Zari Butti are also common and in use. The Tested Zari is made with the use of Synthetic yarn. The Buttis are made by use of Needles. Number of Needles used depends upon the number of Buttis and its size. For each Butti/Butta separate Needles are used. All the weavers involved in this process are experts in it since they have been doing this for long time. The most popular and traditional kind of Butti is Asharfi Butti, which is in shape of Asharfi (woven in pure gold and silver Zari and now a day it is also woven in Tested Zari). This kind of Butti was in use in past only by the Royal families because it is very expensive as genuine Gold and Silver is used. The Butti which is big is size is popularly called as Butta with all other specifications. More so and it is there ancestral business and trade. The weavers involved in this process are long standing in trade and are well experienced. The Govt. from time to time also spends money and conduct workshops to train and educate them about the latest design and its quality control. The handmade Buttis are at Chanderi permanent in its nature and its existence as well, inter laced and its original shape and structure always remain the same even after its long use. Whereas in comparison the Buttis created with the use of Power loom are not permanent and losses its shape and structure after some time. The thread used is of fine quality and even after long use its thread never comes out and its original shape and appearance is retained forever. It has no comparison anywhere else in the country or for that reasons in whole of the world. . It is easily distinguishable from the Buttis made outside Chanderi even with necked eyes because of its manner and process of manufacture and in this manner it is exclusive and this itself is requisite ingredient for legal protection and for exclusive recognition. Initially the use of this quality and products has been a matter of use by the Royal families, which for a long time is used by the common man. TRANSPARECNY The Chanderi Fabric is also well known for its transparency and sheer texture. The transparency is a unique feature, which is not commonly or found in any of the textile products all over the country. The transparency in Chanderi Fabric products is the consequence of Single Flature quality of yarn used. Flature yarn is the quality of yarn when the Glue of the raw yarn is not taken out. The none- degumming of the raw yearn gives shine and transparency to the finished fabric. This quality is not found in any other Fabric of the country and it is exclusive to the Chanderi Fabric. The special transparent yarn is used both in warp and weft of different varieties and configurations. The transparent yarn is cotton and as well as silk also. The silk yarn used of 2/2's, 2/100's and 16/18 denier. The term Denier connotes the fineness of yarn. The cotton uses in Chanderi Fabric is 2/120's, 2/100's (plain yarn) and 2/120 and 2/100 mercerized yarns. The yarn used in Chanderi fabric is of high quality and extra fine. Because of non-degumming of the raw yarn, the finished fabric produced is extremely transparent and which in consequence result into sheer texture. This quality of the Chanderi Fabric is in existence since Moghul times and found mention if the Govt. gazetteer and various other history books written on Chanderi. This type of Fabric produced is family business in Chanderi and all the family members are involved in this process irrespective of caste and creed.
INSPECTION BODY:
At Present State Govt. of Madhya Pradesh is involved in quality control of the Chanderi fabric and all of its products. The Government of Madhya Pradesh is also stamping the quality products against usual charges. The Govt. has laid down specific Rules in this respect and they are issuing Cards to the producer/ weaver whosoever applies to them for stamping the quality and specifications. The copies of there Rules and stamps are enclosed herewith and are marked as Annexure F. Lately, the UNIDO (United Nations Industrial Development Organization) is also actively involved in educating the weavers and other people involved in this trade about the quality control, process of manufacturing with effective market option and market strategies and other development activities relating to the weavers of Chanderi Fabric. They have made serious various in quality controls, educating weavers about marketing, and awareness to the women weavers as well. Even at the level of the traders and master weavers involved in trading the quality of its products is maintained as per the orders and demand in market. The quality of Fabric products is identified by term called REED i.e. (ends per inch) meaning the number of threads used per inch in warp and PICK per inch i.e. the number of threads used per inch in weft.
OTHER: The details of the historical background of Chanderi Fabric and its textile products is mentioned in the statement of case along with the present application
Along with the Statement of Case in Class 24 in respect of in the name(s) of whose address is who claims to represent the interest of the producers of the said goods to which the geographical indication relates and which is in continuous use since in respect of the said goods.
The application shall include such other particulars called for in Rule 32(1) in the Statement of Case.
All Communications relating to this application may be sent to the following address in India.Vinay Kumar Jain, Advocate Paul Jain & Company Advocates & consultants 14, Arjun Nagar, Safdarjung Enclave New Delhi Tel: 91 (11) 26196001 098 910 55554
In the case of an application from a convention country the following additional particulars shall also be furnishedNOT APPLICABLE
1. Designation of the country of origin of the Geographical Indication.
2. Evidence as to the existing protection of the Geographical Indication in its country of origin, such as the title and the date of the relevant legislative or administrative provisions, the judicial decisions or the date and number of the registration, and copies, of such documentation.
  NAME OF THE SIGNATORY
  THROUGH
  Vinay Kumar Jain, Advocate Paul Jain& Company Advocates & consultants 14, Arjun Nagar, Safdarjung Enclave New Delhi

STATEMENT OF CASE

The handloom Textiles constitute a timeless facet of the rich cultural heritage of India. As an economic activity, the Handloom sector occupies a place next only to agriculture in providing livelihood to the people. The element of art and craft present in India handlooms makes it a potential sector for the upper segments of the market both domestic and as well as International. Handloom forms a precious part of the generational legacy and exemplifies the richness and diversity of our country and the artistry of the weavers. Tradition of weaving by hand is a part of the country’s rich cultural ethos.
Handloom is unparalleled in its flexibility and versatility, permitting experimentation and encouraging innovation. Innovative weavers with their skilful blending of myths, faiths symbols and imagery provide the fabric an appealing dynamism. The strength of handloom lies in introducing innovative design, which cannot be replicated by the power loom sector. The Govt. of India and various NGO’s are working in different part of our country to provide various kind of social, economic and legal protection to the handloom sector in various ways in order to make it sustainable in itself. There have been constructive efforts to provide them with legal ownership as well. As a result of the same handloom sector has been able to tide over some of its disadvantages. One of such Handloom cluster in India is Chanderi.
Chanderi, a township having a very rich & glorious historical heritage and past is situated in the hills of Vindhyachal range having a population of 30,000. This township located close to Betwa river and which presently forms part of District Ashok Nagar (previously Guna) in the State of Madhya Pradesh, India. It had flourished a focal point of Central India with intensive economic activity.
Phonetically Chanderi is linked with the Chandelas. Chanderi was first settled and fortified in the 11th Century by the Pratihara king Kirtipal.
The foundation of this township goes back to the Chandella King, Kirtivarma, Prince of Mahoba in the years 1060 – 1100 AD. The place of the city is also related to the name of “Chandella”. Historically speaking Chanderi, Chandrapuram, Chandragiri etc. are well known names in Indian topography. The first certain reference to Chanderi in a written source is found in Barani who relates the successful attack of Ghiyas al Din Balban against the city in 1251 AD. However, the Muslims did not settle in Chanderi before its Conquest in 1305 AD by Ala al Din Khilji. It is in 1305 AD around 20,000 people from a place called “Lakhnoti” in Bengal (presently in Dhaka) migrated to Chanderi as followers of Maulana Majibuddin Usuf and after migration these people started the production of Muslin/Malmal.
Chanderi remained in the hands of Bundelas until 1811. The Craftsmanship and the weaving work were continued by all the Muslim rulers of the City. In the Government Gazetteer Chanderi has been mentioned as long famous city for the manufacture of delicate Muslins, an industry that is still carried on. The cloth/fabric manufactured here is of unusual fineness while the colored silk and gold borders are of great beauty. A common saying refers to this Industry:-Shahr Chanderi mominwara Tiria raj, khasam panihara In Chanderi town a city of weavers The wives rule while husbands carry water.The origin of the saying is said to be the fact that weavers must keep their hands soft.
Chanderi is not only for its historical monuments and events but is also rich in its tradition called Chanderi Fabric or Silk products intricately and exclusively woven by hand. Since the last 500 years, this cottage industry is creating Sarees, safe, dupattas, patches, Pagdis, & other dress material especially for royal families and higher societies. Interspersed with the delicacy that has for times immemorial satisfied the refined tastes of Royalty. It was once prosperous and the nobility here actively nurtured its crafts. It is in this town that a unique textile came to be born i.e. the Chanderi Fabric, using either Silk or Cotton or both amalgamation of this fabric became celebrated for its sheer quality and texture and for its exquisite brocade work. The mainstay of Chanderi is of course is its weavers who have held its culture together across religion and social strata. Although sustained at one time or another by imperial patronage commercial interests or welfare measures the success of the trade received no concerted attention till the early 20th Century when Madhav Rao Scindia of Gwalior took far sighted measures. There was substantial increase in the number of looms, but the exploitative stranglehold of the merchants continued till Jiyaji Rao Scindia initiated much needed action. The Training Centre established in 1910 by his father was enlarged and “Chanderi Textile” and “Weavers” cooperatives formed. Attempts were made to bring back and rehabilitate weavers and to ensure the supply of raw material, wages and improve marketing.
Over the last centuries Chanderi has evolved as a center for excellence for weaving gold embellished fabrics mainly, sarees, for the erstwhile royalty and elite.
Chanderi has been originally producing three kinds of fabric:
1. Pure silk – where the warp as well as the weft is woven in 13/15 and 16/18 denier silk.
2. Chanderi cotton – where the warp and weft are 120's to 200's cotton. The Chanderi muslins have been known to be superior to Dacca muslins because of the softness and feel; this was traditionally achieved through the use of koli kanda a local wild onion which was used for sizing. Today this quality has been discontinued.
3. Silk Cotton – the weaver deftly combines 13/15-denier warp with 100s/120s cotton in the weft.
The figured effects are produced with the help of an extra weft design, which is a special feature of Chanderi. Initially zari was used for the figured motifs.
If we compare Chanderi to Varanasi brocades some interesting facts emerge:
- While Varanasi has beautiful designs only in silk, the designs of Chanderi can be seen both in cotton and silk fabrics.
- While the Chanderi weaver can deftly manipulate 13/15 denier, the Varanasi weaver is used to handling 20/22 denier.
- The Chanderi muslin, which has been discontinued today, has a definite superiority over the Dacca muslin due to its traditional sizing techniques.
- Chanderi has been known for its strong construction and fast colors.
- Gold thread was often the medium of figured "Buttis" Motifs and the products ranged from sarees for the elite and the royal families of Indore and Gwalior, safas or long scarfs for weddings and cotton pagris which were adorned by the royalty themselves.
The inception and existence of Chanderi Fabric has undergone changes with the changing times for last several hundreds years. Significantly in the year 1890 the Chanderi weavers changed from hand spun yarn to mill made yarn. The Royal family of Sindhia brought the Chanderi Fabric and more importantly the Chanderi Sarees under their patronage and also established a Training Center namely District Handloom Office and Training Centre in the year 1910. This is working for imparting training to weavers in various respect such as quality control, colouring and designing and latest developments in the weaving. As a result of which gold thread motifs came into existence in the main body of the Cotton Muslin Saree. The Training Center so established is still in existence and is playing a vital role for educating the weavers regarding the quality, dying and the manner and the process of manufacturing the fabric. In the recent times the State Government took well-conceived steps to increase production and productivity. The Govt. has also established a Shuttle looms and warping machines were particularly effective. By 1976 there were as many as 1145 looms. In a logical outcome, the state Textile Corporation found that it could no longer effectively market the increased produce. To curb renewed exploitation by the merchants, cooperative credit societies were set up to finance craftsmen and the availability of raw material was ensured. Marketing facilities were improved and the Design Centre strengthened.
Till early 1960 two weavers were sitting together to weave Sarees on handloom. With the introduction of Fly Shuttle in early sixties, one weaver started handling one loom thereby increasing the productivity per person to double and this helped immensely in improving the income and the living standard of the Chanderi Weavers. With the introduction of the Dobby and Jacquards on Handlooms, it is now easier and faster to weave small and big complicated designs giving a new look and variety to the Chanderi Sarees. Dobby (for small boarder designs) and jacquards (for big boarder designs) is a mechanism, which used to make designs easier and faster.
For the last several years, there is a demand of dress material in Chanderi fabrics and so popular in markets all over India.
From the year 1975 in view of the changing demand scenario of the customers, this cluster started producing another variety of fabric, which combined a silk warp with a cotton weft. Thereafter since 1976 and till date various Government Agencies, Organizations such as M.P State Textile Corporation, M.P Hasthashilpa Vikas Nigam and the M.P State Handloom Weavers Cooperative Federation are also contributing to the cause of the weavers and are providing them with the marketing opportunities and the means to control quality. Today thousands of Looms provide employment directly and indirectly for roughly more than half of its total population. Government efforts have clearly succeeded in maintaining weaving as the mainstay of Chanderi’s economy.
In the Mughal rules Chanderi produced a great variety of garments such as Dupattas, Lugaras, Pagris (Turbans), Sarees. In the year 1925 the use of silver and gold threads to produce Zari cloth started and in 1940 use of Indian Silk in Tana (Warp) and Cotton in Bana (Weft) begun. In 1975 silk was used both in Tana and Bana. Since 1993, 20-22 deniers silk has been used for Tana and 2/120 mercerized cotton thread in Bana for weaving sarees and other dress material for women.
Various studies and reports prepared on Chanderi shows that Chanderi weavers used to manufacture deluxe cloth mainly for the Maratha Princely Courts.
The textile institute run by the M.P. Government now known as Government Handloom Training Centre is also engaged in quality control, standardization, designing and publicity. This Centre is also exercising the power of stamping the genuiness of fabric made in Chanderi.
In Chanderi 60% of its population is directly or indirectly involved in the business of manufacturing and trading the Chanderi Fabric and its various products as mentioned in the enclosed list of products. This trade in Chanderi consists of three major categories i.e. traders, master weavers and weavers. The social composition of the class of master weavers expressed in terms of caste has changed over the years. The muslims had a monopoly of saree trade in 1857. Jain’s and Maheshwari’s are set to have migrated from Northwestern Rajasthan in the 19th Centuary. The Kolis are relatively new comers at least in Saree trade. In the 1940’s and 50’s Brahmins dominated the saree trade.
Chanderi at present has an estimated population of 30,000. Half of these are estimated to be muslims and the other half is made up of Hindus and Jains. The population of Chanderi is dominantly engaged in nonagricultural occupations. The percentage of population estimated to be dependant on Handloom weaving and allied industry (yarn dealers, traders, warpers, dyers etc.) is to the tune of 60%. It has around 3600 looms in working conditions 18,000 people are directly or indirectly dependent on this industry for their living.
Today Chanderi is famous for its brocades and muslins, especially for its hand-woven Chanderi Sarees. It is a renowned center for traditional weavers of Sarees intricately woven silk and cotton weaves. Fringed with beautiful borders, in soft subtle hues that please the senses are masterfully woven with great artistry by weavers who untiringly create lovely designs. The Chanderi Sarees have sophistication hard to match. The Chanderi produces various kinds of Sarees, which are mentioned below: -The composition of the three major business community in Chanderi Fabric as under: - TRADERSThe trades have been the main stay of marketing of Chanderi Fabric and its various products since 1920. They are knowingly Jains and Maheshwaris and belong to an affluent class of society. They have good marketing contacts, a fairly good sense of design innovation and a self built capital base. The traders have directed part of their chapter in up-gradation of looms and design and partially in sectors other than weaving .MASTER WEAVERS This category of weavers have been weavers for decades and today they are mainly traders who undertake the overall responsibility of taking orders and getting them executed. They also own looms and also get weaving done on contractual basis.THE WEAVER The small weaver belonging to Muslim community (accounting for 70% of the total) and the Hindu community (about 30%) largely lives at a subsistence level.
Only a very small percentage has been able to provide a good living standard to their families, comprising of education and the necessary consumables. Only some families have been able to undertake loom up-gradation.
Chanderi is historically well also known and owns unblemished and unchequered reputation for its unique sarees with rich woven embellishments. The Fabric used for manufacturing sarees with its unique characteristics has immense potential for conversion of diverse products and for global markets. The weavers at Chanderi were producing and manufacturing for royal families initially and they consumed all its products exclusively because of special quality and appearance. History of Chanderi itself speaks about the existence of this trade for centuries.
The Chanderi Fabric and all its products i.e. either silk, silk by cotton, cotton by silk is totally hand weaven with the yarn procured as per requirements from the various parts of the country having specific and requisite specifications. Chanderi fabrics is known for its light weight and natural threads used, which has no bad effect on human body. It products are known for its uniqueness i.e. the transparency and permanent Buttis. The fabrics produced are well known for its stiffness, softness, colorfastness and sheer transparent texture. These products have no environmental involvements and also do not result into any environmental hazard. The products of Chanderi for the ages are known by its name and uniqueness and its popularity gained because of uniqueness has been exploited by the traders and manufacturers of the other parts of the country. The nature and configuration of Fabric and other products of Chanderi has seen changes, but the basic quality and unique features such as Transparency and Buttis have always been maintained. In other words, the kingdoms have disappeared but the weaving tradition that they once nurtured is still alive in the lanes and by-lanes of Chanderi. Numbers of traditional looms are still in existence and over number of years and with the active development support of the State of MP Government and other Govt. agencies and NGO’s large number of looms have come up. These looms with Fly-shuttle, Jacquards and Dobbies are more productive. However in spite of these developments, the essential vocabulary of the fabric has remained intact and weaving the Chanderi is still very demanding. The ornate gold brocades may well have disappeared now but what is still present is the weavers poetry, their sensibilities and the sheer magic of Chanderi. Today the Chanderi Cluster produces a wide range of Saress, scarves and dress material. These products are highly sought after by discerning consumers all over India and the exquisite craftsmanship shows through as brilliantly as ever. The other quality, characteristics and uniqueness of Chanderi Fabric have been only already explained in the forgoing paras of this application.
Presently there are 3000 active looms in Chanderi and women plays a substantial role in the production process, because of their soft hands, which is essentially required to produce soft clots/ Fabric. It is a process that provides employment to 18,000 inhabitants and it is enchanting as the heritage craft. The traditional woodworker still makes the looms and repairs them. Preparatory work is still carried out in the narrowest lanes with the family members pitching in. In fact every day Chanderi wakes up to sympathy of lyrical motions, sounds and colours. Various Government agencies both at State and Central Level are actively involved in protection of the trade at Chanderi. The Govt. of Madhya Pradesh has joined hands with United Nations Industrial Development Organization (UNIDO) using cluster development approach with an object of arming the wavers and artisans of Chanderi more dynamic. It has already helped weavers and traders to come together to form their own collectives so that they can address some critical issues, design, marketing and building a brand image of Chanderi in world market and to protect the our rich national heritage. The trade at Chanderi that is based upon Handloom also needs protection with the advent of power looms. The products, which are contemporary that has a wider range. However, the special characteristic of Chanderi Fabric such as transparency, Butti and sheer texture cannot be achieved with the use of power looms.
In the aforesaid given circumstances it is thus apparent that the Chanderi Fabric and its products meets and requisite legal needs and this qualify for legal protection, so that it national heritage can be protected and so that its products can be legally recognized and are not duplicated/ copied and also in tune with the sensibilities of consumers in the more demanding markets all over the world and also to provide a legal umbrella to the products of Chanderi in tune with the sensibilities of consumers in more demanding markets all over the world.

BEFORE THE REGISTRAR OF GEOGRAPHICAL INDICATIONS: CHENNAI

IN THE MATTER OF: REGISTRATION OF CHANDERI FABRIC

A F F I D A V I T I Nirmal Chand Jain son of resident of Sadar Bazar, Jain Mandir Road, Chanderi, District Ashok Nagar, Madhya Pradesh President of the Chanderi Development Foundation having its office at Chanderi and presently at N. Delhi do hereby solemnly affirm and declare as under:-

That I am the President of the Chanderi Development Foundation and is responsible for the day to day affirm of the said Foundation and is also well conversant with the facts and circumstances of the case and am competent to depose the present affidavit.
I say that the contents of the present affidavit are true and correct to the best of my knowledge and belief and believed to be correct on the basis of records of the case made available to me. The legal submissions made herein are believed to be correct on advice received.
I say that I have been authorised by the Managing Committee of the Chanderi Development Foundation to take up the cause of the registration of Geographical Indications of Chanderi Fabric and in pursuance of the same the accompanying application has been proposed to be filed.
I say that the Chanderi Development Foundation is registered under the provisions of Societies Registration Act and is a No-Profit making organization/ Body having no personal interest of any individual in the business at Chanderi. I further say that the same has been constituted with the object of upliftment of the historical and traditional business and trade of Chanderi Fabric and as well as for providing legal cover to the weavers and other traders so that the business can be protect from its infringements from outsiders. A certified copy of its registration and Memorandum & Article of Association is annexed herewith and is marked as Annexure A-1.
I say that the Chanderi Development Foundation (In short CDF) consist of person from various religion, caste and societies and as well as women of Chanderi. This has been formed in pursuance of the active involvement of United nations Industrial Development Organization (UNIDO), which is rendering its valuable assistance and spending money under its Cluster Development Projects in India for Poverty alleviation, and upliftment of the weavers on No Profit basis. It is also imparting technical assistance in quality control and market strategies with the active involvement of Madhya Pradesh State Government.
I say that the Govt. of India and as well as the state Govt. of M.P. is actively involved in granting various assistance to the Handloom sector and at Chanderi as well. There have been serious constructive efforts on various accounts to provide the weavers of Chanderi with legal ownership and educate them about the various financial assistance available and with the fast changing markets scenario.
I say that in order to provide legal ownership to the weavers of Chanderi and its artisan’s cluster, the registration of its products is necessary. It is also required so that restricted/ diminishing business due to it misuse of the typical product by the sub-standard and mechanized firms who are mass producing those items and eating substantial into the potential market of the Chanderi weavers/ artisans. The weavers are thus keen to have legal protection against its misuse and economic invasion. Handloom, which is next to agriculture in providing employment and job opportunities to the people of India, needs to given legal protection so that it is able to fight with the Handloom Sector and generate a congenial and healthy environment.
I say that the people involved in the process of manufacturing Chanderi Fabric and its trading have been apprised of the present application and registration of Geographical Indications and its legal implications. The detailed list of weavers and Master Weavers, Traders as prepared by the District Handloom and Training Center at Chanderi under the control and supervision of Govt. of Madhya Pradesh is filed along with the present application of registration. It is thus clear that the interest of all the person involved in this activities have been duly taken care.
I say that the applicant society thus represents the larger interests of all the groups involved in process of manufacturing of Chanderi Fabric and its further trading. The Weavers and Master Weavers and Traders as well.

DEPONENT

VERIFICATION: Verified at Delhi on this day of March 2004 that the contents of the above affidavit are true and correct to the best of knowledge and belief. Nothing material has been concealed there from.

While everybody’s attention is focused on the Sariska issue, which is being called the “biggest wakeup call”, there’s yet another issue which needs to be addressed by the state of Rajasthan. Since even “protected tigers can disappear and be lost forever, what about things left unprotected?

The reference here is to the various products of the state which are specific to it by virtue of their being linked to the geographical and regional factors-be they natural, climactic or even human. Such products, which owe their basic characteristics to the geographical region, are protected by the Indian Geographical Indications Act, the most appropriate Intellectual Property (IP) tool, to begin protecting community owned brands. Under this newly operational act in India, such ‘geographically indicated’ products can be registered and they then have the advantage of competing fairly and stemming the fake market to a large extent. In this culturally rich state, the land of folklore and cultural expressions, there is a tremendous amount of intangible heritage. From the typical varieties of folk music & dance to the specific arts & crafts, weaving & embroidery, painting styles and many other such cultural manifestations of its colorful and lively existence, the range is enormous. Everybody is familiar with the "Basmati controversy", which wouldn't have taken place if India had had a relevant act in place, on time. Now since we do have one, we should move fast and register such products, especially those with a greater commercial and employment generation potential. Steps have been taken to identify the relevant Geographical Indicators (GI) products at state levels, but the more crucial next step still needs to be expedited. The states have to get their respective products registered, so as to really start making a positive difference to the genuine producers and help them counter the problem of counterfeits. "Mysore silk", "Chanderi silk", "Pochampally Ikat" and "Solapur fabric" are already registered GIs. This registration will benefit the producers, since, for example, now any silk produced outside Mysore cannot be called "Mysore silk", a registered GI. Talking of Rajasthan, the once popular "Kota Doria" fabric is in the doldrums now because it is facing unfair competition on many quarters - powerlooms being one of the major threats. Due to the absence of any sort of "protection", in the sense of brand name, the weavers of the original fabric are finding it hard to 'weave' a decent life out of their traditional occupation and hence shifting to other jobs such as those of rikshaw-pullers or laborers. If a GI is secured for this product, then atleast most of the fabric sold by the name "Kota Doria" in the market will actually be Kota Doria! Ditto for "Sanganeri & Bagru prints", "Rajasthani Bandhej", "Jodhpuri mats" or "Jodhpuri jutis". Hence the genuine, special hand crafted products will receive a boost and the craftsmen will have an incentive to continue with their traditional craft practices and also be able to earn a livelihood based on these. GIs will thus make a positive difference to the special, ethnic products market, prevent misuse of the "indication" and bring more jobs and sustainable income to the deserving artisan community. Also, a brand being established will boost exports and earn revenue thereby promoting the overall economic wellbeing of the state. GI Registration will thus go a long way in establishing brand, enhancing export potential, preventing misuse of brand name and prevalence of fakes, thereby bringing about economic prosperity to producers of 'original' products, especially from Kota-Doria, Sangeneri & Bagru clusters. This will also be in keeping with the state's priority for cluster development. What is actually required is but a little push and a 'GI wake up call' to the state to speed down the 'GI registration path' and secure its hidden, intangible cultural treasures and special geographically indicated products. This would not only bring sustainable income, prosperity and pride to its living human treasures, like the artisans and craftsmen and other producers of genuine stuff, but also help revive a number of vanishing traditional crafts of our country.

Cloth has been serving as a valued trade commodity as early as the eleventh century and continuing till the present time as a vital art form. Like all African textiles, Ghanaian cloth/ textiles communicate on many different levels, through their bold designs offbeat rhythms and motifs. Even machine woven or printed fabrics today are used to communicate on various levels. Just like in every other society, cloth or textiles is so much a part of the everyday life of Ghana which is easily taken for granted.

What is seen in Ghana today in terms of textiles is an eclectic mix of local and imported textiles for sale. The local comprising long established production centres of spinners, weavers, dyers, embroiderers, tailors and sales points with the possibilities for new forms and trade networks. European trading from the 16th century introduced the "fancy" printed textiles to Ghana known as the Java or Wax prints which were developed to satisfy the general West African need. These have had a significant bearing on the present state of textiles in Ghana. Ghanaian Textiles can be identified in broad groups as:-

Hand woven traditional textiles (Kente)
Hand printed traditional textiles (Adinkra)
Fanti cloth —Appliqued and Embroidered (Akunintama)
Machine printed fabrics (Wax prints/ fancy prints)
Wax resist local fabrics (batiks)

It is important to regard the order of listing indicating their significance in terms of value and social regard.

HAND-WOVEN TRADITIONAL TEXTILES (KENTE)

Of all Ghanaian textiles, Kente is perhaps the most important and most famous and represents as a National cloth of Ghana. It is worn only on very important religious and social occasions. By the 1960's Kente also had become an adopted symbol of Pan-Africanism and Afro centric identity throughout the African Diaspora. Names and History:- The History and Name of this fabulous art form is mired in unresolved historical quagmire. There are two main types of Kente cloth from two distinct traditions and production centres.

ASHANTI KENTE

The Ashanti Kente which is produced mainly in Bonwire in Ashanti Region, which occupies the central middle belt of Ghana and,EWE KENTE
The Ewe Kente which is a product of a couple of locations such as Agortime-Kpetoe and Agbozume in the Volta Region of Ghana. The Ewes occupy the South Eastern portions of Ghana and also spread into Togo, Benin and South-Western Nigeria to a small extent.

There is however a third type of woven traditional textile mainly found in the Northern parts of Ghana. These are woven specifically for making a type of clothing known as the "Smock" the traditional wear of the Northern people. The smocks have however become popularized as alternative national garments for ceremonial occasions.

The name "Kente" is believed according to Ashanti lore to have been derived from "Kenten" which means basket maybe due to the similarity in the weave. Ashanti legend has it that the first weaver who was a hunter learnt his skills by observing and studying the spider spin its web. According to the Ewes, especially the Agortime weavers, Kente was known and is still known amongst them as "Agbamevo" which came from putting two words together. "Agba" which is the loom and "Avo" meaning woven cloth. It is believed however amongst the Ewes that the name "Kente" evolved from their fore bearers, Ewe weavers who were captives of the Ashanti Royal courts. Their lack of communication in Twi (which is the language of the Ashantis) pushed them to adopt creative sign communication in the process of teaching the Ashantis how to weave. They adopted such Ewe words like "Kee" (meaning create the shed by pressing the treadle) and "tee" (meaning compress, the weft yarn tightly) to demonstrate the technique of weaving. "Kee" tee" then became Kete (Kente). Who wove Kente first depends on who you ask. There is a raging debate as to the early origins of this craft which is as old as the art form itself. The Ewes believe they were the first to develop the technique of Kente weaving and were invited by the Ashanti kings to teach the king's court and weave for the kings (according to Ahiagble Bob Dennis, a master weaver). Whilst we will not dwell on this too much, it is significant to note the various legends associated with the craft. The scene was set for the rise of the two weaving traditions, (the Ewe and Ashanti) in the colonial times when Europeans started trading in West Africa. The early foundations of these traditions were however of a relatively recent origin. What is certain is that the Savanna strip-weaving traditions are rooted in antiquity. Ashanti and Ewe have succeeded however in developing their still-evolving weaving traditions. Design technique and Aesthetic Value The patternation of cloth by bands of different colours and designs is a fascinating form of decoration practiced by the weavers of the Ashanti and Ewe traditions. Weaving an exceptional Kente cloth is a complex operation requiring years of training and mastery of the medium, skill and creativity, the artist must also have a high sense of concept. Kente weaving started or was inspired by the need to satisfy the demands of royalty and ceremony and the ambitious desires of the wealthy. These requirements have pushed the weavers of these fabrics to create majestic cloths that combine colour and patterns with sublime results. Colour is used to establish mood whilst motifs provide detail and meaning. Materials Weaving Apparatus in this craft are hand made by the weavers themselves or other specialists in the locality associated with the craft. These include the hand-loom, comprising a wooden framed cage-like structure that can contain the weaver, heddles, treadles, pulleys, spools, shuttles, bobbins, yarns from locally grown cotton or unravelled from cotton and silk fabrics imported from Europe and Asia. Today, one can have access to factory made cotton, silk and rayon-yarns produced in Ghana or imported. Silk is considered or regarded as the most prestigious and highly valued especially amongst the Ashantis. Traditionally, Kente weaving was male dominated and women played a significant role in this craft by spinning raw cotton into yarns, dyeing the yarns, sewing the strips together and marketing. Technique The method/ technique used in Kente weaving is known as strip-weaving: a textile production technique using very small traditional hand-looms to produce long narrow lengths of fabric of 4 inch width which may be joined edge-wise to create square or rectangular covers.

Three kinds of patterning are common:

Warp stripping requires using different colours of warp yarn in the preparation of the loom. This allows for the repeat of patterns in the cloth, and is the common technique.
The second type of patterning is rather more complicated but depends on the spreading of the warp elements apart as the loom is prepared, In the weave, the warps are hidden by the weft. This allows for the creation blocks of colour across the cloth or alternated into a chequer board effect or a random scatter colour effect.
The third type of woven pattern involves an additional or supplementary weft that "floats" across the warps. Only the Ashanti and Ewe weavers bring all these weaves together in one strip of fabric.

Aesthetics and Usage Woven Kente cloth is a great status symbol.

It marks wealth and in the past, office as it was only reserved for royalty especially in Ashanti.
Choice of clothing to be worn on important occasions, Kente has continued to be associated with cultural sophistication.
The designs were also woven to mark very important dates and events in history (Historical references) eg. "Ohene Afro hyen" (the King has boarded a ship) to commemorate Asantehene, Agyeman Prempeh II, travel abroad on a ship. There is even a new design named after one of our former presidents J. A. Kufuor known as "Kufuor apegya Ghana Kufuor has lifted Ghana). The Ewes also have "Takpekpe le Anloga" (there is a gathering in Anloga) to mark a significant gathering of clan elders in Anloga.

Both the Ashanti and Ewe Kente carry meanings in the motifs„ patterns and colour usage often relating to proverbs. Every weave has a name as displayed in the chart in the Exhibition. There are gender differences in the production and weaving of Kente. On average a man's size cloth measures 24 strips (8ft wide) and 12ft tong and is worn toga style. Women may wear either one piece or a combination of two to three pieces of varying sizes ranging from 5-12 strips (20 inches to 48 inches wide) and an average of 6ft in length. Worn as wrappers in a manner similar to the Sarong or Sari of Indian women with or without a blouse. Women of high status and advanced in age sometimes are seen wearing larger pieces in toga style like the men. Social changes and modern circumstances have however affected how the above rudiments apply significantly. It however, still remains a fact that one assumes dignity when one wears Kente.

SOME CHARACTERISTICS OF ASHANTI & EWE KENTE

Asanti and Ewe Kente are similar in many respects in terms of tools, techniques, size, colour etiquette, uses and so on. There are however some significant differences that it is important to note. Traditional weaves of Ashanti and Ewe Kente have obvious differences in terms of colour. Whilst the Ashanti Kente has a brighter, vibrant and dazzling colour effect overall, the Ewe Kente is sombre and muted but overall considered more sophisticated in general mood. The Ashanti taste for imported luxury cloth and the sophistication demanded by the courts encouraged the development of particular weaves. Ashanti weavers therefore introduced shininess and bright colour as an attraction into their weave by unravelling the European silk imports brought in by the Danes around the C18th which yarns they re-wove into local designs. There are other differences in patternation and use of motifs which were informed by geography and other cultural practices. Ewe weavers are noted for the high quality of their cotton strip woven wrappers. They are not regulated by the court regulated designs of the Ashanti. Ewes have been free to express their skill and creativity to please clients. It is worthy to note that a lot of the differences in Ashanti and Ewe Kente mentioned above are no longer obvious characteristics in contemporary weaving due to the changing needs, mass production, and cross avers in terms of migratory trends in the weaving trade.

HAND-PRINTED TRADITIONAL TEXTILES — AKAN ADINKRA

"Adinkra" in Akan means (saying goodbye or going ahead). Adinkra is an Ashanti cotton cloth produced at Ntonso North of Kumasi in the Ashanti Region of Ghana. Printed textiles were previously unknown but for this one form of Ashanti textile which was developed around the C 18th . Graphic motifs are printed in black tar using stamps made from carved calabash (gourd). These are used to create individual patterns that have associated proverbs. Primarily developed for funerary purposes, they have also attained ceremonial status just like the Kente cloth and have similar usage but not at par value as the Kente cloth. Adinkra was developed for royals to celebrate funerals. There are a plethora of symbols that the local printers choose from to create patterns that convey special messages and meanings. It usually comes printed in black tar on strong colours like black, red, brown, purple and the less traditional green- all associated culturally to mourning, seriousness and somber reflection. Over time however, various designs have been developed for celebratory events usually on white, yellow and blue- such as out-doors, special anniversaries etc. Adinkra is also created for both males and females.

FANTI CLOTH —APPLIQUED AND EMBROIDERED TEXTILE "AKUNINTAMA"

"Akunintama" (the cloth of the great or achiever) - this is textiles that was originally produced by the Fanti people of the Central and Western Coast of Ghana. As the name implies, it was developed to honour great warriors and leaders of the Asafo companies which were originally formed along the lines of brigades. The Fanti cloths are characterized by appliquéd or embroidered motifs of cultural import, usually historical, made out of colourful imported fabrics sewn onto larger fabrics. These motifs have specific messages related to the exploits, strengths and achievements of the one it is made for. They are usually produced for celebratory purposes only. Like the Kente cloth "Akunintarna" is only worn by clan heads, royal and leaders in society for special occasions. It has become adopted as a celebratory cloth by the Ga people of the Greater Accra Region of Ghana who are coastal settlers as well. Worn only by royalty and affluent in society. It is produced only for males. Hand printing with block stamps Printing Blocks

FANTI PRINTS

MACHINE FANCY PRINT TEXTILES — (WAX PRINTS)

Contemporary Ghanaian everyday fashion is fed by Wax prints. These are cotton fabrics that are produced by fabric processing and printing outfits such as Vlisco, Akosombo Textiles and Printex in Ghana. The vibrant colours and flamboyant designs of Wax printed cloth are more evocative of contemporary Ghana. Wax-printed cloth and cheaper roller printed imitations have become the most widely distributed African textiles. Whilst the Kente cloth, Adinkra and Fanti cloths can be situated comfortably as belonging to Ghana, the wax printed fabrics defy boundaries and are West African in identity. One can however identify subtle variations that can locate them within specific countries in terms of pattern, motif and colour so to speak. WAX PRINTS

This fabric/ cloth type has provided new and versatile means of elaborating African interest in the communicative and expressive power of dress.

An effort by Dutch factories in the colonial times to undercut local textile production in Indonesia by producing and supplying machine-made imitations of Javanese batik, back fired and was rejected but became an instant hit in Dutch Trading posts in Ghana when they were introduced here. This fabric type gained ground rapidly in Ghana as one of the many foreign imports.
Designs began to be adapted to fit local tastes and concerns in Ghana and West Africa in general. Specific motifs of traditional import became evident in the designs introduced.
Various direct printing technologies were introduced to produce cheaper imitations of wax prints (fancy prints). These can be differentiated from the Wax prints because the designs only register on one surface of the fabric but has the advantage of finer detail of design and direct reproduction of photographs.

Wax prints thus quickly became prestige items and trading chips whilst their imitated others were made available to the lower income group. This state of affairs still persists today.

The communicative potential of wax cloths is vast and varied. Commemorative designs that promote the wealthy and powerful is only one of the many. Current trends suggest the use of wax prints in sending subtle messages across in forms of imagery and associated proverbs. We won't get into the details of these here. African wax printed cloth is far more than just colourful exotic mode of clothing. Its design repertoire blends contemporary African concerns with imagery drawn from the historical colonial legacy. It provides both everyday dress and raw material for exclusive designers. It celebrates traditional fabric designs, the novel and remarkable.

BATIK, TIE & DYE- WAX RESIST LOCAL CLOTH

The last group of textiles is the Batik (meaning "wax written") and tie/ dye fabrics. These became popular in late 1960s and early 1970s in Ghana. A network of Intermediate Technology Transfer units (ITTU's) provides training and equipment to help local people especially women set up small scale businesses in textiles. With few start-up costs (batik making being much simpler to set up than mechanized fabric making) and needing little space, many women and some men have set up thriving businesses from their homes producing very brilliant and colourful fabrics mainly for the local low income market. The process of batik (which was introduced into Ghana from South East Asia), is a process of patterning and colouring cloth that requires the use of wax to block the dye from parts of the cloth. Locally produced cotton is usually the preferred fabric. Other fabrics have however been experimented with by various fabric artists. It is quite labour intensive and provides employment for a lot of women locally. The patronage of this fabric declined very much in the 1980s due to various reasons including preference for cheaper alternative imports from Asia and other places as well as a social denigration of the fabric. It has however seen a revival in recent years. The "tie/ dye" technique (which requires tying the cotton fabric in sections to resist dyes and immersion in dyes) preceded the wax resist process of batik. It has however given ground to the batik as the preferred fabric making process and the process has just become one of the techniques used in combination with the batik process to produce textiles. Batik artists also employed patternation and motifs that are communicative in nature and commemorative fabrics are also produced to mark significant events just like the wax prints.

BATIKS

TIE-DYE PRINTS

Clothing and Etiquette It is not uncommon to identify European clothing in Ghana which is associated with the loss of Ghanaian culture. In fact, it is worthy to note that most of the widely available cloth on the Ghanaian market identified as Ghanaian may have been produced in Europe or the Far East. Appropriateness has a high premium in the way cloth is worn in Ghana to suit an occasion. The manner in which a cloth is worn is as important and of great value as the designs and quality of cloth. Appropriateness is also measured in dress etiquette in terms of colour symbolism. Kente and Adinkra are usually only worn Toga Style. This inadvertently changes the general demeanour of the weaver into elegance completely assuming dignity. Except for the woven fabrics from the Northern Ghana which are woven specially for making Smocks and can therefore be cut up, woven cloth (Kente) and Adinkra will never be cut up into small pieces to make a dress. This is primarily because of the value of the textile and secondly, kente especially did not allow for free body movement in tight fitting dress design. Modern fashion designers have however found ways around this by commissioning lighter versions from contemporary weavers which they employ in their work. Cotton fabrics (Wax prints, batik) and other fancy prints are therefore the preferred choices of fabrics for cutting up and sewn together into very creative and fashionable ensembles that seek to out do each other in skill and creativity. These notably come with very elaborate sleeves and shoulders. Colour Etiquette Black is the dominant colour of clothing for funerals. Sometimes in combination with red for close relatives. Red is the preferred colour for deaths of a violent nature, like accidents, suicides, gunshot deaths or young deaths. Black and white is reserved for funerals for the elderly, which are mostly celebratory in nature especially when such deaths are accepted as natural and a fruitful end. Among the Ewes, white is reserved for brave warriors who die hero's deaths in battle. White is also the dominant colour for other celebratory occasions such as weddings, outdoors, traditional marriages and thanks giving. Textiles and Contemporary Art and Art Forms Ghanaian contemporary visual practices have drawn upon the extant (or vast) vibrant and flourishing textile traditions especially the Kente cloth and Adinkra. Ashanti and Ewe Kente, Adinkra and Ghanaian factory produced fancy prints have served as inspiration for contemporary Ghanaian Artists over time. One cannot ignore a reflection of the "rhythm based aesthetics" of the Kente and Adinkra patternation in the works of many Ghanaian contemporary artists. Textiles have also become a direct medium of expression in recent times for Ghanaian artist for sculpture and as support for painting. Artists like Dorothy Amenuke have created sculpture from pieces of fabrics collected from around fashion shops. Many artists like Atta Kwami, Owusu-Ankomah, Rikki Wemega-Kwawu have sourced either directly or indirectly from one traditional textile or the other in their current work and have achieved some considerable recognition for the results. With some, the staccato geometric design compositions were an attraction, with others the jazzy colour compositions of the Kente cloth was the deal. My own work has had some romance with textiles and still maintains some characteristics of traditional Kente quality albeit subtle. Perhaps the most recognizable and best known Artist whose work has had much success sourcing from traditional fabric is El Anatsui. He is an internationally recognized Ghanaian Artist who is noted for his monumental pieces exhibited all over the world (fabricated from Aluminum drink tops and wire) based on the tradition of Ghanaian textile practice and meaning. His work is the most reflective of the extent to which the qualities of Ghanaian textiles have influenced contemporary practice.

Conclusion In conclusion, I will like to draw attention to the current situation in the textile sector which has seen a decline since the 1990s. Textile manufacturing outfits in Ghana have seen an erosion of their foundations by the large importation of cheap and inferior textiles into the market in at least the last decade. This has come to upset some what the traditional hierarchy of the local textiles which has affected even the quality of the textiles produced today. However, stakeholders in recent times are making all efforts to revive the flagging fortunes of the industry. The Ministry of trade has instituted prohibitive measures to discourage the importation of these "spoiler" fabrics. Established industries like Vlisco (GTP), Akosombo Textiles limited, Printex and others have also stepped up production levels to meet demands of the market and satisfy current trends with new designs. In Ghana, textile constitutes a major and flourishing art that achieves many more things than just providing local repertoire for clothing, communication, social status and inspiration for artist working in other media. It tells a story of an evolving and dynamic society. It is "fabric" of society. I have undertaken here to provide a point of entry into the fascinating history and world of Ghanaian textiles fully aware that we cannot completely exhaust the challenge of covering the whole essence of textiles in one session. References: Textiles in Ghana, Open learn Open University Kofi Antuban, Ghana’s Heritage of Culture, 1963 Duncan Clarke, The art of African Textiles Ahiagble Bob Dennis, The pride of Ewe Kente, 2004 Greay Art Gallery, New York University, The poetics of Cloth: African Textiles/ Recent Art, 2008 Peter Adler and Nicholas Barnard, African Majesty: The textile art of the Ashanti and Ewe.

From Tradition To Modernity The Eames India Report of 1958 is a never ending source of wisdom about Indian crafts and design and looking back we find that little has changed of the core values that, the architects and designers, Charles and Ray Eames had articulated in their monograph that was responsible for the setting up of the National Institute of Design in Ahmedabad. The note of caution that they held out is more real today with the pace of change and communication taking all of us on a roller coaster ride of our lives and with us the fortunes and travails of the multitude of craftsmen who have had an undisturbed tradition for over five thousand years of slow and evolutionary change. All this is gone. The comfort of slow change is shattered by the lightning speed and impact of communication that the Eames’s predicted in their report.

I quote

“ …The change India is undergoing is a change in kind not a change of degree. The medium that is producing this change is communication; not some influence of West on the East. The phenomenon of communication is something that affects a world not a country…

”They go on to add,”…The decisions that are made in a tradition-oriented society are apt to be unconscious decisions – in that each situation or action automatically calls for a specified reaction. Behavior patterns are pre-programmed, pre-set.

It is in this climate that handicrafts flourish – changes take place by degrees – there are moments of violence but the security is in the status quo.

The nature of a communications-oriented society is different by kind – not by degree. All decisions must be conscious decisions evaluating changing factors. In order to even approach the quality and values of a traditional society, a conscious effort must be made to relate every factor that might possibly have an effect.”

Unquote

Designing A New Capacity This explains why design is now becoming so important to the practice and in the very survival of the crafts sector. I have heard many NGO representatives and mastercraftsmen quibble about the dominance of the designer in the crafts arena. All I have to say at this stage is that they should shift their focus from the designer to look at the language, the mind-sets and skills of design in an attempt to appropriate these capabilities for themselves. Design is a very old human capability that has been forgotten by the mainstream educational systems and the traditionalist alike. Both these streams need to reestablish contact with the discipline if we are to face the vagaries of change that is upon us from all directions. Design is here to stay. The craftsmen have got dislocated from their stable milieu of village-markets and live user-contacts in predictable social settings by the rapidly expanding rings of communication that is both imploding and exploding at the same time bringing with it new competition and uncharted change, all at once. It is here, in a climate of chaos that the designers thrive, in their ability to map patterns of the emerging trends and fashion alternate scenarios in response. The language of design is the substance of complexity and of the management of a multiplicity of factors in a mode of synthesis rather than by analysis. Designers’ work in teams with methodologies drawn from over a hundred disciplines and creative solutions are crafted and delivered in real time or almost, in some cases ahead of time if we are lucky to have a visionary in our midst. The design language that I am speaking of needs to be explained and defined so that it is not confused with the bizarre offerings that come by the labels called marketing hype, style or even interior decoration. It is indeed a very different kind of activity that needs to be at the core of society and it has been a core human activity known to man ever since the beginning of civilization. However, now this activity needs to be done in tandem with dramatic change, with leaps of creative imagination and with equally rigorous testing for it to be credible and acceptable. It is as different from science as it is from art and it uses the tools and methods of all of them in a contextually determined manner. Design can be studied and the capabilities can be acquired along with the required mind-set change that takes it to different vantage from both art and science. It is this kind of assimilation of the design language that will make for the renewal of the crafts traditions and ensure the sustainability of our living crafts legacy. Christopher Alexander, another architect and writer who visited India in the early sixties to study the Indian village for its generic qualities understood the evolutionary processes that had helped shape the Indian villages and establish their stable culture. This in turn had spawned the wonderful material culture and traditional mores that we are now seeing torn apart by the inexorable change due to the rings of communication moving both ways. Alexander was searching for the roots of meaning in the evolution of form in the man-made environment - and what better place was there to look at - than at a small Indian village that had an unbroken evolution of over five thousand years. For him the form of the village revealed a deep structure and in the process he extracted the language of form from which all human settlements could be unraveled and understood or be synthesized and created, as the case may be. For me it is a great source of pleasure to gaze at the Indian village forms and the network of ponds and roads from thousands of feet up in an aircraft and to reflect on Alexander’s insightful analysis of the evolution of human settlements. Alexander has now gone on to apply his learning from the Indian village to many levels of design thinking and more importantly to position design ahead of the sciences in the manner in which our worldview would be influenced by their influence in the years ahead. According to Alexander, in the past century architecture was treated as a minor science with architects trying to be scientific in a hope to keep up with the “scientific” times. In the future, he says, it would be design that will shape our worldview in a manner similar to the role that was played by physics in shaping the worldview of the 19th and 20th centuries. His new four-volume work articulates this new understanding of design and we will see the influence of this renewed discipline in the years ahead. This places design in a completely new context, that of providing leadership for our very understanding of change and with an even greater role in the shaping of our world in the days ahead. Our craftsmen cannot afford to be left out of this transformation activity or remain passive bystanders to the critical processes at work and there is no reason that the role should be appropriated by a body of designers solely by virtue of their training and in the absence of any effort to help the craftsmen resolve this dilemma for themselves. Now that we have established a new and greater role for design that is inevitable we need to look at the activity of crafts and the possibilities and challenges open to the craftsman in a living tradition in transition through tumultuous times. Crafting a Challenge The problems of the craft sector are manifold and it also represents a major area of opportunity for development planning in the scenario of the scanty financial resources available in our economy for such a widespread development initiative. Crafts are a great source of employment in our villages and towns. However this potential should not get translated into mere wage labour but to value added employment that is both dignified and rewarding. The new craftsman would need to be both informed and competent to handle change and for this we would need to look at the processes and opportunities that are available for the education of the craftsman. The word education too will need to be redefined and we will return to this at an appropriate stage. The existing handicrafts sector has massive resources of fine skills and technical know-how and are still active in various parts around the country in the form of the traditional wisdom still embedded in the fabric of our culture. But not for long! The handicrafts sector is an enormous source of employment, particularly self-employment, for a vast numbers of people and it represents an opportunity that cannot be ignored. In many areas, production of handicrafts is the sole sources of income for the communities for whom it is the main source of sustenance. Traditionally, such handicrafts producers deal with local markets with which they had direct links through contact with the consumer, be it a bazaar buyer or a local patron. However, with the vast economic changes that have been taking place, most of these crafts are facing a very bleak scenario by being marginalised by a variety of industrial products, squeezing traditional markets or the margins generated by their endeavor. It should be understood here that the term Crafts is used in a very specific sense to mean those activities that deal with the conversion of specific materials into products, using primarily hand skills with simple tools and employing the local traditional wisdom of craft processes. This being an economic activity that is exposed and influenced by all the competitive pressures of a dynamically shifting marketplace, our new generation of craftsmen would necessarily have to depend increasingly on high quality market intelligence and strategies design to be pro-active, particularly while dealing with remote and export markets. The generally low level of education that is today available to the average craftsmen adversely affects their ability and responsiveness to such changing needs. This needs to change and change quickly and in the right direction It is further restricted by the acute absence of capital and the lack of a free flow of knowledge about the competitive shifts that are constantly taking place in this information centered world. While the Know-How (How-to-make-things - knowledge & skills) exists abundantly in the crafts sector there is a severe shortfall in the Know-What (what-to-make - strategies & designs) that curtails the ability of crafts communities to survive intense competition or, better still, develop value-added solutions in the complex economic and social matrix in which they exist. Prof. Gui Bonsiepe in his book has analysed the innovation perspectives in science, technology and design which shows us that the nature of innovation and the objectives and processes vary a great deal from one to the other while all three kinds are needed in an integrated manner to achieve market success. In India we have invested heavily in science and technology infrastructure while ignoring design over the years and for the crafts sector too we will need to correct this imbalance if we are to move ahead. Further the orientation of our institutional investments have been industry focused while crafts have been more or less relegated to self sustaining role with the exception of the very limited funding through the offices of the DC(H). This situation has continued unchanged due to the lack of a coherent plea from this decentralized sector and also based on some unsubstantiated fears and romantic notions that innovation in the crafts would destroy traditional values embedded therin. This is far form the truth and needs to be corrected forthwith. The crafts sector must make political demands on the access to and the use of the existing infrastructure of our national and regional institutions as well as seek to establish new initiatives that are focused exclusively on the needs of the crafts sector. The quality of these institutions and their facilities must not be in any way inferior to the standards set in the Institutions of higher learning across the country and there is a pressing need to encourage craft related and crafts mediated education at many levels in India. India is perhaps the only country in the world that has such an active craft tradition and therefore we need to develop our own models and not find ready made solutions form oversees. We will need to find the money for this transformation and the business potential of the alone is good reason for this and the other triggers are the hope for sustainable employment and decentralized development across the length and breadth of India as against the explosive development of the metros alone. We need a lot more research into mapping the traditions and opportunities in the sector and for this many areas of expertise needs to be encouraged to engage with the crafts from the perspectives of their own disciplines. The DC(H) could support research at the University level on numerous topics of local and national concern and build a significant body of knowledge that can be the driver of decision making and investments for the future. Besides the hereditary craftsmen and their children, we need to look at a much broader catchments of human resources that can be mobilized to revitalize the whole crafts movement in India and in the process help build a competent and creative India of the future. This broadening of the base would help dilute the stranglehold that exists in the perceptions about crafts being a lowly activity and address the decay that is evident in the caste politics that is still in vogue today. Much of our youth and the students of the modern education systems miss the critical values of crafts that were imparted in the traditional societies in India in the past in our villages. Today the so-called modern education has reached our villages too without any re-appraisal of the relevance of the inputs and the content and capability that they impart to our young learners. This kind of education is frightening and the course must be set right to enable our current craftsmen and the potential young craftsperson’s from being decapacitated by the spread of modern education with its limited focus on language and numeracy. The crafts sector by its very nature is heterogeneous, both from the point of view of the material and technological processes used in each of the crafts as well as in the situations in which the craft communities work in different regions of each state or the country. This implies that individuals working in this sector would necessarily have to be flexible and broad-based in their approach and be able to understand the large variety of technologies and have the competence to work in a generalist capacity A flexible regional focus could give us both variety and relevance to local context in bringing the new crafts capabilities to our young learners as an integral part of their broader learning to cope with the new age ahead. This can and must be done near their homes and these must be rooted in the local needs to be relevant. New Initiatives in Education We would need a two-pronged approach to education of the craftsmen. One to deal with the sustained creation of new craftsmen through the revised programmes in schools that I had called for at the CCI organized Shilpa Guru seminar in Delhi last year and the second to help our master craftsmen cope with the change through a special programme of education tailored for their need. This would need a massive infrastructure, nothing short of a crafts university, which can carry on systematic education of all players in the crafts sector and with a special emphasis on the needs of the craftsman. I have been involved in the setting up of two significant new Institutions that are focused on the creation of trained human resources and strategies for the Crafts Sector in India. These are the Indian Institute of Crafts and Design, Jaipur and the Bamboo and Cane Development Institute, Agartala. Both are informed by the vast body of work carried out at the National Institute of Design over the past forty years in our attempts to understand the role of crafts in the Indian context as a major resource for both design education and for the economic and social development of India as a whole. During the various deliberations that led up to the establishment of these new initiatives a number of insights emerged on the role of the crafts in India and the need for expanding the involvement of new players in the strengthening of the sector and expanding it in many new directions through design and strategic interventions. Some of these concepts were captured and formed the basis of our strategic initiatives for new education of designers and craftsperson’s to meet the challenges ahead. We need to do a lot more and to do it urgently. While the programme proposed and implemented at the IICD, Jaipur were focused on the creation of young designers for the crafts sector our efforts at the BCDI, Agartala was on the creation of a new class of crafts-persons who would also act as entrepreneurs in the remote villages of our country, particularly focused on the development of the Northeastern sector. The curriculum that was designed from ground up looked at the needs and capabilities of the young candidates who were expected to join the programme offered there. We were fortunate to have had the opportunity to test our curriculum with three batches of craftsmen trainees, most of whom were women, and the results are indeed heartening. We now need to look further a field and see how crafts education can be introduced to the regular school system and the experiments done in the United Kingdom through the introduction of design and technology at the school level may throw some light on directions for explorations in India. Besides learning about the materials and technologies relating to particular crafts the students in our schools could also be exposed to critical project based situations as well as be placed in direct contact with craftsperson’s and other individuals working in the region through which they would gain insights into the human resource needs and aspirations of the handicrafts sector within the local context. Such an exposure carried out under the guidance of specially sensitized faculty, perhaps local craftsmen, would help develop the broad-based competence that is required as well as instill in the student a capacity to face complex problems and develop strategies for the resolution of these problems. I do believe that crafts education that goes well beyond mere hobby classes or vague introduction to the fine arts at the middle and high school levels can and needs to be innovated to make India a creative and potent force that it was when handicrafts was the basis for our local and export economy in the past. I do hope that we move towards such educational innovations that can indeed make the platform for a creative India of the future. Innovative Structures for Fusion with Education For the continuing education of our master craftsmen we need to establish channels and institutional frameworks that could give them an ability to cope with the changed circumstances. I do not pretend that I know all that needs to be done in this sector but we should be able to look at a variety of models to cope with the huge variety of regional and material differences that need to be managed. The University system can be leveraged to bring design and other critical conceptual skills to the crafts community through special programmes offered to local crafts people during the summer and winter breaks that may be a slack season for the establishments themselves. Recently the award of a doctoral degree by a foreign university honoured one of our master craftsmen in Kutch is an interesting development to examine. Our own national initiatives to set up the Shilpa Guru and Mastercraftsman awards need to be taken well beyond mere recognition to include empowerment and the assimilation of transformational capabilities as well. This process must be very sensitively mediated since all our craftsmen are acutely aware of their strengths and of their weaknesses but the process of involvement must be with kid gloves rather than through some raw edged and abstract scheme that are not developed with their active involvement. These two pronged approaches would help create young crafts persons in the long run through our school systems and create a recognised group of master craftsmen through the continuing higher education channel as well. Both these approaches need to use the vehicle of design and technology education in much the same spirit that the UK has been sustaining its programmes for design & technology at the school level. In India with its living crafts traditions distributed all across the country we still have the opportunity of linking these streams to the so called mainstream of the educational system so that both can benefit from this fusion. References: Charles & Ray Eames, The India Report, National Institute of Design, Ahmedabad, 1958 (Reprint 1991) Colin Caborn, Ian Mould & John Cave, “Design & Technology”, Thomas Nelson & Sons Ltd, Surrey, 1989 J A Panchal & M P Ranjan, “Institute of Crafts: Feasibility Report and Proposal”, National Institute of Design, Ahmedabad, 1993 M P Ranjan, Meghna Ajit, Kuntal De, Richa Ghansiyal, C S Sushanth & Deborah Zama, “Bamboo & Cane Development Institute: Feasibility Report for proposed National Institute to be set up by Development Commissioner Handicrafts, Government of India”, National Institute of Design, Ahmedabad, 2001 Rashmi Korjan, “Outline of Curriculum for BCDI Training Programmes”, in CD-ROM edited M P Ranjan, “Beyond Grassroots! Bamboo as Seedlings of Wealth”, National Institute of Design, Ahmedabad, 2002 Christopher Alexander, Notes on the Synthesis of Form, Harvard University Press, Massachusetts, 1964 Jay W. Forrester, “System Dynamics and Learner-Centered-Learning in Kindergarten through 12th Grade Education” Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Cambridge, 1992 Jay W. Forrester, “Designing the Future”, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Cambridge, 1998 Jay W. Forrester, “System Dynamics: The Foundation under Systems Thinking” Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Cambridge, 1999 M P Ranjan, Nilam Iyer & Ghanshyam Pandya; Bamboo and Cane Crafts of Northeast India, Development Commissioner of Handicrafts, New Delhi, 1986 M P Ranjan; “Ecology and Design: Lessons from the Bamboo Culture”, keynote address at the International Bamboo Cultural Forum, Oita November 1991 & subsequently published in Japanese in Asian Cultures’ Quarterly Magazine AF no. 65, 1992, The Asian Club Foundation, Tokyo. pp 60 – 63 M P Ranjan, “Bamboo as a Designer Material: Its Properties and Manipulation”, in Bamboo Craft Design: Proceedings of the Jagruti workshop, Eds. A G Rao and Madhavi Koli, Industrial Design Centre, Indian Institute of Technology, Bombay 1994 M P Ranjan, “From the Land to the People: Bamboo as Sustainable Human Development Resource”, UNDP, New Delhi, February 1999 M P Ranjan, “Green Design and Bamboo Handicrafts: a Scenario for Action in the Asian Region” in Proceedings of the Vth International Bamboo Workshop, Bali 1995 M P Ranjan, Yrjo Weiherheimo, Yanta H T Lam, Haruhiko Ito & G Upadhayaya, Bamboo Boards & Beyond: Bamboo, the sustainable, eco-friendly industrial material of the future, (CD-ROM), supported by United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), Asia Pacific Centre for Technology Transfer (APCTT) and endorsed by International Network of Bamboo and Rattan (INBAR) & International Council of Societies of Industrial Design (ICSID), National Institute of Design, Ahmedabad, 2001 M P Ranjan, The Levels of Design Intervention in a Complex Global Scenario in proceedings of the Graphica 98 - II International Congress of Graphics Engineering in Arts and Design and the 13th National Symposium on Descriptive Geometry and Technical Design, Feira de Santana, Bahia, Brazil 1998. M P Ranjan, Meghna Ajit, C S Susanth, Richa Ghansiyal, Kuntal De & Deborah Zama, “Bamboo & Cane Development Institute: Feasibility Report”, Development Commissioner of Handicrafts, Govt. of India, National Institute of Design, Ahmedabad, 2000 M P Ranjan, “Beyond Grassroots: Bamboo as Seedlings of Wealth” CD-ROM of NID-BCDI projects, National Institute of Design, Ahmedabad & BCDI, Agartala, 2003 Gui Bonsiepe, “Interface: An Approach to Design” Jan van Eyck Akademie, Maastricht, 1999 M P Ranjan, “Design Before Technology: The Emerging Imperative”, Paper presented at the Asia Pacific Design Conference ‘99 in Osaka, Japan Design Foundation and Japan External Trade Organisation, Osaka, 1999 M P Ranjan, “Rethinking Bamboo in 2000 AD”, a GTZ-INBAR conference paper reprint, National Institute of Design, Ahmedabad, 2000 M P Ranjan, Jatin Bhatt, Madhurima Patni & Dr. Darlie Koshy, Craft Design: Major Education Programme, Curriculum Development Committee Report, Institute of Crafts, Jaipur, 1997 M P Ranjan, “Crafts in General Education”, Paper presented at “Crafts, Craftspersons and Sustainability” seminar organized by the Crafts Council of India, New Delhi, November 2002 M P Ranjan, “Crafts Training in India: New approaches and Initiatives”, Paper presented at “Kamala” a seminar organized by the Crafts Council of India, Bangalore, April 2003 M P Ranjan, Traditional Wisdom for Modern Design: Craftsmanship as a sensitive way finder for education, Paper prepared for the seminar organized Dastakar and OXFAM from 14th & 15th April 2003 at Anandgram, New Delhi Paper prepared for the Brainstorming workshop on “Continuity embedded in change: Design and Technology up-gradation in handicrafts sector” organized by NISTADS, New Delhi, 3 – 4 June 2003

Sounds pompous and unrealistic, but look at it this way. A few years ago the Supreme Court of India banned all harvesting of timber from the forests of the Eastern Himalayas and instantly 400 odd local timber and plywood based factories in Assam and the Northeast of India had to down shutters. Germany and many Western nations introduced stringent laws banning the import of textiles with Azo dyes and the Indian handloom industry was in a tizzy and had to seek Government help to re-train hundreds of thousands of weavers and dyers involved in the age old craft in India, big change in a hurry. More recently the state Government of Delhi had to ban all public transport busses, taxis and scooters using petrol and diesel due to environmental action by local NGO's and soon with Court intervention and community action, CNG or Compressed natural Gas was introduced as an alternate fuel for all public transport, the switch was not painless, but it was done with positive effect. I sense these and other transformations as fore-runners for a massive transformation when material interests will give way to social interests and technology and science will respond to community needs and in this process bring design in as a central capability that is used at many levels, far beyond the aesthetic and performance levels that we are used to today. My own work in bamboo was influenced by both environmental as well as social concerns. The need to find alternatives for cultivated resources to sustain a huge need for material artefacts and an alternate industry as well as the social need to solve the immense problems of poverty in rural India and other parts of the world. Working with and using bamboo one realises how amazing is the the concept of fertile soil to make materials that are both strong and abundant. Another realisation is that while Bucky Fuller talked about 'Space Ship Earth" , the Earth as a finite resource for all of us, we realise that the soil layer on the Space Ship is a mere 10 to 20 feet deep. Imagine the Earth, an 8000 mile diameter planet with a 10 feet thick layer of fertile soil created by many layers of decayed plants and bacterial matter we come to an image of the "Space Bubble Earth", a fragile and vulnerable eco-system, that can be easily undone just as a soap bubble can in its brief flight in the air. This places the soil as one of the most significant resources that would need to be conserved along with air and water and these will need to form the core knowledge of the future designers. The history of design for me did not begin with the industrial revolution but it is perhaps the oldest ability of humans and it pre-dates both science and art, in my definition. Design is human intentions and actions that create new value. With this definition we can link the earliest human use of design, perhaps, to the very first use of fire to keep other animals away, for security, as Richard Dawkins tells us in his "Ergasts tale", used some two million years ago. The science of fire was still far away in the future, but humans used fire long before they knew how to make fire or even understand its dynamics. Tool making, settled agriculture, mobility and technology followed in ever increasing rapid evolution of thought and action. In rural India the crafts traditions are a reminder of these integrated times when design was inseparable from many forms of human expression. Human history and design history are intertwined inextricably till we discovered formal education and then the whole story crumbles into specialisation and analysis over generalist and synthesis, design is sacrificed at the alter of science. Formal education today, at least in India as we see it is devoid of any emphasis on the abilities of converting materials with skills and dexterous abilities that were common place in all our villages across India. While these still exist in numerous places where "development and modern education" are still to arrive, we tend to look down at these places and people as uneducated and illiterate. In this we fail to see their deep understanding of the local materials and the ability of their culture to develop a deep grasp of traditional wisdom of the ages that had been passed on through the generations. I was fortunate to experience this knowledge during our year long field study of the bamboo culture of Northeast India conducted in the late seventies towards my book on bamboo crafts and traditions of the region. Teaching design to undergraduate students from some of our best schools in India helped me realise how restrictive is our education in transmitting abilities of making things, cooking and in acquiring knowledge about the local wisdom. Something that every village child seemed to have without going to school. We have distanced ourselves from the integrated use of design as an everyday activity and made it a specialised task for a class of people called designers. We are increasingly seeing the collapse of the single discipline task groups and we are learning to work with people in co-creating solutions, a sort of return to the roots of making design an everyday task once again. The key seems to lie in education, and we need to redesign education to bring the design agenda closer to society. Give design back to society and it will be an ability sought after in the soon to be realised post-mining economy with numerous regulations that will make the everyday task complex and challanging. From material to dematerial is a direction that design will increasingly focus on as business models and regulatory principles will determine what we may be permitted to do rather than what we can do with technology at hand. Design is about what you can and would do with technology and materials as well as about the spirit that drives such use. People matter and designing with people and for people is the way forward which we will need to once again integrate into our everyday lives. We need to rediscover our tools and abilities to use these skillfully. The sensory and motor homunculus shows us that the hands and our craft abilities use huge brain resources and this should inform the education processes of the future and bring skills back into our schooling and sensitivity back into our society at all levels. Outline of Panel discussion remarks to support the visual presentation at the IDSA 2006 Conference in Austin, Texas, USA. The session was moderated by Uday Dandavate, Principal Sonic Rim, USA.

Kala Raksha: From Cultural Identity to Intellectual Property Through Kala Raksha we explore the dynamic relationship between fashion and tradition, and examine how working for the global fashion market was turned from a threat to cultural identity to an opportunity for developing a concept of intellectual property. In traditional South Asian society, identity is visually articulated. Dress unequivocally expresses ethnic affiliation. Identity is hierarchical; a person first belongs to a region, then an ethnic community, a family, and finally is an individual. In Kutch, embroidery has played a major role in women's lives. Many ethnic communities have embroidered for centuries. This traditional art was never assigned commercial value. However, it was recognized as a cultural asset. Traditional embroidery was created for social exchange, as contribution to dowry, gifts to children, family, the fiancé, and in-laws. Often, embroidery was received before the bride was met, so it introduced her, demonstrating her creativity, intelligence, and love. Above all, embroidery proclaimed identity. Embroidery styles eloquently expressed the hierarchy of cultural identity. Far more than technique, traditions were design languages comprising stitches, colors, motifs, patterns, and composition. Each style articulated the culture of the wearer, and each was understood as cultural property. Yet, each piece was unique. The concept of rote repetition was completely alien. Innovation was essential to embroidery, and it breathed the essential life into a tradition. Thus embroidery style conveyed not only the historical evolution of region and community; community members could also distinguish an individual's work like handwriting. The commercialization of craft traditions began in Kutch in the 1960s. For Kutchi embroiderers, it was a viable option. In many traditional societies, social constraints prohibit women from going out to earn through manual labor such as construction, agricultural, or drought relief work. Lack of education precluded other livelihoods. Embroidery could be integrated with essential household work. But few alternatives for earning meant little negotiating power, and embroidery usually earned less than manual labor. The social status of an artisan was commensurate. Tradition and Fashion Indirectly, commercial embroidery enabled the advent of local fashion. By the 1990s, NGOs, and traders were providing work to hundreds of artisans. Women had less time for their own handwork, but they now had the power to purchase the synthetics and ready-made trims that were becoming available. Traditions have always evolved over time, in response to the evolution of societies. But fashion was distinctly different from traditional innovation in its rate and extent of change, duration of trend, sphere of influence, and sense of volition. In turn, fashion began to directly impact traditional embroidery. Commercial work targeted urban and international markets. Professional designers intervened to make embroidery "less ethnic," manipulating motifs, pattern, and colors with little knowledge or interest in styles. Emulating the industrial model—faster, cheaper and more uniform—designers printed patterns and had women fill them in with embroidery. Concept was separated from execution. Traditions were diluted. Personal identity and creativity were out of the question. Artisans became workers. Commercialization insidiously eroded the artisans' sense of aesthetics and self worth. Perfected, decorative renditions of tradition were selling as fashion. So, artisans felt these were "better." The elders reflected, "We used to not do very good embroidery..." Young women were beginning with commercial embroidery and did not enjoy a deep connection to their traditions. Embroidery became a matter of aesthetic, and cultural identity was devalued. Thus, while Fashion, the engine driving commercial work, provided an opportunity to earn, it threatened cultural heritage. Enter Kala Raksha In 1993, I, an artisan Dayaben, and her brother Prakash took the challenge to try an alternative approach. We shared the vision of creating work with cultural integrity for the contemporary fashion market, and founded Kala Raksha. Kala Raksha used local resources as a strategy for building the organization. We hired community members as staff and expanded using local networks. But our key asset and resource was cultural heritage. We understood traditions as core entities rather than means to an end. And we sought to mobilize these unique aesthetic identities. We established a museum with artisan participation, and began to develop products by engaging artisans to innovate from the museum collections. This valuation of traditional knowledge and skills activated creativity. Nearly every development within the organization has come from artisan initiative. Hariyaben demanded fair payment, thus founding artisan pricing committees, and she fashioned tiny elephants and camels out of workshop scraps, initiating a recycled line. Meanwhile, money, exposure and new fashion accelerated changes in cultural identity. Women substituted traditional fabrics with synthetic replicas, and soon preferred ethnic-neutral polyester prints for skirts, blouses, and veils. Village girls no longer wanted to wear their traditional dress. Most significant, fashion, increased possibility, and choice—coupled with the revolution of the cell phone—altered the hierarchy of identity. Now, the concept of the individual emerged. Kala Raksha in the New Millennium A massive earthquake in 2001 heralded the New Millennium in Kutch. Its aftermath of cultural industries jolted Kala Raksha to reflect on its goals. Competition in the production craft market had increased, and the labor wages of industries that had proliferated in the region lured artisans. Kala Raksha realized that despite so much effort, the wages and social status of artisans were still equated with labor. Yet artisans' innovations within their own traditions demonstrated vibrancy and the ability to define and fulfill a design brief. Pabiben sampled a ribbon bag based on new Dhebaria fashion. This artisan driven design, is still one of Kala Raksha's best sellers. We were clear that income could not justify the loss of cultural heritage; empowerment must be cultural as well as economic. We knew that we needed to think away from the industrial development model, and to take into account intellectual property—not only skills but also knowledge-- and transfer these important assets to new arenas. We returned to the challenge of maintaining cultural identity and increasing value for handwork, with the understanding that the artist is the steward of tradition. Enter KRV In 2005, Kala Raksha founded Kala Raksha Vidhyalaya, the first design school for artisans, as a sustainable solution for the survival of craft traditions. The school's premise is that if artisans themselves design, this will insure the thread of integrity—and raise their income and status. The venture multiplied Kala Raksha's visibility and capacity. A network of excellent contacts within and outside India grew. The Trust received financial and human resource support from all over the world. As of 2011, ninety-nine artisans have graduated from the year-long program. Local orientation and sustained input have insured its success. Both program and campus are designed to be comfortable for local artisans. The curriculum guides artisans to appreciate the unique aspects of their traditions in the context of the world, and to draw inspiration from nature. Visiting faculty, professional designer educators, work with local permanent faculty and graduate mentors to utilize Kutchi language and culture. Concepts are taught combining new media and traditional craft skills. There are no age limitations for students. The only pre-requisites are that participants must be working traditional artisans. Through the course, artisans have learned to articulate and to peer critique. They have expanded their cultural knowledge about the global market by learning to segment markets and to interpret and evoke trend forecasts. Each artisan makes a final collection, which is juried by craft and design professionals and presented in a fashion show with a public attendance in thousands. The fashion show has highly motivated artisans, and has been an important instrument in educating the public to think about craft and artisans in other ways. In 2010, Kala Raksha launched the concept Artisan Design, a trademark to certify that a product is an artisan's own creative innovation. The Impact of Kala Raksha Working with Kala Raksha has changed artisans' attitudes. First, artisans gained pride in being an artisan, simply through earning. Pride in tradition and cultural identity followed. Hariyaben, a community leader, began to wear the kanchali kurti that the community had shunned in the 1980s. She pulled out traditional bangles and with her conscious attitude made them new fashion. Artisans who graduated from Kala Raksha Vidhyalaya expanded their capacity to create, their prerogative to collaborate, and their ability to connect to clients. Harkhuben- "After I completed the course and participated in two Kala Raksha design workshops, I realized what I had learned. It was easy and fun to develop new designs. I now have confidence to interact with clients. If we want our art to flourish, this is the way we must go!" The Vidhyalaya's year of design exploration focuses uniting concept and execution. Education also encourages all involved to view the student as a unique individual. KRV students begin to develop their unique expressions within traditions. In an effort to insure value for this education, Kala Raksha has employed graduates to design a new line of Art to Wear garments. So we find we have come full circle, to the original concept of each piece as a unique work of art! The cultural evolution of a stronger individual identity created a space for the concept of intellectual property. The concept Artisan Design eventually accesses intellectual property to raise income and respect above the level of manual labor. Current Issues and a Look to the Future Value for creative work is the central issue. Artisan demands are still modest. Hariyaben asked RS 500 a day (a little over $10) to teach a workshop. Designers who work with artisans take RS 75,000 per month (approximately $1530). The difference is less the quality of work than the designer's ability to reach appropriate markets. Both cultural heritage and intellectual property require marketing to create awareness and value. Kala Raksha's challenges now are to reach markets that appreciate and value products with cultural integrity, and to equip artisans to effectively tap cultural heritage for contemporary markets. As fashion draws worlds closer, this becomes very possible. When a Pabi bag sells briskly in New York and a village artisan purchases a top from Fabindia, Kala Raksha artisans can think of wearing the garments they make-- as they always did.

The God-fearing somber precincts of Raghurajpur, a palm tree-lined heritage village, ten kilometers from Puri in Orissa took me by surprise when, upon my arrival, I spotted pint-sized hair top knotted dynamites running riot across the village road with their pranks. Normally, such pranks would command instant punishment by the village elders, but there was an exception. These boys are I was told, ‘God’s children’ who perform the Gotipua dance. Hence, everyone puts up with them. These boys are exclusively chosen by the community to please the Gods. They powder their face, paint their eyes and forehead, grow their hair and dress them up as girls. They are presented as the female devotee dancers, consorts of Lord Krishna – the Gotipua dancers. Gotipua, in Oriya means goti, single and pua, boy. This is a dance tradition that is over 300 years old and origins from when a single boy danced for lord Krishna. It is the mainspring of the now famous classical Odissi dance form. Raghurajpur has given birth to not only the Gotipua tradition, but also legendry dancers like Guru Kellucharan Mahapatra and Guru Maguni Charan Das. The dance continues to be practiced in the village in Guru Maguni Das’s gurukul ashram, Dasabhuja Gotipua Odishi Nrutya Parishad. Here boys are recruited at the age of about six and perform till their voice begins to crack and the first glimpse of facial fuzz appears. The boys live in the ashram and follow a very strictly disciplined day which starts at four a.m. every morning with oil massage, stretching, bending and twisting the limbs, followed with their abhyas. The Ashram takes care of their formal education. Once they leave the Ashram, many of the boys continue as dancers or become musicians. There are various theories explaining the origin of Gotipua dance. All theories however date this tradition to the 16th century. According to some, when a section of Vaishnav preachers did not approve of maharis (devadasis) women dancing in the temples on the pretext of worship they introduced the practice of dancing by boys dressed up as girls. As narrated by Guru Maguni Das, in the twenty one day long Chandan Yatra of Puri, Swami Chaitanya the great Vaishnav saint wanted to perform the dance in the procession of Lord Jagannath and Lord Shiva. Priests objected to this. Yet as the devadasis were not permitted to dance during their menstrual period, boys of tender age were brought in to perform the devadasi’s dance. It was around this time that Orissa was also under going socio-political turmoil as its last dynasty had collapsed and Mughals and Afghans were trying for a hold on the State. At this time akhadas were made to shelter the gotipua, where boys were groomed as fine dancers as well as fighters to protect the temples of Orissa. Embellished in customary feminine costumes, Gotipua dancers possessed the feminine glow and lucidity as well as the masculine valor and vigor to protect the temples from intruders.

Guru Maguni Charan Das, the 96 years old danseur, exponent of Gotipua Dance. He has been awarded Padamshree in 2004, and various other awards like Tulsi Award in 1996 and felicitation by Odisha Sangeeta Natak Academy in 1991 for his stupendous and pioneering efforts in the revival of Gotipua dance.

Born in Raghurajpur and still living there with his wife, Guru Maguni Das has become a living legend enticing crowds of dance lovers from across the globe. Did you know, male Devadasi’s still carry on the Gotipua dance tradition in Raghurajpur?

From 17th century onward Gotipua dance spread as a temple culture and was performed regularly in Lord Jagannath temple in Puri. The journey of Gotipuas from the village temples to the metropolitan theatres within India and across the globe has been a long one but successfully spanned. A major credit for this goes to Guru Maguni Charan Das who has dedicated 65 years of his life not only to keep the tradition alive, but also taken it to places. Under his tutelage, this tradition has taken a theatrical form, where from one boy the dance is now performed by a group of boys, and accompanied by musicians who play mirdala, harmonium, cymbals, flute and violin. One can catch a glimpse of these little boys dancing in the ashram, early in the morning.

Gotipua truly is a great dance tradition which celebrates the reunion of man with the Divinity. Such is the beauty and allure of the dance that even Gods are said to revel in it!

Issue #10, 2023 ISSN: 2581- 9410 Do You Know! How much waste our food industry generates the cafes, restaurants, the meat shops and so on. From farm to table most of this waste ends up in landfills. But have you ever wondered is there any way or opportunity to diminish this waste and the after environmental hazardous effects of it. The chicken waste garbage is thrown into rivers, causing water pollution & health hazards. Such pollution of water bodies is a man-mad disaster especially in Deserts. Did You Know…? 1kg of mature Chicken produces 350gm of waste Informative FACT: 1 kg chicken gets only 650gm meat, and the rest covers 350gm of waste [which consists 50-70g of feather], which is thrown as a waste. 1 kg feather can deplete13.37 carbon footprint. So let’s talk about the facts. Do you know that 65% people in India and 85% people globally eat chicken as a food [facts stated according to Times of India, in 2010], which means numbers have surely increased by now. But the Butchery Chicken Waste [BCW], where do you think it ends up…? Again the facts, UP and Delhi NCR itself produces 300,000,000,000 ton of waste per year, which ends up in our landfills, river, burnt roadside or at city outskirts causing land pollution, air pollution, water pollution and many other health hazards. According to Namami Gange Survey and Ministry of Environment and Forests, 32.17% Butchery Chicken Waste (BCW) is the direct cause of water pollution. As BCW is such a waste that gets merge in water which pollutes the water day by day. The BCW contains 40 types of different infections and flues, 9 people from US and UK have already died working upon this waste, which makes us the first survivor to continue work on the waste. Radhesh Agrahari is a social entrepreneur who invented 6th natural woollen fibre by up-cycling the Butchery Chicken Waste, which is 10 times warmer, softer and durable than other existing natural and manmade fibre. Our organization collects BCW from local poultry slaughter house as a raw material. We hygienically sanitize it through 27 natural sanitization processes, as we extract chicken feathers and convert it into pulp and yarn for handloom cloth and handmade paper. Golden Feathers upcycles 57,000 kg chicken feather per year and 1kg of feather waste produces 1.82kg CO2. So, on calculative grounds Radhesh Agrahari through his initiative has depleted 207480 kg carbon footprint. Radhesh Agrahari has a mission with his innovative initiative that aims to generate a profound green impact in the world. He's dedicated to providing individuals with the joy and satisfaction of leading sustainable lives while embracing the principles of a circular economy. By actively working towards reducing pollution in our environment, he strives to create a healthier and more sustainable planet for future generations. Organisation’s business model generates livelihood and earnings for the bottom of the most marginalized population of India. The Indian tribal communities, we have around 56.4 million tribal women [4.8% of the total Indian population]. Most tribal women have the lowest socio-economic profile, live unhealthy lives, in conditions of ignorance and poverty. We are converting waste into very high value, competitive product that is sustainable and environment friendly. Our innovative feather Wool and feather wool yarn is given to tribal women and artisans (trained by our organization) to make various wearable items. The organization have generated livelihood opportunities and impacted lives of around 200+ tribal women, paying 20 times more than average. Golden Feathers [Mudita and Radhesh Pvt. Ltd.] have trained 375+ semi-skilled/unskilled workers and empowered 2000+ tribal women through handloom activities. Our trained tribal women by working at our NGO in Asnawar, Jhallawar, Rajasthan, earn INR 15000/month by making feather wool based handloom products and 7000/month working from home. Also our 25% of profit from the sale of our product is used for local Clusters and tribal community’s welfare, children education, health, relief from floods and droughts. Golden Feathers [Mudita and Radhesh Pvt.Ltd.] is about elevating opportunities for all people, especially those who are traditionally left behind. Our start-up addresses life transformational livelihood generation for tribal women in backward areas through sustainable development. We as well solve social, environmental, river water, Land pollution and health hazards, Food waste and carbon footprint problems. Organisation’s primary focus is on consumers residing in freezing and icy countries who seek ultimate warmth and comfort. Our chicken feather woollen fibre, renowned for its exceptional quality, surpasses other natural and manmade fibres in terms of warmth, softness, and durability. In today's fashion-conscious world, individual’s desire clothing that is not only stylish but also highly portable. At Golden Feathers, we cater to these demands by crafting a range of products that effortlessly combine practicality and elegance. Our collection includes running cloth, quilts, shawls, jackets, embroidered stoles, and mufflers; all created using this innovative golden feather fibre. Our muffler of only 65 gm depletes 9 kg of Carbon Footprint. Our innovative feather wool offers the amazing innovative attributes to address the market with their required demands:

Ggm – 111.2 [Lightest GSM in existing natural fibres].
Elongation – 7.7
Tensile strength – 1.41
Moissture content – 4.8
Blend – 91% [Easily Blended]

The quality of the fibre is very soft, light weight, durable, one can easily pass 2 to 2.5 mtr. of fabric from the finger ring. Feather fabric will not be affected for more than 5-7 years by usual use, wash, wear and tear or environment changes. We term our fibre as Malai Wool which is 10 times warmer, durable, soft and cost effective compared to other existing natural fibre, woollen fibre, manmade and synthetic fibre. We have patent and IP protection for our innovative feather wool [as we deal with very different raw material]. Our innovative feather wool caters to the market's diverse demands with its exceptional attributes. PROCESS OF MALAI WOOL [caption id="attachment_198028" align="alignnone" width="640"]

Butchery Chicken Waste[/caption] [caption id="attachment_198029" align="alignnone" width="640"]

Waste Sanitization[/caption] [caption id="attachment_198030" align="alignnone" width="640"]

Waste Segregation[/caption] [caption id="attachment_198027" align="alignnone" width="640"]

The Feather Wool[/caption] [caption id="attachment_198031" align="alignnone" width="640"]

Extracting Yarn[/caption] [caption id="attachment_198032" align="alignnone" width="640"]

Cone Binding[/caption] https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=TGhTgrJTPIQ

Issue #10, 2023 ISSN: 2581- 9410 Introduction: Lush green North east of India is a home to many indigenous communities and green practices. Seven sister states and a brother state combined, they mainly produce 3 types of indigenous silks: Eri, Muga and Mulberry. While Eri silk is widely cultivated throughout the region and is getting popular due to its rich properties and high demand in the market, Muga is the silk in the region that is produced only in the state of Assam. In 2012, Muga got the GI tag of Assam, known for its natural golden hue and its one of the most expensive silk in the entire region, also called ‘Golden thread of Assam’. History: The history says that Muga silk was introduced by Tibeto-Burmans and later got popular with the Ti-Ahom dynasty who ruled in Assam (1228-1826 AD) from which Axom or Assam was named after. Muga was a symbol of royalty and status that time, only royal families and high officials were allowed to wear it. With popularity among the upper class people of the states, the Royal palace used to stock Muga to present or show it to other foreign courts and dignitaries for trading. With time, that increased the demand for the Muga fibre and fabric. Muga farming needs a lot of attention as it's not completely wild, semi domesticated. On special demand, lands were allotted to cultivate forests of Som and Sualu trees on which Muga silkworms are fed and taken care of. Special attention was given to Muga cultivation and farming for best quality yarn. Master artisans for spinning and weaving were called from the villages and were hired by the royal palace which brought socio-economic growth to the state. Rising demand of Muga influenced common people to start practicing the craft in their household and later became a livelihood. Present scenario: Though common people were not allowed to wear Muga during that time, it's not the case in recent times. Today while everybody can wear Muga, it still remains a mark of luxury because people of Assam value and understand the importance of it. The Ahom King Sukapha first spent a few years in Habung in search of agricultural land before settling down in Charaideo, which later became the capital. Both of the regions are in the upper belt of Brahmaputra, it is believed that, with Ahom Kingdom Muga cultivation and practices got popular in these regions. Habung is in the middle of both Dhemaji and Lakhimpur districts. Muga is widely done in Upper Assam and rearer’s often buy seeds (eggs) from Lakhimpur and Dhemaji districts. Growing up in both the places, one being my hometown and other with my grandparents who used to own a Sumoni, I’ve seen the beauty and the hardship one faces to cultivate Muga. Muga cultivation is semi-domesticated. Silkworms are fed on Som and Sualu trees. A big cultivated forest of Som trees is called “Sumoni”. Cultivation of A dedicated person makes their hut in that cultivated forest to live there so that he can take care of Muga Sumoni and guard silkworms from its predators for the entire season. Muga can be cultivated in 4 seasons but the best season is considered to be ‘Kotia’ (October-November) in Assamese for its best quality which is also commercially known. While speaking with Dipshikha Hazarika, Subject Matter Specialist, KVK, Sericulture dept., North Lakhimpur. Ms. Dipshikha mentions that how climatic condition directly impacts on Muga farming and in current scenario, due to climate change, farmers are facing difficulties in continuing this craft: 1: Most of the silkworms end up dying due to climate change and also, attacks from the predators. 2: Farmers are facing difficulty in preserving seeds, which makes the price of the seeds very expensive 3. New generation doesn’t want to involve themselves into this craft as it needs a lot of labor and attention from farmers as compared to other silks. Threats: Muga is a rich heritage for Assam, festivals and occasions are incomplete without it. The popularity of Muga in the state and less availability in the market is causing many threats to the fibre. There are a lot of mixes and blends of Muga in the market clearly to reduce the price. Though Muga is known for its golden hue, it's very muted and balanced. When it's occasion driven, there’s demand for lustre and soft like other silks. Muga is often mixed with other types of dyed silks/cellulosic fibres for extra shine. Market is dominated by Toss Muga which is Tussar X Muga. While both are silks and come from the same family but Is Toss Muga really indigenous to Assam? Again there are knock offs of Toss Muga as well. The drapability of Muga isn’t like other silks but it always gets better with every use and time. Muga as fibre is synonymous to Assam but it hasn’t got its global significance like how other silks have got from the state. When we talk of an expensive silk, people often imagine it to be like other silks with its conventional properties. Muga is a quiet luxury and an emotion that only Muga owners can relate and understand which is one of the main reasons that Muga is more popular in traditional Mekhela Chador and Sarees to keep as an heirloom piece. Significance: Among all the silks produced in the North Eastern part of India, Muga has its beautiful natural colour in golden hue, and has high tensile strength that makes it very durable and timeless. Richness of Muga is undoubtedly in its look and history but for Assamese, it's a feeling that everyone has lived with. Bihu is the main festival of Assam, there are 3 Bihu, among which Bohag Bihu celebrates the new year and spring where every family unwraps their heirloom Muga pieces. Bihu dancers are incomplete without Muga Mekhela (bottom piece) & Muga reeha chador (upper piece) performs at every neighbour’s place in the form of Husori, i.e a folk musical group sings and dances and later gives blessings to the family for the whole year. People of Assam, especially now in villages, prepare themselves for Bohag Bihu for the whole year. They weave Muga Mekhela Chador and Gamosa either for themselves to wear on Bihu or to gift it to their loved ones which remains as heirloom piece that lives for many generations to come. Other than Bihu, Muga mekhela Chador are mainly worn in Festivities and on special occasions as it carries a luxury quotient. Sometimes, people pair Muga Mekhela with cotton Chador or visa-versa for a casual look. Today, not everyone can afford to buy Muga because of its high price and value in the market. Beautiful natural golden colour of Muga, timeless and heirloom which has been passed onto many generations is truly not less than Gold in the region! Future: As we talk about Quiet luxury in recent times, Muga defines heritage with given craftsmanship, quality and timeless beauty rather keeping it minimal and subtle sense of elegance is the new way of expressing personal style. Being one of the most luxurious fibres, Muga delivers its true essence and functionality with time. Naturally coloured: While chemical dyeing is the biggest concern in the fashion industry as it is one of the biggest reasons to make fashion the 2nd largest polluter in the industry. Natural dyeing is also not always everyone’s cup of tea, the dye bath may often lead to wastage of water. Naturally coloured fibres are the most sustainable fibres as it resolves dyeing issues to the maker and environment friendly to the core. I think the glory of Muga is when we appreciate its value, that's when we appreciate our farmers, rearers, spinners and then weavers. It is our true Golden thread and it should be for which it has been our timeless heirloom. The Sericulture department of the state is trying to preserve Muga seeds and the government is planning to supply Muga seeds at very low cost to the farmers/artisans which might encourage them to continue the craft and start fresh for the lost ones. URA MAKU’s design intervention with Muga: It begins with understanding the history, current scenario, challenges and the gap in the market of Muga. The traditional Mekhela Chador in Muga is the most classic wear and we respect the emotion of its belonging. We believe that Muga silk is the most culturally rooted fibre of Assam and its people. Being a Urban-wear label who designs contemporary looks, we have kept in mind that Muga carries heritage, craftsmanship and timelessness.

After hand spinning the main lustrous silk part, the end part is often a wastage. This commuter Suit look is handwoven from the waste part of Muga. The natural colour of the fabric makes it versatile and timeless.

Use of Muga Silk as extra weft and cut-shuttle technique with Eri silk. Creative use of both indigenous fibre without losing each other yet a contemporary textile design for a modern world.

Our weaver Jonali while weaving Muga silk

Somehow, one can recognize a thing of unique beauty and construction in a few short glances. The depth of color, the unique design, the texture, the physical presence of the thing that makes you come closer and closer and closer. This was the feeling I had when I first passed by the display of Gongadi blankets organized by the NGO Anthra who works with herders, weavers and designers in the Telangana region of Andhra Pradesh. I tried not to admit my fascination, not wanting to bring another "thing" into my home. But I couldn't keep myself away from them and soon was in deep conversation with the blankets and with a British designer, and an Indian veterinarian Yes, it was an odd set of ingredients that went into making this divine creation.

Anthra's work is primarily to revive, rehabilitate and promote sustainable livestock management practices and agriculture practices. Their work in the Telangana region was to help save an endangered breed of sheep the Deccani, indigenous to this region of India. The small, naturally black sheep were being sold for their meat and wool. As long as there was a thriving local wool market, the sheep was valuable for both its wool and meat utility. With the collapse of the local wool market, the Deccani lost out to other purely meat sheep breeds, because of their size, which generated lower incomes. Attempts to cross breed the sheep with other, larger meat sheep breeds, was turning into a disaster for the animals ore hairy. Anthra was called in to help revitalize the sheep breed and this is where it gets interesting.and for the local herders and community members who relied on them, as the cross-bred lost its wool and became more hairy. Anthra was called in to help revitalize the sheep breed and this is where it gets interesting.

During the course of their work in the community, they learned out about traditional blankets that were once woven from the sheep's wool which are beautiful, natural shades of rich black and shades of ash-grey, brown, white, beige. The color of the wool is a unique and special aspect of these animals and of the products created from their wool. The process of listening and unearthing information, history, practices of the people in Telangana makes this strange veterinary project a great example of true craft revival. Anthra, as an NGO equipped with highly educated and trained professionals could have gone into the community and gave the local people their information and advice on how to revive the sheep and earn a livelihood. However, Anthra's workers tried to understand the place, the people, the histories and the practices that made this place what it is. Their work then shifted and changed as they realized that the sheep had a use other than being raised for slaughter and that the local economy could be boosted by reviving the knowledge, skills and energies of local artisans.

What we have now is the painstaking result of rehabilitating the sheep from the brink of extinction, unearthing and reviving traditional weaving practices, introducing and innovating designs and motifs, and the development of admirers and appreciators of the product the wider world. The community has been reconnected to their own smarts, skills and ways of life while being able to navigate the market demands of the 21st century. They are no longer slaves to the market but active participants in creating avenues of income and value creation for themselves and for future generations.

Abstract Asia has the world’s largest resource of bamboo plants and an enormous resource of skills of working with bamboo for a variety of purposes. Rapid changes in the region’s economy is rapidly changing the way people of this region live, thereby leading to a loss of knowledge that is inherent in the Bamboo Culture that has developed over one million years of experience. Research initiative is urgently required to study and document what exists today before this enormous knowledge base disappears forever. Such a research will need a higher purpose to be coordinated and meaningful. Sustainable development that is eco-friendly is the premise that the new Bamboo Culture can serve the future development of the people of this region. New methodologies are needed to coordinate the research of a large variety of scientific disciplines and systems design and green design are suggested as a framework for this coordinated initiative. The research strategy and specific research and development initiatives have been outlined along with a preliminary identification of the various disciplines that need to be mobilised in a coordinated manner. The emerging sophisticated information technology tools need to be used to ensure effective networking and assimilation of knowledge resources that are critical for the success of this initiative. Also needed are the vast experience and knowledge in managing such an effort that would necessarily involve very large numbers of local collaborators in a cooperative format solving local problems while drawing on the global database of the new bamboo culture. Bamboo as a cultivated renewable material offers an immense opportunity to develop a sustainable future for mankind.The Challenge Asia is the world’s store-house of bamboo resources and an incredibly intricate and massive traditional knowledge base about bamboo utilization. This knowledge resides in the minds and hands of the local populations of the Asian region. I call this knowledge base the Bamboo Culture where a vast repertoire of techniques and know-how is retained by the living communities in the villages and forests of Asia. This bamboo culture zone of Asia extends from central India in the west, all the way, to Japan in the far east, from China and Vietnam in the north to Indonesia and the Philippines in the south. This incidentally is also the region that is expected to face explosive and rapid economic development in the next ten years with the emerging ‘Asian Tigers’ fuelling phenomenal growth rates in their respective economies. Such a rapid growth is also a major threat to the very survival of the bamboo culture that has survived and has been nurtured, consolidated and refined over the past one million years. We stand to lose all this forever if urgent action is not taken in a coordinated and integrated manner across the nations of the Asian region.The action needed is international and of the magnitude that was seen when the monuments of the Nile valley were to be saved from certain destruction after the building of the Aswan dam. Perhaps my mind is yet not able to grasp the magnitude of this impending disaster, which I shall leave to all of you to decide.I believe that bamboo has a major role to play in the future of mankind’s journey into the next millennium. Of the over 1200 species identified around the world, more than 60% of these are found in Asia. Hence East and Southeast Asia accounts for the maximum diversity of the worlds bamboo resources. Similarly, bamboo is understood in all its subtle variations by the populations of this region, which is quite unlike other regions which tend to use a very few local species in any given region or state. Bamboo as a plant has been studied by botanists and forest rangers for the scientific classification and administration of this resource. Bamboo as an ethnographic material has been studied by anthropologists and ethnographers as part of their larger studies conducted for the purpose of understanding culture. However we need to look afresh at our bamboo resources from an integrated standpoint so that we can use this knowledge for the various development initiatives that can be sustained with the proper use of this fantastic material. Bamboo as a modern material for the production of houses, agricultural tools, domestic products and a wide range of yet to be discovered uses offers an enormous challenge for all of us, particularly for the designers and architects as well as artists and engineers who wish to work with this material.As a renewable resource that is potentially infinite, bamboo must be used in a sensitive and sustainable way to continue to serve human needs in the years to come. I have outlined some of these ideas earlier in a paper titled “Ecology and Design; Lessons from the Bamboo Culture”. I will elaborate below some of the key tasks that need to be taken up urgently. However before I propose specific directions for action and research I would like to define some of the key concepts associated with my understanding of the terms Green Design and Bamboo Handicrafts. Both these issues were explored in some depth at the National Institute of Design during client sponsored projects undertaken there. Firstly I will deal with our ideas on what is handicraft in the context of a developing economy and the role that this definition can have in effecting much needed change in the lives of large populations who are today barely able to keep themselves above the poverty line. Secondly I will explore the emerging concepts of Green Design and link these two key concepts to the role that bamboo can play in the emancipation of their needs. These two concepts bring about a close link between the local populations, their use of the bamboo resources and the potential for beneficial effect on the environment in general.Redefining the term “Handicrafts” While the problems of the craft sector in Asia are manifold it also represents a major area of opportunity for development planning in the scenario of the scanty financial resources available in the local economy for such a wide-spread development initiative. The existing handicrafts sector has massive resources of fine skills and technical know-how which in some cases are products of centuries of evolution and are still active in various parts around the region. Thus the handicrafts sector as an enormous source of employment, particularly self-employment, for a vast number of people who are otherwise involved in agricultural activities, this represents an opportunity that cannot be ignored. In many areas, production of handicrafts is the sole sources of income for the communities for whom it is the only source of sustenance.Traditionally, such handicrafts producers dealt solely with local markets with which they had direct links through contact with the consumer, be it a bazaar buyer or a local patron. However, with the vast economic changes that have been taking place, most of these crafts are facing a very bleak scenario by being marginalised by a variety of industrial products, squeezing traditional markets or the margins generated by their endeavour. Several efforts have been made by marketing and development organisations to explore new markets for these traditional craft products in their efforts to bring stability and prosperity to the local economies.It should be understood here that the terms “Handicrafts and Crafts” are used in a very specific sense to mean those activities that deal with the conversion of specific materials into products, using primarily hand skills with simple tools and employing the local traditional wisdom of craft processes. In this case we are specifically addressing the use of bamboo, a major raw material, that is abundantly available locally in most of the regions of Asia. Such activities usually form a core economic activity of a community of people called “craftsmen”. The emphasis here is definitely not on “Art ” although a very high level of aesthetic sensibility forms an inherent part of our definition of craft along with a host of other factors that constitute the matrix. This being an economic activity that is exposed and influenced by all the competitive pressures of a dynamically shifting market place, our new generation of craftsmen would necessarily have to depend increasingly on high quality market intelligence and strategies designed to be pro-active, particularly while dealing with remote and export markets. Their ability and responsiveness to such changing needs is adversely affected by the generally low level of education that is today available to the average craftsmen. It is further restricted by the acute absence of capital and the lack of a free flow of knowledge about the competitive shifts that are constantly taking place in this information centred world. While the “Know-How” (How-to-make things-knowledge & skills) exists abundantly in the crafts sector there is a severe shortfall in the “Know-What” (what-to-make-strategies & designs) that curtails the ability of crafts communities to survive intense competition or, better still, develop value-added solutions in a complex economic and social matrix in which they exist. In a recent feasibility report prepared by the author for the Government of Rajasthan (India) a new institutional framework has been proposed to address these very same issues and to find sustainable solutions for these problems. This Institute’s research will also contribute to new development in the “Know-How” and “Know-What” areas of technology, design and management that can advance the state-of-the-art in the crafts sector on a professional basis. Such institutes need to be given supports to enable them to address a larger agenda to include the needs of Asian handicrafts with particular reference to the living Bamboo Culture of the region. Other organisations need to be identified to network the ongoing research and market development efforts that are critical for the development of an interactive and alert community of researchers and beneficiaries in order to realise the development objectives outlined here. What is Green Design? With increasing environmental consciousness, the practice and teaching of design is undergoing remarkable changes. Systems Design methodologies have for some time been explored from various perspectives by designers and others and in recent years there has been a resurgence of public interest in environmental issues and in the pollution of our environment. Consumer protection lobbies have further reinforced the awareness of corporate bodies to the need for an eco-friendly approach to doing business which strikes at the very roots of the organizations corporate vision and business purpose. Where this change is not spontaneously forthcoming from the leaders of industry, suitable legislation has been hammered out in the various regions to reign in the blatant misuse of the environment for short term goals. The emerging eco-conscious designer is charged with the responsibility of not only solving the immediate problems at hand but to also to take cognizance of and to resolve the long term impact of contemporary design decisions. This means that the designer must use a systematic design methodology and involve a host of specialist consultants and collaborators so that the complex web of factors that influence each problem are adequately addressed before solutions are offered for each. There is a particular emphasis on the close interaction with communities of users in the design process along with the subjugation of the designer ego to the needs and responses of the user groups in selecting design solutions from amongst a host of design alternatives generated in the process of discovering and implementing appropriate solutions. These solutions would necessarily undergo a rigorous process of user evaluation and approval. Today designers are increasingly incorporating user evaluations as an integral part of their design processes that is the hallmark of the green design movement. New criteria for evaluation include the impact of design decisions on the environment that influence at a very deep level the choice of materials and technology, the kind of application that is benign to the environment, the energy consumed in the process entire life-cycle of the product or system and these decisions are not determined solely by short term profits derived from the indiscriminate exploitation of natural resources. This methodology presumes that the design teams adopting such processes require a rich resource of knowledge about materials, processes of manufacture and use as well as the domain of the user and the long term impact on the environment from such use. Traditional societies of Asia have already discovered many of these intricately linked parameters and innovated durable responses to these factors in the form of their traditional products and systems used in their day to day activities. It is this knowledge resource that can form the backbone of the proposed development initiative. Bamboo: The Research Agenda We need to urgently initiate a massive research initiative to study and document the bamboo culture of Asia. Keeping a pattern discovering methodology as the focus of the study, and the discovery of key operational principles as the overarching objective, the other areas of knowledge need to be correlated and systematically interwoven to map the boundaries of the knowledge base that I prefer to call the New Bamboo Culture. Some of these are listed below, and would naturally be elaborated with the intervention of others from a variety of special disciplines. All these research tasks must be closely coordinated and will be interdependent in many ways. New technologies of communication permit a great degree of interaction between remotely located research groups and the benefits of such an ongoing interaction must be integrated into the very conception of this research initiative. Unless the directions and methodologies of the various participating groups are carefully intermeshed the real benefits of such an effort will not be realised. Hence we need to develop a common overarching objective that will advice and motivate all the participants in each of their specific investigations and the lead time between field work and analysis needs to be considerably reduced so that the valuable data generated is put to immediate use by those who follow. A. Botanical information sources related to the distribution and availability of particular bamboo species in various regions around the world. A map of the available gene pool of bamboo resources needs to be generated and preserved for the future of man. Bamboo constitutes a diverse group of plants that are greatly differentiated in physical stature and structural properties that are influenced by local climatic and environmental conditions. Knowledge relating to this variety and the suitability of each species to particular environmental conditions will be a major factor influencing the future use of bamboo. Further, comparative structural properties need to be codified and organised for easy use in the design decision making processes. B. Agricultural information relating to propagation, cultivation, care and harvesting and post harvest processing techniques for bamboos suitable for mechanical and structural applications need to be developed and disseminated. These would include areas of biotechnology explorations. The anomalous and often mystical flowering of bamboo species over very long cycles of gestation has been a major bottleneck in past researches. However recent researches in genetic engineering and tissue culture seem to suggest potential solutions to the problems relating to the sustained regeneration of species suitable to the task and the locations in which they are found. C. Mechanical engineering data relating to particular species of bamboo with reference to physical characteristics of culms and other parts that could be used for structural applications as understood by local populations of Asia needs to be studied and generated. The variables would include properties influenced by the age at harvest, part of culm and sub-parts of internodes used, species vs environmental conditions in which it grows as well as any changes induced by post-harvest practices. Mechanical properties of each species in respect to a minimum set of variables need to be experimentally verified to generate a database that can be interpreted by the heuristic processes used by designers and craftsmen and not as mere statistical data. The tacit knowledge of local craftsmen need to be discovered and articulated in the form of a suitable database that can be used effectively. Some of these insights will be region specific while other principles discovered in this process will have universal application. D. Information sources related to structural, mechanical and physical properties of bamboo of various species primarily focussed on test data generated in laboratories and field situations needs to be linked to the above field data to provide a direction for future research as well as to confirm and reinforce the findings of the field studies. Building and constructional codes as well as mechanical engineering data sheets would need to be generated and disseminated to re-establish the status of bamboo as an important resource for mankind. E. Information sources relating to the diverse structural utilisation of bamboos in different cultures and geographic regions particularly with reference to the variety of interpretation of structural form as a result of cultural differentiation needs to be studied. This is perhaps the most urgently needed research as the sources sustaining this knowledge base are being rapidly eroded by contemporary education and as a result of the social and economic upheavals of the information age. Various cultures have interpreted the same species of bamboo in subtle ways that reflect and preserve their unique identity. Such differentiation offers an enormous opportunity to discover the interrelationship between cultural forces and technological factors that is critical for the development of new products that will find acceptance in those cultures. F. Experimental data relating to contemporary explorations into utilisation of bamboo in structural and product design applications need to be generated by conducting numerous design and development projects, each of which would create new interpretations for the application of the enormous bamboo resources that are available. These would include the creative re-interpretation of potential applications in the light of new technological insights developed in diverse fields such as structures, manufacturing and organisation. The developments in the area of composite materials could transform the manner in which bamboo is perceived as a potential engineering material. Bamboo is nature’s marvellous composite material that needs to be reappraised in the light of developments in carbon fibre composites. Numerous such development projects are required to develop a large bank of applications that cover many needs of users both local and for the export markets. G. Information sources related to techniques, processes and tools/equipment used for the processing and conversion of bamboos for structural applications. New and improved tools would result from a systematic study in this area. Tests of existing tools for efficiency and precision would enable the development of suitable guidelines for good practices in the felling, conversion and the manufacture of structures and artefacts from bamboo in a sensitive and effective manner. Materials can be used and transformed with brute force technology but they can also be manipulated with a deep understanding and with a fine sense of aesthetic and artistic interpretation that can elevate any material from the prosaic to the sublime. Hence it is not only a gross type data that is needed here but a very fine appreciation of the material and its contextual manipulation possibilities. Most ethnic cultures have very fine examples of such highly refined interpretations of material and form. H. Principles of structure and morphological characteristics of structural form that show potential for application in bamboo need to be developed. These would include principles of lightweight architecture and micro-mechanical structures that cover product scale applications. These structural principles can help understanding the new potentials of bamboo as a structural material in a cost effective manner. New advances in structural engineering have made possible the production of extremely light weight structures for a variety of applications from housing to hang-gliding. Experiments with bamboo would open up a vast range of potential applications that have hitherto escaped attention. I. Materials akin to bamboo such as canes, rattan and a vast range of grasses and leaves as well as other plant materials could be put to effective and sensible use once again in the search for man’s harmonious existence with nature. This checklist could provide the agenda for a coordinated research effort that needs to be supported and sustained to generate the awareness and knowledge needed to realise the promise that bamboo holds for the future of man. This will be a beneficial side effect of the proposed initiative with bamboo and the network of research efforts will open up new and interesting questions to be explored in the future. J. Human experiences in the setting up and the sustained conduct of decentralised cooperative societies that have been practised in several cultures need to be reevaluated in the context of a global information society to explore new and sustainable forms of ecologically responsible behavior. This combined with the messages embedded in the Bamboo Culture promise to hold a vital significance for the environmentally friendly use of the available resources. Cooperative agricultural practices in India and China have shown the benefits of this format of development. Much of this know-how needs to be transferred to the cultivation and utilisation of local bamboo resources by local communities who willingly collaborate to achieve sustainable results. The linking of this development to the market economy is essential for the programme to be sustainable to any meaningful extent. The success of experiments with the cooperative production and use of milk products and agricultural crops can be adopted for the extensive use of bamboo to meet the needs of local populations and for the development of local economies based on an active export trade. K. Design and development projects with specific objectives need to be undertaken under the framework of the green design initiative so that a body of experience can be built that will provide benchmarks to evaluate the progress of the entire development initiative from time to time. It is in the implementation of such projects that all the knowledge available can be put to use and these projects will also provide the push needed in the other areas of research. Most of these projects will deal largely with pressing problems of a local nature while some could focus on the development of commercial applications for the export economy. Each of these core areas need to be elaborated and articulated as action plans with the participation of those who are both able and willing to embark on this major initiative. I hope this proposal will be debated vigorously by all the participants leading to an immediate formulation and adoption of a resolution and an action plans at the global, national and sectoral levels at which action is urgently needed. For this initiative to bear fruit it is imperative that close coordination be maintained between all the distributed research groups. Advanced communications solutions can keep researchers in constant contact as the need is to reduce cycle time between primary field research and the distributed and simultaneous secondary and tertiary analysis and research. This way several cross-disciplinary collaborations can be initiated and sustained across the region of Asia to reveal a vast range of knowledge resources and to develop a critical and contemporary appreciation of bamboo as a resource of the future. Computer based networks make such a conception both feasible and desirable with all the researchers having access to each other in a suitably structured manner, perhaps on the Internet. The time is ripe for action and this paper is a call for a coordinated thrust that can be realised in the near future. References and Bibliography

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This paper has been prepared at the invitation of INBAR (International Network for Bamboo and Rattan) and IDRC (International Development Research Centre, Canada) to be presented at the Vth International Bamboo Workshop, Ubud, Bali, Indonesia, 19-22 June, 1995 organized by the Environmental Bamboo Foundation, Indonesia.

This is the morning after the night before. As I write, newscasters are announcing the sweep to power in Gujarat’s mid-term elections of Narendra Modi, riding a wave of right-wing rhetoric that has enormous portents for India’s future. Mr Modi came to power about a year ago, selected by the high command of his Bharatiya Janata Party (the BJP, which leads India’s ruling coalition: the National Democratic Front) to strengthen the party’s hold over Gujarat. This was after state after state had rejected the BJP, leaving Gujarat as its sole bastion. Gujarat had suffered the devastating January 2001earthquake, and two years of drought. Anxiety and tension have been high, fueled by the ruling party’s relentless support to those who promote the notion of India as a “Hindu state”. Their projection of the Muslim minority as a pro-Pakistan, terrorist Trojan Horse has drawn liberally on. September 11 and the events that followed it, including the attack on India’s Parliament House last December. All these have been cleverly manipulated to reinforce a sense of siege among Hindus, demanding an end to “appeasement” of potential traitors. Coalition politics have meant that BJP leaders in New Delhi, particularly Prime Minister Atal Behari Vajpayee and his Deputy, L K Advani, have to play the role of moderates. Militant rhetoric has been largely left to the Rashtriya Sevak Samaj (RSS) and the Vishwa Hindu Parishad (VHP), the BJP’s ‘sympathisers’ who are also its storm troops. The main pot kept on the boil by the RSS and the VHP has been their demand for a Ram temple on the site of the Babri Masjid at Ayodhya. It was this medieval mosque that was smashed by RSS and VHP hordes on December 6 1992, the most devastating attack on India’s secular fabric since the Partition of 1947. Facing the BJP’s defeat after defeat in state elections, Ayodhya became the rallying point for the rightist combine. It called on “volunteers” to travel to the temple town and help defy a ban on construction. These volunteers were largely recruited from Gujarat. The trains carrying them to UP became catalysts for tension all along the way, and most particularly at stations where Muslim passengers and vendors could be teased. One of the stations near Gujarat's eastern border is Godhra. It is here that a coach containing volunteers returning from Ayodhya was torched by a Muslim mob in February. An enquiry is still pending, while reports have spoken of harassment along the platform and of a mafia gang organised for the attack. Over 20 Hindu passengers were burnt to death. By the evening, many parts of Gujarat were in flames. Mr Modi and his ministers pleaded helplessness as mobs rampaged through the streets, targeting Muslim men, women and children and any business establishment in which Muslims were owners and partners. Hundreds of shrines were attacked, many of them demolished. Voters lists, computerised maps, sales tax records, cell phones: all these are said to have been used to direct the mobs. Careful preparation was apparent. The police were largely spectators, and have also been accused of actively abetting the mayhem that lasted for weeks, and the curfew and tension for months. Thousands of Muslims and some Hindus as well fled to ‘relief camps’ hastily set up in schools, mosques and graveyards without any basic facilities of water or sanitation. In summer temperatures that rose to 45C, the suffering in these concentrations was unimaginable, made worse by a failed monsoon. The official death toll is 1000. Unofficially, more than double that number. The numbers of rape, arson and loot have been beyond counting. Media coverage carried the horror of Gujarat into India’s living rooms and around the world. Investigative teams of citizens and human rights activists have provided a detailed documentation of a pogrom in which the State turned on its own people, for the first time in the history of free India. Apparently reacting to criticism, Mr. Narendra Modi suspended the state legislature, and invited an immediate poll to take his case “to the people”. India’s Election Commission refused, demanding time to ensure that homeless citizens could return to some modicum of safety and exercise their franchise. The Modi campaign targeted the Chief Election Commissioner, J M Lyngdoh, in addition to Pakistan’s President, accusing both of being anti-Hindu and anti-Gujarat, carefully spelling out Mr Lyngdoh’s full name in every public utterance --- James Michael Lyngdoh--- to reinforce a message of nasty minorities. Then a September attack on Akshardham, the largest temple in the state capital of Gandhinagar, gave fresh impetus to the equation of terrorism with Islam and Muslim society. Once the election date in December was announced, the most intensive state campaign in India’s history was led by Narendra Modi for the BJP and Shankersingh Vaghela, a former BJP minister, heading the Congress opposition. Campaign rhetoric from Mr Modi focussed on a relentless targeting of Islamic terrorism, and of positioning Muslim citizens as potential terrorists. Godhra and the Akshardham attacks were flaunted, in open defiance of the Election Commission’s directives. The VHP and RSS went door to door, distributing literature calling for Hindu unity against an Islamic threat. Heavy- weights from Delhi and all over descended on Gujarat, both for the BJP and the Congress. Sonia Gandhi inaugurated her campaign with a visit to a famous temple, seeking “blessings” for a campaign that skirted the killings, concentrating instead on issues of governance: water, economic decline, and joblessness. By avoiding a direct focus on the March killings, the Congress hoped to avoid giving credence to Modi’s taunts of it being the ‘Muslim party’. It was a clear decision to risk it as the Hindu ‘B Team’ rather than as secularism’s A Team that would demand the restitution of human rights and of the Constitution of the Indian republic. The campaign began with predictions of a BJP sweep, and then of a tough fight. Finally, pre-poll surveys suggested a neck-to-neck finish. This Sunday, Mr Modi has displayed his aces: a two-thirds majority, with massive support from the very places most affected by murder, arson and loot. Like the destruction of the Babri Masjid exactly a decade ago, this election is another blow at Indian secularism. Citizens of Gandhi’s India have received a wake-up call that simply could not be any louder.

Ahmedabad, March 29 Today is Holi, and elsewhere Indians are welcoming Spring with color and revelry. Here, riots of the real kind are keeping citizens behind closed doors. Yesterday, the death count rose to 732. Police and army patrols are out on streets scarred by the worst violence in independent India, exactly four weeks after a group of Muslims torched 58 Hindus returning from a temple-building campaign in the north. Careful forethought was evident in that attack at Godhra station, and in the anti-Muslim pogrom that followed immediately. Democracy’s basic tool, voter lists, was converted into hit lists. But who could possibly have benefited, on either side? Targeting Muslims as the source of the evil comes easily. One event after another is traced to Islamic elements. Guilt by association is simple here, where the Islamic minority is large enough to make India the second largest Muslim nation in the world. The Hindu 'holy volunteers' attacked at Godhra were innocent victims of a dreadful, pre-planned outrage. Yet there was nothing innocent in their mission to Ayodhya, or in the leaders who encouraged them to go there. They were returning from the site of a small mosque (the Babri Masjid) that lay abandoned not too long ago. Claims that it was built on the birth spot of the Hindu god Ram by early Islamic conquerors to insult Hindu sensitivity had little impact on the pilgrim city of Ayodhya, where the worship of Ram and other deities is a daily event in countless shrines. But if his birthplace is beyond proof, Ram’s presence in the Indian psyche is beyond doubt. He is the hero of the epic Ramayana, revered as the embodiment of compassion and duty. “Ram Rajya’ is the term all Indians use to describe a society of ideal justice. That politicians would pervert this manifestation of light to their own uses deepened the tragedies that followed: Congress Party Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi ordered the Babri Masjid opened in 1984, permitting ‘symbolic’ worship by Hindus. An election was pending. In 1992, the right-wing BJP party (which now heads the government) launched a campaign for building a grand temple at the disputed site, supported by fundamentalist allies, which include the Vishwa Hindu Parishad (World Hindu Council). The campaign began in Gujarat, led by the current Home Minister L K Advani. In Advani’s presence, Hindu mobs decked in saffron destroyed the Babri Masjid. Riots that followed all over India included the Bombay blasts of 1993, the world's worst act of urban terror before September 11, 2001. But the real target was, and is, the tolerance essential to India’s survival as a secular society -- one-sixth of humanity -- governed by the ballot box and Constitution. The only beneficiaries of Godhra and the retaliation are those who believe that a secular, democratic India is a threat. These enemies may be across the Pakistan border. Their counterparts within are proving even deadlier. It is amazing what close allies fundamentalists are, even as they spew hate for each other. Brave people are struggling for sanity, and against the odds of an obdurate state government that sees its current apathy as future Hindu votes. If Gujarat is to be brought to its senses, sanity may have to appeal to the entrepreneurial instincts that make Gujaratis India’s largest business community. One of them is Deepak Parekh, head of HDFC, India’s leading finance company. Parekh appealed yesterday to corporates to help re-build Gujarat. “I belong to Gujarat. It pains me to read in international papers that Gujaratis are barbaric and indulge in genocide”. Companies, investors and banks -- particularly those overseas – will not risk their investments unless respect for the law, the Constitution and human rights is restored. The agenda of the Hindu Vishwa Parishad, supported by expatriates in North America and the UK, is that of a saffron Taliban. Four weeks have demonstrated its deadly potential. Signals are needed that it will be kept under watch. Gujarat’s agony is rife with contradictions. Ahmedabad was Mahatma Gandhi’s base. It was here that he advocated his dream of an India united in its diversity and refined a theory of non-violent struggle that brought the British Empire to its end. Gandhi offered a talisman for a just society. “Recall the face of the poorest, most helpless person you have known. Ask yourself if the action you propose will help to improve his life and dignity, or to bring millions like him any closer to freedom from want. This reflection will melt your doubts and illumine your decisions.” That talisman lies half-buried with Ahmedabad’s dead and in the rubble of its homes and businesses. Lawyers and leaders here and abroad who can find and use it may be the only hope for the thousands whose fate now rests on burnt bodies in Godhra and Ahmedabad, and on mendicants agitating for yet another temple. When Gandhi fell to an assassin’s bullet, his last words were “O Ram!” It was a cry to India’s symbol of decency, and a prayer that millions of the Mahatma’s countrymen still have on their lips today.