Journal Archive

What's wrong with this picture? This is a game we played as children in American elementary school. It teaches observation and analysis. On the train to Bagalkot, Karnataka, I suddenly noticed that my white cotton/polyester bed sheet was proudly labeled with a "Handloom" tag… and I wondered, what's wrong with this picture? I am relatively new to handloom, though I have spent decades working with textiles in India. After one decade of working with hand embroidery artisans of Kutch, I began a design education program for artisans. That is when I expanded to hand weaving and printing. And after directing that program for eight years, I expanded it to share what we had learned and achieved with artisans in regions less exposed than Kutch. Kutch is in many ways a fortunate island. Many hand weavers there today earn a viable living, and those who have graduated from our design education program have excelled in the better urban markets in India and abroad. In Karnataka, the picture of the majority of hand weavers in India became clearer. Here, I saw men working for minimal wages under "Master Weavers," from whom they had borrowed more than they would ever be able to pay back at those wages. Ilkal sari weavers were being convinced to leave their traditional handlooms and use jacquard looms to make copies of Varanasi textiles. Many had power looms back to back with their handlooms as well. In some villages it was hard to find even one handloom. And that loom was devoted to plain white cotton/polyester yardage destined to be government school uniforms. What is wrong with this picture? I wondered again. It seemed that in this industrial age handloom was understood as an inferior means of production, which could only survive if propped up with subsidy and mandated orders for railway sheets and school uniform yardage. If we instead understand hand craft as cultural heritage, a unique creation, art rather than industry, another approach emerges. That is the basis of the design education program I began. In six intense two-week courses spread over a year, we teach weavers along with printers and dyers to know and appreciate the design of their traditions, and to recognize aspects of their traditions that make them unique. Then we teach them to innovate. Today, the program is operated by Somaiya Kala Vidya, an institute of education for artisans. Its strengths are local orientation and sustained input. We teach in local languages, drawing from local traditions. Schedules accommodate cultural practices. We make it possible for artisans to attend courses, and easy for them to understand the material. Courses are taught by visiting faculty- professional design educators, in tandem with Somaiya Kala Vidya faculty who are artisans who have graduated from the program. Between courses, the SKV faculty members visit students individually in their homes to insure that they have understood course material and can implement it in practical homework assignments. The year-long duration of the course insures that students learn, retain and use what is taught. Artisan students learn that there are unlimited ways to innovate within their traditions, and to find their own unique interpretations. They look beyond technique to using technique in visual language. Impressive, among 145 design graduates, there has been virtually no duplication. After operating the design course for eight years, I realized that to reap full economic benefit, a bit of business was also needed. So in 2014, I started a course in Business and Management for Artisans. The key outcomes of that year-long course are ownership, and dramatically increased capacity. Both courses end in public events. A fashion show held in Kutch compels the public to value craft and artisans in other ways. Student- planned and implemented exhibitions in prestigious venues in metro cities provide immediate confirmation of increased value. The proof of the impact of education for artisans is in the lives of the artisans. 100% of graduates assert that their confidence has increased. Artisan designers have increased their incomes from 10 to 600%. They have also enjoyed new opportunities, such as teaching workshops. Significantly, when asked when they felt their craft was most valued, several artisans responded, "When we are teaching." In the pre-industrial age, handloom was the only means of making cloth. Today, we have powerlooms and textile mills. These were invented to serve the need for industrial production of cloth, for masses of people, for everyday use, for functional fabrics such as plain white cotton polyester yardage for school uniforms and bed sheets for the railways. And in terms of massive scale needs, handlooms are inferior means of production. But handloom has capabilities and qualities that can serve other markets. There is a growing market for textiles that satisfy more than basic needs. A study of craft markets done by the Craft Council of England in 2010 found, first, that in England craft consumption is significant. 63% of the population consumes £913m/ of craft a year. English consumers value craft in terms of authenticity, quality, workmanship, and personal touch. Defining cultural consumption, the report indicates that consumer demand has shifted towards value-centered products that meet emotional as well as functional needs. Although the report details consumers in England, it can be conjectured that a similar motivation drives an equally significant consumption of craft in the urban metros of India. People buy craft as a unique and also ethical route for consuming objects. They consider craft buying as an experience, and even a new way of signaling connoisseurship. Handloom that can recognize the motivation of this market and meet it can succeed without trying to compete with industrial weaving. When our design and business education programs had clearly succeeded in Kutch, we began Artisan to Artisan outreach, engaging our graduates to mentor and co-design with artisans in less exposed regions. In our pilot project, Bhujodi to Bagalkot, nine weavers have gone from indentured job workers to independent entrepreneurs in just three years. Over a two year period, they completed a compressed version of our design course curriculum, and they have successfully sold saris in good markets in Mumbai, Delhi, Chennai and Bangalore. A few days ago, we reviewed the current Business and Management for Artisans students' final samples. Rajeshbhai, a weaver from Bhujodi, showed his collection and production plan. He detailed the number of warps he would devote to stoles. "But," he clarified, "I'm not going to do one warp all the same; each stole will have a variation." He has understood the essence and the value of hand work. And, he has learned to use design. Any element of his tradition can be varied in unlimited ways to make an innovation. But only the artisan knows in his or her heart whether the innovation retains the essential character of that tradition. That is why artisans designing is critical not only to re-valuing handloom but also to the preservation of traditions.

Issue #10, 2023 ISSN: 2581- 9410 As a passionate practitioner in the world of textiles, I have always been captivated by the transformative power of fibres. To me, they are not merely the building blocks of fabric; they represent the essence of creation. Without the basic raw material – the fibre – no tangible product can ever come to life. It is through this lens that I have explored the realm of upcycling, turning scrap fabrics into fashion and utility items with a purpose.

In the mainstream, the term "fibre" has been narrowly defined, often restricted to materials like cotton, wool, silk, and others. However, its true definition is far more profound. Beyond the physical attributes, a fibre signifies a material that helps build a space from scratch, enabling the creation of something beautiful and meaningful. The stories of practitioners like me who have embraced upcycling are filled with a certain ethos and ideology that goes beyond mere aesthetics. Our journey involves reimagining the potential of fibres and textiles, infusing them with a socio-economic and ecological framework.

The fashion industry is currently ensnared in a worrisome fever – the unending loop of buying and selling. As consumers, we often work tirelessly to make money, only to spend it on fashion items that perpetuate this cycle. Amidst this relentless pursuit, we rarely find the space to breathe or contemplate the impact of our choices. Upcycling becomes our answer to making waste visible, acknowledging the disconnect with our environment and each other. It is a powerful tool for healing, instilling a collective confidence of identity and repairing the trust we share as a community. At the same time, the craft sector faces mounting pressure from hyper industrialization. Artisans are coerced into producing faster and cheaper items, often at the expense of skill, indigenous knowledge, and overall quality of life. To combat this, we must embrace alternative practices that prioritize environmental sustainability and conscious craftspersonship. One pressing concern is the increasing reliance on poly-based raw materials. While the act of crafting may remain carbon neutral due to raw material supplementation, the finished product itself poses harm to the environment. Take, for example, Polyester yarn hand-woven into textiles, the antithesis to the principles of ethical, fair-trade, and sustainability movements.

Through weaving from waste, I not only narrate the story of my day and age but also envision the future I aspire to create and live in. I believe this story urgently needs to be told, serving as a catalyst for healing and transformation. Working with leftovers holds immense importance for me as it embodies my commitment to preserving cultural identity and integrity. Each piece I create is a testament to the vibrant heritage and rich history that weaves itself into the fabric. To weave from waste, we source textile waste from various clusters and industries. Our efforts involve collecting offcuts from garment factories, other brands, and used garments. We meticulously cut these offcuts into tiny scraps, tediously sewing them back together to form a liner yarn. This liner yarn then becomes the foundation upon which we hand weave our fabric. The process may be time-consuming and challenging, but it is precisely what makes our creations beautifully unique and gentle to the planet. We are on a mission to not only reduce waste but also replace poly-based raw materials in craft practices while continuing to celebrate our cultural identity.

To further our impact, we have collaborated with 20 other organizations, collectively upcycling approximately 15,000 kg of waste and saving about 260 tonnes of CO2 from entering the atmosphere generating work for 20 artisans over the period of 6 years. These collaborations serve as a testament to the power of unity in achieving sustainable goals.

In our quest for a better tomorrow, we have embraced ancient Indian pattern-cutting techniques to design zero waste or minimal waste patterns. Additionally, we have explored multi-functionality in all our garments, empowering our muse with creations that can be used in diverse ways.

Our muse embodies consciousness and compassion. Before making any purchase, she contemplates whether she contributes to litter or embraces sustainable alternatives. Her choices reflect a commitment to weaving a brighter future for our planet and all its inhabitants. As we venture forward, our textiles of today communicate a story of transformation and hope. Through upcycling and weaving from waste, we pledge to be on the right side of history. Our creations not only adorn the world but also carry a narrative that speaks of sustainability, responsibility, and the beauty of reimagining what fibres can be. Let us embrace this journey together, weaving a legacy of love and sustainability for generations to come.

Issue 1, Summer 2019 ISSN: 2581 - 9410

The nomadic Rabaris of Kutch have produced some of the most spectacular embroidery of the Indian sub-continent. Inspection reveals a distinctive and coherent visual vocabulary expressed with great skill. It is a marker of their identity and plays such an important role in their traditional way of life that it has now seen as a barrier to change and is subject to a ban, which is rigorously enforced.

A glimpse of the dramatic attire of the Rabari, predominantly black wool for the women and white cotton for the men, impacts on the eye in sharp contrast to the dun-coloured landscape of the village or the kaleidoscopic hues of the bazaar. Closer inspection reveals a distinctive and coherent visual vocabulary expressed in supremely skilful embroidery.

However, in the last year, a radical piece of self-legislation has been introduced by the samaj, or community council of two of the three sub-groups in Kutch. A wholesale ban on the use of embroidery has been decreed by the Dhebaria and Vagaria samaj and an accompanying severe reduction in the amount of ornamentation to be worn. Only the Kachhi Rabaris remain aloof from the new austerity.

While the rules of the Rabari community are not recognised by the Indian legal system and are, therefore, not enforceable under national jurisdiction, they are rigorously implemented and fastidiously observed. A comprehensive system of penalties has been drawn up and transgression of the new codes of dress, for example, in both Dhebaria and Vagaria communities, incurs a fine of 5000 rupees (approximately GB£100) for a single offence.

Within days of the samaj’s edict last year, the women had stripped themselves of their jewellery and all the embroideries were stored away. No dissent was voiced and observance was total.

Reasons for Change What has prompted such drastic action? Two things: the need to modernise and, more importantly, the need to speed-up the whole procedure of marriage.

The idea of ‘modernising’ is generally expressed by the men rather than the women. They have greater exposure to the urban and metropolitan areas and are more conscious of the way others perceive them: anachronistic, quaint, tribal. Officially, they are classified as Socially and Educationally Backward Classes (SEBCs). The desire to shed the more obvious markers of membership of a so-called backward community when in regular contact with groups of higher estate is understandable. Driven by the stigma of low status in class and caste conscious India, most of the men shed ‘traditional’ or ‘ethnic’ dress in favour of shirts and slacks. In broader terms, ‘modernisation’ is signified by the acquisition of consumer goods – a TV, a Hero Honda motorbike, a ghettoblaster, or the construction of a larger house. Modernisation and provision of community amenities such as education (for females as well as males); primary health care and an easily accessible, potable water supply are thought of by few and remain neglected.

Marriage cements the fabric of caste, community and society at large. Life without marriage is no life at all, unless it is part of religious devotion, and the unmarried are looked upon with pity. For the Rabari women certainly, preparation for it has been a feature of their daily labours. So comprehensive were a woman’s dowry requirements, after all they were supposed to meet her needs for life, that a woman could still be embroidering well into her 30s and full residence in her husband’s village might not be taken up until all was complete.

In tandem with the burden of dowry for the women, the requirements of the bride price had become impossibly onerous for the men. Bride price was usually paid in instalments as a combination of cash and jewellery over a number of years. However, the total cost of a Dhebaria or Vagaria bride (the case is different for the Kachhis) escalated in the last few years to between 1 and 2 lakh rupees (approximately GB£2000 – 4000), an astronomical amount for a pastoral migrant. Consequently, marriage arrangements were protracted in the extreme placed ridiculous demands upon the parties involved and sometimes did not unite the couple until their mid to late 30s, when a woman’s fertility starts to decline.

Thus, marriage rather than acting as a cohesive system within the community was contributing to the causes of its decline. Unsurprisingly, the answer seemed to lie in dismantling the offending elements of both dowry and bride price. However, what is surprising is the uncompromisingly radical policy adopted to achieve this and the swiftness of its implementation. Where a gradual reduction of the amounts of embroidered goods and ornaments might have been anticipated – such is the enduring pride of the female community in these tokens of membership – there has been no such moderation and minimalism now prevails where formerly densely embroidered narratives flourished.

Heritage for Sale A few months on from the initial implementation in numerous villages the accumulated dowry of several generations is being put up for sale.

There has been a trade in Gujarati and Rajasthani folk embroideries for two to three decades, now spurred-on by the rise in tourism. The sale of dowry items has become a source of income for members of most of the rural groups, either by selling directly to visitors or, as is more often the case, by selling to middlemen and dealers. As a source of income, the money realised is generally meagre, sporadic and finite. These textiles and embroideries were not made as commodities for trade. At the most utilitarian level they served as the domestic and personal items required by a woman and her family either at home in the village or, as with Rabaris, for use with the dang (the migratory group). In fact, dowry items rarely were simply utilitarian and were a great showcase for the Rabaris’ characteristic aesthetic, Stitched embellishment on clothing and household items became a marker of group identity, marital status, function (of the item itself and also a testament to the skill of the maker.

Until lately, in the Rabari community, embroidered-clothing played an integral role in the twin systems of dowry and bride price. Blouses, veil cloths, quilts and bags in particular were important inclusions in the series of gift exchanges enacted as part of the whole system of betrothal and marriage. Alongside utility and their function in nuptial arrangements, the embroideries give evocative accounts of Rabari life. Stitched details reveal aspects of daily existence: stylised women carrying water pots, ranks of flowers, parrots and peacocks compete for space with camels. The primary activity of fetching water for desert people and the flora and fauna encountered by the nomad are described stitch by stitch. The religious and symbolic are recorded and the celestial and the mundane jostle together in a single piece. A small repeated triangle is a thorn, a larger triangle a temple; flowers and a temple combine to-form a semi-abstract elephant design. The exuberant whole gives expression to a profound and devout Hinduism.

Adapting to Survive? The Rabaris came to Gujarat from Rajasthan where they were originally camel-herders serving the Rajput courts. The demand for camels declined and, adapting to survive, the Rabaris became primarily herders of sheep, goats or cattle.

The pattern of pastoral nomadism is changing yet again, eroded if not yet eradicated by the rapid urbanisation of modern India. The Rabaris have had to respond to these changes. While many are still pastoralists, there is widespread sedentarisation of all sub-groups. The Kachhis, who inhabit the central and western parts of Kutch, are now heavily involved in farming. The Dhebaria and Vagaria in the east and north-east of the district have retained a certain aloofness from farming, but are becoming involved in sedentary occupations such as agricultural labour, working in the salt industry, and trucking.

The impact of these experiences upon their lives is profound and assails the integrity of their traditions as no earlier upheavals have. The shedding of obvious markers of group membership, such as embroidery and ornamentation, is an expression of this far-reaching change. With the public declaration of ‘Rabariness’ gone, a significant surrender of ethnic identity is announced. For the scholar and textile enthusiast, research has lately been transformed from the documentation of a vibrant tradition to writing the epitaph for an abandoned aesthetic.

Further Reading J. Frater. ‘Threads of Identity: Embroidery and Adornment of the Nomadic Rabaris.’ Mapin Publishing, Ahmedabad, 1995.

Embroideries by women in Asia have in the last decades been increasingly seen as a subject of study by cultural historians, anthropologists, and women studies scholars. These domestic embroideries, whether for daily use or as part of a trousseau, constitute a visual language, embedded with meanings that served as cultural markers of identity. An orally transmitted tradition, embroidery embodies the cultural pollinations that influence societies and play a dominant role in women's lives.

It can be reasonably inferred that sewing skills have existed since the origin of the cultivation and weaving of cotton cloth. Though no extant tangible evidence of embroidered pieces are available in the Indian sub-continent prior to the late fifteenth century, archaeological finds in the ancient cities of the Indus Valley have unearthed bronze needles, indicating the existence of sewing skills as early as c 2000 BC. Furthermore, literary references, paintings and the plastic arts suggest that advanced and sophisticated techniques existed for embellishing woven cloth, leading to the conclusion that embroideries have been practiced in the Indian subcontinent for several millennia. The cultural landscape of Asia has been bound together by a history of trade, migration and conquest, fostering cultural interactions that influenced and enriched embroidery styles. Fresh influxes of craft skills, motifs and symbolism were brought to various parts of Asia with the spread of religions - Hinduism, Buddhism, Islam and Christianity. Along the ancient trade routes, whether overland or maritime, all manner of goods were sold and purchased, among them sacred and secular textiles and embroideries. Thus disseminated across Asia, embroidery styles arrived in alien lands, intermingling with indigenous material cultures to create new vocabularies of technique and form. Examples of such cultural interaction may be evidenced in the Chikankari embroidery of Lucknow, the convent embroideries of Tamil Nadu, the tankha embroideries of the Buddhists and the Parsi Zoroastrian embroideries.

Chikankari embroidery, executed on the finest white muslin using white thread, is reputed to have been introduced into India during the reign of the Mughal emperor Jehangir (1605-27) by his wife Noor Jehan, the daughter of a Persian nobleman. Its floral motifs continue to be embroidered by women in and around Lucknow to this day. The cutwork embroideries of Tamil Nadu, termed as convent embroideries, were brought to India by the Christian missionaries who came into India with the East India Company, but the tradition has been strengthened and indigenized over the past hundred years. Sewn in luminous colours, the embroidered Buddhist tankhas can be seen in monasteries across Asia, from Sikkim in India to Mongolia, China and Tibet. An eclectic mix of cultural influences from Persia, China, India and Britain have combined with Zoroastrian symbolism to form the hallmark of the sophisticated Parsi embroideries reflected in the resplendent garas (saris), jhablas (jackets), and kors (borders). Cultural influences and embroideries originating in one culture and transferred to another took on a different meaning with modified motifs, color and placements, adapted according to suit the cultural receptivity of their new homelands. Running parallel to the development of professionally embroidered goods for commerce and embroideries created in the karkhana workshops for the princely courts was the quiet, ongoing development of domestic embroideries. Almost always created by women in their homes for their own or for that of their families, for gifts and as part of their trousseaus, these embroidered objects were functional, even utilitarian, but always beautiful. Customised to individual choice, personal requirements and taste, even the smallest, most insignificant pieces were embroidered with a sophistication of design and pattern that reflected the experiences, values and economic circumstances of the embroiderers. They spoke of a culture and place and of a traditional visual language and technique, of diversity and commonalities within and among communities. The importance of embroidery as a repository of the oral traditions of communities and as a link to unwritten histories is ably demonstrated in the extant traditions of several Asian communities where, in the absence of a written language, women used embroidery to record their experiences. The embroideries of the women of the remote and relatively isolated Li ethnic community in the Hainan Province of China are just one example where a rich, unbroken history can be traced back to the pre-Qin dynasty. Passed on through generations of women, their use of motifs and patterns provide insights into Li traditions and serve as the primary means of documenting their past. This oral transmission over generations has been maintained and continues in a culture that still has no written script. Indeed, the very uniqueness of the Li identity seems integral and connected to their embroideries and their process of creation. The meaning of the embroidered motif being as important as its ornamental value, the symbolism of an embroidery imbued it with an added dimension of value. As Li embroideries have been exclusively produced by women, they showcase a visual record of women's view of their culture and traditions, and thus provide valuable historical, material and sociological information about their lives.

Often, using designs without any references or samples, yet in accordance with collective cultural memory, women's domestic embroideries express an individual aesthetic within a framework of community tradition. Conforming to cultural expectations and representing generations of accumulated beliefs, the semiotics of the motifs, colours and patterning are clearly understood in different geographies within their region and by others who interact with their culture. Defining communities and tribes and signalling cultural differences, embroideries help individual groups express their identities, and their religious, occupational and group affiliations. In the Suzani embroideries of Uzbekistan for instance, regional differences between the cities of Bokhara, Samarkhand, Nurata, Tashkent, Pskent, Fergana and others were subtly distinguishable through the use of colour and design by the embroiderers, with the variations allowing for identification of the origin of the embroidery. The ethnicity and tribal affiliation of communities such as the Jats, Sodha Rajputs, Rabaris and other herding and farming communities of the Kutch and Saurashtra regions in Gujarat, the adjoining areas of western Rajasthan and the contiguous belt of the Thar Parkar region in Sind, Pakistan, can be read from their dress and embroideries. Likewise, the distinct red, blue and black embroidery on the rough, specially woven, white cotton drape known as puthukuli distinguish the Toda tribals who live in the Nilgiri hills of South India. Similarly, the Li embroideries of Hainan Province establish their group identity while distinct features such as the double faced embroidery of the women of the Run-dialect-speaking community distinguish the five major Li sub-groups. Women embroider their dreams for a good husband, many healthy, children, fertile harvests, and protection from harm and ill fortune. The iconography not only marks tribal and community affiliations, it reflects the belief that the embroidered motifs are powerful portents and represent more than the embellishment and decorative surface that meets the eye. West Bengal and Bangladesh are renowned for their Kantha embroidery. Originating as a means of reusing and refurbishing of old, cotton saris and dhotis, the running stitch embroidery of Kantha fashions from textiles that are worn out with repeated use layered new quilts, spreads, wraps and small items of everyday use. Motifs imbued with symbols of blessings, protective and talismanic, social and religious, were embroidered on the layered cloth to be used as occasion demanded. In Karnataka, the woven blue-black Chandrakali sari presented to new brides is embellished with Kasuti embroidered auspicious motifs and symbolic blessings. An embroidered toran strung across a doorway in Gujarat does not only serve as a welcome to visitors; the embroidered motifs present powerful auspicious and protective symbols for the home and hearth. Similarly, the nomadic Banjara tribes spread across the geographic swath of Andhra, Maharashtra and Karnataka use mirrored embroidery to deflect the evil eye while in the Parsi Zoroastrian embroidery tradition, the motif of the divine fungus gives protection and symbolizes longevity and immortality.

From the Hainan province in China to remote areas in Laos, across the arid areas of Gujarat and Rajasthan in India to Uzbekistan, women's embroideries have formed an integral part of their trousseau. Embroidery requires time, concentration, skill, commitment, an aesthetic sense and an in-depth understanding of the tradition within which the embroiderer is working - all qualities that are looked for in a prospective bride. Young girls learn the embroidery arts from an early age as preparation for betrothal and marriage. From the Punjab in India comes the Phulkari, a genre that includes the Bagh and the Chope embroideries started by the maternal grandmother and mother on the birth of her child. Wedding embroideries are made to drape the bride, be held as canopies at the wedding and as gifts to the groom's family. The yellow or red Chope are imbued with wishes for prosperity, fertility and a loving union. In a similar vein, the Suzani dowry embroideries of Uzbekistan include awnings for the bride and groom, wall panels, and coverings such as the ruidzho bridal bedcover and other articles, the choice of colour and embroidered motifs of each symbolise fertility, prosperity and marital happiness. The splendid dowry embroideries of the Kutch and Saurashtra region in Gujarat, and the adjoining areas of western Rajasthan are well documented. In fact, embroidering for a dowry had become such an elaborate and time-consuming process that village elders of the Dhebaria Rabaris in Kutch imposed a ban on dowry embroideries to prevent the women from feeling pressured into complying with the rigorous dowry requirements of the community. The complexity of stories that can be told through embroideries is reflected in domestic pictorial traditions that have been translated into embroideries, narrating folklore, legends and religious stories. The embroidered Chamba Rumals originating in the erstwhile Pahari Kingdoms, now in Himachal Pradesh are a case in point. Used as covers for ritual offerings, for gifts on ceremonial occasions and as wall hangings, the rumals depict images from the great epics of the Ramayana and Mahabharata, and the Krishna Leela. These sophisticated embroideries executed in a refined colour palette were sewn by upper class women from the princely courts. The illustrations were outlined in charcoal and were often even marked with suggestions on the colour scheme by skilled miniature artists who were associated with the court. Using skeins of untwisted floss silk on a cotton base with running stitch for the outline and darn stitch for the filling, the vividly picturised embroidered scenes appear exactly the same on both side of the fabric. Outside the courts of Chamba where local women did not have access to the skill of miniature artists, the rumals existed as a folk tradition in which mythological events were embroidered on hand-spun cotton in bold colours that had a vibrancy and spontaneity in their narration of the legends and mythic stories. Over the last two decades the contemporary pictorial Sujnis' of Bihar, embroidered for commercial markets, are narrations that do not tell religious stories as much as attempt to address issues of everyday existence. The embroideries tapping into the creativity of the women teem with narrative vigour, energy and minute detailing expressing surprisingly liberated images and thought. The significance of these embroideries lies in these stories that they tell of their lives from the problems of dowry to the importance of using condoms to prevent AIDS.

As communities have grown and changed, the spread of education for girls, exposure to media, increased connectivity and availability of all manner of goods has led to economic and social transformations leading to an increasing commercialization of embroideries that were earlier done only for domestic purposes. The recognition of the embroidery skills of women by marketers and development agencies and their subsequent harnessing has created a significant commercial product both for the domestic and overseas markets. The work of organizations with the Meghwal, Suthar, Jat, Rabari and other communities in Barmer, Rajasthan and Kutch, Gujarat and the commercialisation of the distinct embroideries of the Lambadis, the nomadic Banjara community, the Sujani of Bihar and the Kantha embroideries of West Bengal and Bangladesh is just a small part of a story replicated across many cultures. Domestic embroideries have achieved the status of a readily marketable product - providing employment, income and thus empowerment to women embroiderers. This commercialisation of production called for a modification in design and product range to suit the market. Adapting to changing trends has generated incomes for the embroiders, thereby assisting in the economic advancement of the women of these communities, and by extension, in granting them increased confidence and self esteem. The shift in the embroiderer's conception of their craft - as a labour of love fashioning familiar objects of everyday use for themselves and their families, to a marketable skill, used to create products intended for the use of unknown customers in distant markets - has taken its toll on the craft form. Design content is often standardised, dictated by pricing structures and wages. It may be argued that this phenomenon has reduced creativity or resulted in a loss of authenticity but it is equally true that when handled sensitively, the mutation of traditional craft into an item of global consumption has enabled its continuity and the empowerment of its practitioners. First published in "Sui Dhaga - Crossing Boundaries through Needle and Thread (Wisdon Tree).

What do archaeological finds in a five millennia old city of the Harrapan civilisation have in common with Toda tribes, Banjara gypsies, Noor Jehan, haute couture, exports and the big Indian wedding? The answer in brief is the humble needle. Unearthed needles excavated in ancient Harrapan sites have led scholars to infer that embroidery skills have been practiced in an unbroken continuity on the Indian subcontinent for several millennia. The creative ongoing mutation of this traditional craft with its diverse sophisticated techniques of embellishment into an item of global consumption has enabled its continuity and the empowerment of its practitioners across the cultural landscape of India. Skills, motifs, patterning, stitches and the symbolism that enriched the diversity of embroidery styles continue to be handmade within the tradition of professionally embroidered goods created in karkhana/workshops and in individual ateliers. Chikankari, reputed to have been introduced in the 16^thcentury by Noor Jehan, wife of the Mughal emperor Jehangir continues to be resurgent several centuries on, its delicate white thread-work continuing to be executed on the finest white muslins. The floral and geometric motifs embroidered by women are to be found not only in and around the city of of its origin but in stores across India and in couture ateliers across the globe. It is estimated that there are anywhere between 5 to 6 lakh people involved with the trade with an approximate turnover of Rs.1000 crores per year. The cutwork Convent embroideries of Tamil Nadu, brought to India by the Christian missionaries in the 18^th century have been absorbed and adapted to suit local requirements by the women embroiderers. While the luminous colours of embroidered and appliquéd Buddhist Tankhas carefully made in Sikkim, Darjeeling, Himachal and Mussorie are to be seen in monasteries the world over. Similarly the eclectic mix of cultural influences from Persia and China combined with Zoroastrian symbolism to form the hallmark of the sophisticated Parsi embroideries that were reflected in the resplendent garas (saris), jhablas(jackets), and kors (borders) are now embroidered again to appeal to a wider audience. Likewise the Danke-ka-Kaam of Udaipur that uses small diamond shaped concave cut pieces of gold and silver plated sheet metals that are hand-stitched on to luxury fabrics by the Bohra Muslim community who migrated to this area in the 16^th Century is another such example of an embroidery form that continues to be made in India. The Kashikdari of Kashmir, the Pipli appliqué of Odisha, the Khatwa of Bihar, Gota-work of Rajasthan are all success stories of tradition that has adapted to contemporary needs and modern lives while not losing touch with its roots and communities – a truly indigenous solution. The widespread pan-India success of Zardozi embroideries have made it a must have at any Indian wedding. Designers who are now household names have built their reputations with their Zardozi trousseau collections.This craft practice is reputed to employ more than 10 lakh embroiderers across Delhi, Bengal, Punjab, Uttar Pradesh, Chennai, Maharashtra, Madhya Pradesh - in fact it is a rare city that doesn’t have a Zardozi workshop. But what is relatively less known is the Zardozi embroidery that is handmade for crests for aristocratic families and ceremonial badges for uniforms including those for the armed forces across the globe. In addition Zardozi is embroidered for specially commissioned vestments worn by priests. Running in parallel to the revival, growth and contemporisation of these professionally embroidered goods has been the ongoing development of domestic embroideries that in the past were created by women for their own use or for that of their families. Now harnessed as a commercial skill it has lead to economic and social transformations for the embroiderers while creating a significant product for the domestic and overseas markets. Orally transmitted from mother to daughter within communities and over generations the symbolism inherent in an embroidery imbued it with an added dimension of value. These domestic embroideries constituted a visual language that served as cultural markers of identity, with their design and patterning speaking of a culture and a place. Domestic embroideries range across many diverse styles. From the subtly distinguishable colour and design embroidery of the Meghwal, Suthar, Jat, Rabari, Sodha Rajputs and other herding and farming communities of the Kutch and Saurashtra regions in Gujarat and the contiguous belt of western Rajasthan. To the distinct red and black embroidery executed on the rough, specially woven, white cotton drape known as puthukuli that has distinguished the group identity of the Toda tribal’s who live in the Nilgiri hills. The Bengal Kantha embroidery that originated as a means of upcycling and reusing worn out saris and dhotis remains renowned. The running stitch layered into quilts, spreads and wraps with motifs that were imbued with protective and talismanic symbols, with social commentary and floral and figurative imagery now transformed by more than 50,000 home-based embroiderers on to products for urban India. In the same way the Tankha and other embroideries of Rajasthan and other states that provides home-based work to many women across towns and villages is changing lives and adding many more into the economic mainstream of the nation. Similarly, the mirrored embroidery that deflected the evil eye of the nomadic Banjara tribes who are spread across the geographic swath of Andhra, Telengana, Maharashtra and Karnataka can now be seen on products of the everyday. Across India domestic embroideries have formed an integral part of the trousseau made to drape the bride, be held as canopies at the wedding ceremony, as coverlets for offerings, as gifts to the groom’s family and the many other reasons. From the Punjab comes the Phulkari, a genre that includes the Bagh and the Chope embroideries started by the maternal grandmother and mother on the birth of a daughter that are now translated on to mode wear by professional embroiderers for their many customers. In a similar vein in Karnataka, the woven blue-black Chandrakali sari presented to new brides is embellished with Kasuti embroidered auspicious motifs and symbolic blessings. An embroidered toran strung across a doorway in Gujarat does not only serve as a welcome to visitors as its motifs present powerful auspicious and protective symbols for the home and hearth is now been made accessible to home owners in urban India.. The complexity of stories that can be told through embroideries is reflected in domestic pictorial traditions translated into embroideries that narrate folklore, legends and religious stories. The embroidered Chamba Rumals originating in the erstwhile Pahari Kingdoms, is a case in point. These sophisticated embroideries were sewn by upper class women of the princely courts with the illustrations often outlined by skilled miniature artists attached to the court.The revived tradition flourishes in Chamba with the embroideries used as covers for ritual offerings, for gifts on ceremonial occasions and as wall hangings. The rumals depict images from the great epics of the Ramayana and Mahabharata, the Krishna-Leela, to more contemporary themes. Over the last two decades the pictorial Sujnis of Bihar, embroidered for commercial markets, are narrations that do not tell religious stories as much as attempt to address issues of everyday existence. The embroideries tapping into the creativity of the women teem with narrative vigour, energy and minute detailing expressing surprisingly liberated images and thought. The significance of these embroideries lies in these stories that they tell of their lives from the problems of dowry to the importance of using condoms to prevent AIDS have all found a world-wide market. This is just a small part of a story replicated across many domestic embroidery traditions that have achieved the status of a readily marketable product – providing employment, income and thus empowerment to women embroiderers. As they moved from fashioning objects of use for themselves and their families to a marketable skill some have decried this shift. Arguing that commercialization has reduced creativity or resulted in a loss of authenticity as embroiderers create products intended for the use of unknown customers in distant markets. However it is equally true that when handled sensitively the mutation of traditional craft into an item of global consumption has enabled its continuity, with many more embroiderers - mainly women joining practice of this home-based productive wage force. Beyond the domestic sphere the skill of Indian embroiderers continues to be in demand similar to its ancient past when embroideries were a valuable trade good that traversed the ancient overland and maritime trade routes. Multiplied manifold times this trend continues today with year on year increase. Export figures for 2015-16 reveal that embroideries formed 1/4^th of the value of India’s handicraft exports, a value of USD 449 million, an increase of 13 % over the past financial year. This valuation did not include Zari and Zardozi embroideries that formed a separate category and were exported to the tune of USD 17.4 million, registering an increase of 24% over the past year. Remarkable numbers that are not to be scoffed at. Beyond embroidered textiles the embellishing of footwear has also been a long tradition that adapted the basic precepts of textile embroidery to suit the material on hand. From wrapping embroidered fabric onto a hardier base material and stitching it into place to embroidering directly on to the material itself using appropriate needles and threads has formed a genre by itself with the embroiderers specialising in the technology of handcrafting footwear. Among the diverse varieties and styles are the slip-on close-toed tilla juttis and mojaris of Punjab, Haryana, Uttar Pradesh and Rajasthan. Here the customization of the uppers and insoles with hand-embroidered metallic yarns of gold and silver - the tilla and other colored threads that are patterned with fine dense trellis, wave and rhombus, check, paisley or other patterns. Worn by adults and the young, by men and women this footwear have been distinguishable by distinct regional styles. Crafted for occasion or to specially customized styles these embroidery skills are now being put to use for footwear for domestic and overseas high-street markets and for the cat walk. Acknowledging the skill of the Indian embroiderers’ haute couture houses in the fashion capitals of the world are giving recognition to their innate ability to handle the sophisticated techniques of high-end embellishment. The made in India label has resonance in their rich embroideries and fashion pieces demanded by luxury clients be it in home furnishings, in dress embellishment, shoe decoration or in accessory design. While many unsung embroideries still need to be rediscovered and explored much has been achieved. The future of Indian embroideries continues to lie in the skill of its practitioners and their ability to push boundaries while remaining true to tradition. First published in Conde Nast Traveller.

A section of India believes that we are on the move and that opportunity for employment and enterprise in all spheres are growing. However another vast section in rural areas, particularly in certain regions and states and among certain communities, has been left frozen and immobile with no vision or hope of any change. These include artisan communities with low skills but no alternative options. Literacy figures are rising rapidly in some areas such as the north-east, and very slowly, particularly among women, in the traditionally backward states. Growth in employment has practically stopped in the public sector and but has grown in the services sector. Figures are quantifiable in formal industries and hardly available with any sense of accuracy in the unorganised sector. Uncertainties in assessing migrant labour, land ownership patterns, part time farming activity, artisan work closely related to farming or fishing, seasonal and full time employment in traditional cultural activity , result in only notional figures relating to employment being available for what is broadly called the craft sector. For many years governments have attempted to assess accurately the numbers employed in handicraft and handloom activity. Difficulties in arriving at exact figures stem not only from faulty census methodology but from insecure conditions faced by traditionally skilled and semi-skilled workers in this sector. For example, a handloom weaver’s family could consist of the head of the household who earns from his labours, a wife who assists him almost full time in pre and post loom work, but is not a wage earner, and children and elders who may also assist from time to time for no wage. If the wage-earner should die, often the woman takes over the work of weaving. She is a skilled worker but would most likely not be counted separately in any artisan census. A semi-skilled weaver may find he is unemployed if his master weaver cannot obtain orders for the season. He may be forced to go into manual labour or practice some other low-level skill, despite being a traditional handloom weaver. Unless he is actively on the loom he may not be counted in the census. Many weavers have migrated in larger numbers to larger towns and cities to find alternative work. Some may absorbed by textile manufacturing units on a temporary or permanent basis while others may get lost in the ocean of impoverished daily wage earners attached to construction or other such activity. In Varanasi we have the strange situation of 40% of the handlooms closed for lack of orders and work, while for much of the remaining looms business is brisk. A national handloom census carried out just 6 years ago gives the number of weavers employed in handlooms at around 75 lakh persons, yet officials informally admit that the figures could be almost double. It also means that five times this number depend on weaving for sustenance. Census gatherers do not identify part time or unemployed weavers who have moved from their traditional areas of work. In the unorganised sector, much of the work has that ‘now-you-see-them-now-you-don’t’ quality because it gets activated only on a seasonal or need basis. Actual workers can be counted but significantly, persons with knowledge of craft skills which are underutilized or redundant fall between the gaps. A documenter of crafts for many years would know that among other things, the most fascinating aspect of the crafts sector is the ability of certain crafts people to appear to be flourishing one day and almost disappear from sight the next, only to reappear in another form the day after. A small intervention by technicians, designers, NGOs, local governments or just a sporadic market demand can resuscitate an old skill or create new occupations almost overnight. They may disappear just as easily if demand disappears. It is against such misty and ephemeral factors that one must consider the potential for employment in the crafts sector. Exports may give employment a thrust but keep individual wages low and lead to sudden collapse if products lose their appeal or cannot be competitive. The history of crafts in the past 100 years would show a decline in those crafts which were part of earlier courtly lifestyles or were crushed for offering competition to British goods. Wherever industrial goods competed with local ones the latter died out and crafts people turned to other occupations. Also, wherever the world’s urban trends dictated changed life style, and old cultural practices gave way to new more ‘modern’ attitudes, the craftsman was often left by the wayside. However, the traditional potter, the blacksmith, the grass mat and basket weaver continued to make items for simple rural needs and survived because of this. The caste system also held traditional occupations in place. When India became a free country despite the many vicissitudes that crafts people had to face, they could still be found in large numbers, and a strong spirit of nationalism encouraged serious efforts by the government to resuscitate and revive their crafts. One flaw in its pattern of development was the categorisation of crafts themselves. The word handicrafts was meant to describe the more ornamental, decorative objects that may also be utilitarian but actually served the upper echelons of Indian society, whereas common potters, weavers and others who made non artistic crafts were categorised as mere village industry, serving villagers. Naturally, with the same hierarchies being reflected in the bureaucracy and upper middle class society, the latter were practically neglected in terms of development, financial support or marketing. It was left to the village markets to absorb and deal with these, while the elaborate and finer skills were noticed and admired by cosmopolitan society. For these reasons, the common categories were never quantified while the upper section received government attention. Despite this imbalance, India’s official policies and the schemes formulated to channel funds for the development of the craft sector are probably the most widespread and supportive in their intentions than in any other country. It is also arguable that India has the greatest number of skills in the craft and handmade textile sector in the world and therefore it is only natural this should be reflected in government policy. Government policies cover marketing through crafts bazaars and exhibitions, product design and technical training workshops, export development programmes, promotion through publications such as posters and catalogues, cluster development and buyer-seller meets, support to state organisation, apex co-operative bodies or NGOs to set up retail showrooms, and for state governments to set up haats (marketplaces) in urban areas to provide infrastructure to crafts persons for short periods of time. On paper they are well laid out and cover almost every development requirement. However, in reality, processes to implement them are mired in corruption and red tape and at times too inflexible to serve a sector full of disparate needs and tenuous results. Most often, what is really needed is commitment and passion, flexible modes of operation, complete integrity and considerable ‘hand-holding’ before a group of crafts men or women can confidently steer their own destinies in the commercial world of quality and competition. The most crucial component to ensure employment, i.e., sustainable livelihoods in craft occupations, is the market. Without this there can be no security. If the crafts person is sure of selling his/her goods, the motivation and confidence needed to access raw material, give time to ensure a fine quality finish, seek funds through loans to fulfil orders and finally, to pass on skills to the next generation , comes automatically. For far too long, the focus was on inputs, rather than opportunities to sell the output. It may be a chicken-and-egg situation but in the long run experience has shown us that if a market is available, or even indicated in the horizon, the artisan will make efforts to obtain the inputs needed to find a respectable space in the marketplace. In recent years globalization has been a big issue facing development activists who work at grass root levels. In some cases traditional occupations have been hit hard. Some years ago small fisher folk in Kerala were impoverished when big trawlers began to encroach on their spaces in the seas and the women who made packing material for the fish and sleeping mats out of screw pine leaves to supplement meagre family incomes found that they were the sole bread earners of the family. Financial burdens imposed by local loan sharks and unfair marketing practices which gave low returns resulted in desperate women committing suicide. It took many years of struggle, in which I was personally involved, major organisational efforts by dedicated trade unionists and some determined weaver women to stabilize their lives and their incomes. In another part of Kerala, traditional potters lost their markets for earthen cooking vessels because of competition from industrial substitutes. Women in these families turned to prostitution until another major intervention by the Dastkari Haat Samiti along with a designer and funds from government sources brought them back to making more contemporary and relevant products and out of prostitution. It was the loss of markets that caused their miseries, and even while they have excellent marketable products now such as terracotta murals and large garden pots and urns, it is largely private initiatives and not the government that sustains them. Life may have improved but the future is still precarious unless the connecting links between village production and sophisticated urban demands is kept firm by those involved in sustaining the livelihoods of such people. Positive stories in the craft sector abound in the current environment of enterprise, literacy, internet technology and cheaper travel. There is a quantum leap in the world’s interest in India’s special qualities. Crafts and handmade textiles are India’s greatest cultural resources that can be converted into economic wealth. Unlike ten years ago, crafts people who have had exposure to urban marketing events and state invitations abroad to demonstrate their skills at trade fairs and other ‘India shows’ have now printed business cards. Some have e-mail addresses and communicate via the internet through literate friends or even type Hindi words in English themselves. Their sons and daughters are now encouraged to be part of their enterprises since earnings and dignity in pursuing such professions has improved. Fifteen years ago most crafts people spoke with a sense of apathy and despondency, but today they know they can contact buyers through the internet or tourists will visit their village and buy their wares at their doorstep. Places like Dilli Haat have opened up major marketing opportunities where they learn confidence in selling to urban customers. In Uttaranchal small NGOs work with women’s groups in villages to convert local grasses and bamboo into basketry and rope or multiple utilitarian and artistic uses. These products are shown at crafts bazaars at places like Dilli Haat. Small entrepreneurs have developed into exporters confident of getting orders for contemporary, well-designed and well-presented handicrafts. In the district of Bhadohi a project initiated by the Dastkari Haat Samiti with help from Sandhi Craft Foundation, (an initiative of the ICICI Bank), enabled hundreds of women to have a vision of steady earnings from their traditional skill of basket making, which had never been produced for the market. Since they made them only for personal use, they had escaped the attention of institutional bodies. The women were either not earning from basketry or were earning a pittance in carpet weaving. After being motivated to convert their skill into earnings, getting guidance in colours and new product types, they realized that good orders could bring them a four figure income every month if they were industrious. In this instance, employment potential has been created among women in Bhadohi where none existed, within a year of focussed work carried out by the organisers. This example demonstrates the huge scope that exists for creating employment in the crafts sector. The basic requirements are, a) the ability to search for and recognise craft skills and their potential for development, b) provide necessary improvements to make them marketable, c) target and provide access to specific markets, d) provide temporary support to enable crafts people to form organisational bodies and access micro credit and other loans, e) assist them at a later stage in setting up a business enterprise with a proper business plan. The private sector and the government can work with established NGOs, design institutions, exporters and sundry marketing bodies to create the groundwork and bring crafts persons and their products out to the vast marketplace. Corporate social responsibilities can be fulfilled by ensuring that corporate gifts and some kinds of office equipment is accessed only from this sector. It benefits everyone to create purchasing power in rural areas, since industrial products would then be in demand, and encourage livelihood generation in a sector that is employment friendly, eco-friendly and, as a bonus, demonstrates the excellence of India’s traditional skills and multi-cultural traditions. 11th September ‘07 First Published Oct 2007, One India One People Reprinted March 2008, The Other Side

Issue #10, 2023 ISSN: 2581- 9410 Introduction Paper, a very ordinary yet powerful surface, always made me curious about all its aspects. Since childhood, I have been wanting to explore paper to its fullest capacity. The Adivasi Academy under Bhasha Research and Publication Centre, Vadodara has acted like a launch-pad for my flight Amid the second wave of the COVID-19 pandemic in April 2021 I-Ravi Raj, a craft design student, embarked on a transformative journey that would lead to the creation of a successful social development enterprise. This article delves into my journey from being a craft design student to a social development entrepreneur. Simultaneously, it explores the sustainable process of developing handmade banana paper and the establishment of Koraj Crafts in the Adivasi area of Chhota Udepur, Gujarat.

The Genesis of Handmade Banana Paper Project I was a final year post-graduate student at the prestigious Indian Institute of Crafts and Design in Jaipur, Rajasthan. Fueled by a passion for sustainable design and a desire to make a positive impact, I decided to focus on developing colorful handmade paper and packaging designs from banana fibre. To gain the necessary expertise, I underwent a one-week training in handmade paper making at the Kumarappa National Handmade Paper Institute in Sanganer, Jaipur in Rajasthan. Equipped with this knowledge, I arrived at the Adivasi Academy under the Bhasha Research and Publication Centre, Vadodara in the first week of April to commence work on crafting handmade paper. Over a span of six to seven months, I successfully developed a range of handmade papers and packaging using banana fibre and other natural materials like corn husk, grass, bamboo, and mahua.

Further, I set out to establish a fully equipped paper research and development unit at the Adivasi Academy with the support of a one-year fellowship awarded by Bhasha Research and Publication Centre. While working on the project the support I got from the mentors was extremely helpful. I am especially thankful to Dr. Madan Meena, the director of the Adivasi Academy for helping in the initiation of the project and for providing his support thereon. Prof. Om Damani, Sri Ramesh Shah, Sri Amitabh Pandey, Dr. Ritesh Kumar, Dr. Suman Pandey, Dr. Shalu Rastugi, Sri Ved Arya, Sri Girish Agrawal have mentored me at every level of this project.

Wealth Out of Waste: Transforming Banana Stems Colourful handmade paper from banana fibre, which is considered as a waste material, is taking the Indian paper industry towards a new direction. The consumption and use of paper is done on a large scale all over the world and especially in India. From the invention of paper to its modern revolutionary experiments and uses, paper has become essential in one’s daily life. Since we meet this need from nature, we need to make sure that the impact it has on the environment is eco-friendly. The production process and execution process of paper should therefore be sustainable and environment friendly. With this idea in mind, I began my post-graduation project at the Adivasi Academy in April 2021.

As a part of the project, I had to study, research, develop and document different types of paper making techniques from natural fibres and product making techniques from handmade paper. I successfully developed colourful handmade paper from banana fibre using natural dye.

The Adivasi Academy is situated in the Chhota Udepur district of Gujarat. Chotta Udepur is a tribal dominated area with farming as the major occupation. The farmers of this region cultivate many varieties of trees and plants and must throw away the waste from the field after the harvest. This also included waste from banana plantations. This made me think that instead of throwing away these waste materials if they are used for making paper, then the tribal farmers living in this area could benefit more, it would be a sustainable practice and would also provide employment.

Banana fibre possesses several properties that make it suitable for paper making. Firstly, it is abundant and easily available as a byproduct of banana cultivation, making it a sustainable and cost-effective option. Secondly, banana fibre has high tensile strength, which contributes to the durability and longevity of the paper. It also has good flexibility, allowing for easy processing and handling during paper production. Additionally, the fibre has excellent moisture absorption and heat resistance properties, which helps to maintain the stability and quality of the paper. Lastly, banana fibre is naturally rich in lignin and cellulose, essential components for paper formation, making it an ideal choice for eco-friendly and sustainable paper manufacturing.

Koraj Crafts: A Social Development Enterprise From the seeds of the Wealth Out of Waste (WOW) Project, Koraj Crafts blossomed into a successful social development enterprise after working for over a year. The design studio, based in Chhota Udepur, Gujarat, currently employs over 10 talented local tribal artisans who work with passion and joy. We take pride in respecting the individuality of each of our employees rather than considering them as mere labourers. This approach has led to inspiring success stories, such as that of Kajal Rathva, one of the skilled workers who excelled in painting. On realising Kajal’s talent, we encouraged her to pursue her further studies in fine arts. Soon, she cracked the all-India examination conducted by the Faculty of Fine Arts, M.S. University, Vadodara, opening doors for higher studies in the field of fine arts. Such initiatives serve as motivation for other workers, fostering a culture of excellence and growth within the enterprise.

Empowering the Adivasi Communities Koraj Crafts goes beyond mere paper production; it strives to uplift the Adivasi communities residing in the area. The establishment of a workshop and training centre at the Adivasi Academy provides a space to train local communities. By imparting skills in paper manufacturing, product packaging, and other related areas, the project creates new avenues of livelihood for the unemployed tribal population, thus bolstering the local economy. Support from the Buddha Fellowship This successful journey of developing handmade paper from banana fibre in collaboration with Adivasi communities impressed the Buddha Fellowship Program. Koraj Crafts was awarded the Buddha Fellowship in November 2022, a prestigious program that nurtures and supports aspiring social entrepreneurs. This fellowship played a pivotal role in providing the necessary resources, guidance, and networking opportunities, which fueled the growth and success of Koraj Crafts. Eco-Friendly Practices and Regional Resources One of the core principles of Koraj Crafts is its commitment to eco-friendly practices. By using minimal chemicals and relying on natural fibres and resources abundant in the region, the project upholds sustainable and environmentally conscious manufacturing practices. This approach not only minimises harm to the environment but also ensures the production of eco-friendly products that resonate with environment conscious consumers. Product Development Koraj Crafts has showcased its creativity and innovation through the development of unique products. The handmade banana paper serves as the foundation for a diverse range of items like handmade papers, diaries, notebooks and journals, packaging materials such as paper bags, stationery, and art prints. The enterprise constantly explores new avenues for product diversification, ensuring a sustainable and scalable business model.

Challenges While the project has achieved remarkable success, challenges lie ahead, such as marketing the products effectively, ensuring sustainability, and scaling up production. However, the unwavering determination of the employees and the support received from the Adivasi Academy and the Buddha Fellowship helps us carry our vision forward. Nevertheless, we understand that strategic planning, partnerships with like-minded organizations, and continuous community engagement is necessary to overcome the challenges to build a self-sustaining future for the community.

Looking Ahead: The Future of the Project The future of Koraj Crafts appears bright and promising. The project holds tremendous promise for the Adivasi communities and the region as a whole. The expansion of the enterprise, coupled with ongoing training programs, promises to provide employment opportunities for the Adivasi youth. Presently, we are scaling up the project to expand production near the banana farm outside the Adivasi Academy. We believe that nurturing local talent and leveraging regional resources would uplift communities and drive socio-economic growth in the region to tackle forced migration and unemployment. Conclusion Our story reflects the commitment to sustainability, empowerment, and community development. By creating handmade banana paper from discarded banana stems, Koraj Crafts not only contributes to environmental conservation but also provides employment opportunities and economic growth for the Adivasi communities of Chhota Udepur, Gujarat. I believe that as the project continues to evolve, it would create an immensely positive impact on the lives of more people and communities.

In January 2010 I formally begin my final year diploma project for craft and design with KHAMIR (Kachchh Heritage, Arts and Craft, Music and Integrated Resources) a registered organization and craft resource center situated in Kachchh, Gujarat, India. . During this trip, I was able to visit and learn about a variety of Gujarat’s craft process, techniques and tradition. I studied and enjoyed my experience with one specific product of craft – that is Metal bells. I have a faint memory of my childhood when my grandfather used to take me to the village, where I heard music while the cow’s walked on the road, now it make sense to me it was nothing other than the bell tied around their neck. As metal craft jargon is complicated, I will attempt to present it in a way that is easy to use and handy for the reader, potential buyer, marketers, and student of crafts and more specifically for the bell metal makers. Bell metal is my core focus area for specialization for my diploma project funded by Khamir and supported by Indian Institute of Craft and Design, Jaipur. This research talks about pros and cons and opportunity within the bell metal market; moreover it also focus on some of the sensitive issue within the industry.

BELL METAL

Brief History Many people know that Metal craft originated in Kachchh however it is believed that it is originated in Sindh (Now in Pakistan after the Indo-Pak partition in 1947). Currently, most of the Metal bell making work is done in two Villages – Nirona and Zura, in Gujarat by the Lohars of the Muslim community, their families have been making bells for as far back as they can trace their ancestry. The entire family often involved in the process, however I found women and children are involved in the less technical work. Women’s work is to prepare or to make basic material for instance, mud paste which can eventually provide finishing to the bell. Use of Bell Metal These bells are used to recognize cattle. They are tied around the cattle’s neck so the owner would know of their whereabouts. It is also used at entrance to home and as a decorative musical product, somewhat likes chimes, all the more since their tonal quality is scrupulously crafted. Craft designer and NGO’s are constantly in process to market bell metal product with innovative design and rhythm. When I returned to Australia, I found bell metal products in one of the local store in the form of key chain and a bell with a heart with pearls surrounding it. Some designers are one step ahead! Indian designer need to develop new cost effective design which also attract attention from the target market instead of increasing production of the same product with only minor change. Making of Bell Metal There are fourteen sizes of bells and that are customized for different animals. Size 0 is the smallest and size 13 the largest. The bell is made of iron and coated primarily with copper/Tamba and Brass/Pital, along with a few other metals. They are made from scrap iron sheets which are repeatedly compressed to join together and to give them the requisite shape. The metal parts are neatly joined by expert hands by a locking system without any kind of welding. Then they are coated with powdered copper with the help of mud paste and then heated in a furnace to fix the powdered copper on the surface of the bells. Once cooled and ready, a wooden piece or gong is attached to the centre of the bell for that characteristic sound which is beautifully sonorous. The sound that emanate from each bell depends on the artisan’s skill and three factors: (1) the size and shape of the bell’s body; (2) the size and shape of the wooden strip hanging within the bell and (3) the shape and curve of the bell’s bottom rim. Denting of the bell to get the perfect pitch is also done by hand, by repeated thrashing with a hammer. Bell making in Kutch is a wonderfully sustainable craft as the raw material is metal scrap which is purchased from junk yards and the only use of energy is in the furnace for preparing them. Even the waste generated is miniscule, comprising of small metal scrap and burnt mud. Who make it and who sell it? Please note that the views expressed here are from my research and understanding. The prices that have been taken into consideration are based on a comparative analysis based on available price information on the sales sites on the internet, selling prices in Australia and by export houses in India. I found it very interesting that NGO’s generating very good money out of the selling of bell metal products because their focus of the business is not on the domestic but however export oriented. Generally speaking, one piece of bell metal product in size 12/13 is being sold at $59 US dollar (Rs.2655 INR Rupees) and on the other side, community or individual person who makes it under the guidance of an NGO or designer charges about 250 INR rupees a day where total process may take up to 2 days that means total 500 INR Rupees labor cost that is equivalent to $11.11 US Dollar. The material cost including sheet metal, cost of coal will be around $14 US dollars if it bought from the wholesale market. There is, generally no cost involved in mud paste as, it requires water, red Clay (sand) (that is freely available in local area – as per the statement given by lohar). So it seems to me that the basic cost of the 12/13 size bell metal is about $25.11 US Dollar where the selling price is approximately, $59 US Dollar. Some people would argue that there may be other cost, for example GST, VAT however it is now well known that this cost paid by the customer on the top of the amount so basic margin of the seller (NGO’s, Business Organization) will be about $33.89 US dollar that means 57.44% marginal profit. This is one of the few segments where big companies do not want to enter and it has great potential. What about other - the Lohar’s side? There is other side of this business that is the maker - the Lohar who are not getting paid enough. I am of the opinion, that due to lack of marketing and educational skills, they are unable to target their market, consequently intermediary like NGO’s, Organisations, or designers come into the motion and digest most of the profit. NGO’s are meant to support local community however sometimes policy and action plan are different because policy represent compliance with legislation however action plan of the NGO’s and business represent need of growth and profitability. The Lohar has more work available however their quality of life remains unchanged due to decreasing profit. It seems to me that the Lohar makes 18.83% profit whereas Organization makes 57.44%. Craft industry in India is weird as people who have skilled and art in them, get paid less but it is also a responsibility of government to set up training center, export fair and to work in partnership with Lohar directly in order to achieve overall success. Another important point is payment, even if the Lohar makes $11.11 US dollar profit; they do not get their labor payment on time. Moreover material cost is invested by the Lohar whereas they borrow money from the local market to fund their bell metal work. So now when they pay off their interest, eventually they receive $10/$10.50 US Dollars. Unfortunately, Microfinance is still not easily available in rural area where they craft industry setting up for a year of years. In order to remain a part of business, Lohar has to keep invested $150US Dollar at any given time for the huge money making NGO’s, Businesses and designers. Potential of Bell Metal Market To support bell metal production and sell, export is mandatory and handicraft products are always in high demand all over the world however considering the statistic (2008-09) provided by Export Promotion Council for Handicrafts, India (EPCH) It has been noticed that US (27.57%), U.K (10.55%) and Germany (9.10%) are the highest importer of Indian handicraft product. Organization should conduct research in relation to the potential of bell metal products in other country where import of Indian craft still need a push for example Australia (1.32%) it is a country with plenty of craft creativity people and consumer. Business should focus on such a target market. In a Nutshell There are many good organization for instance Khamir who provides service and resource to conduct proper research and development for the welfare of community that engaged in handicraft, bell metal products and for their empowerment. The entire bell metal business system should be internally consistent and mutually supportive that means everybody makes profit while working but no one should aim profit by taking advantage of lack of community and knowledge access of bell metal maker, which is lohar. Below is some photography of bell metal making that I captured during my visit to Nirona. When you percept the cost of the Lohar for making product viewing these photograph you come to know it is a skills investment rather than money however when the product being sold to market it makes good profit but allocation of the profit is inappropriate, which is the current constrained of this industry. All photos are taken by Karnav shah.

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The Poetics and Politics of Indian Folk and Tribal Art

Issue #005, Summer, 2020 ISSN: 2581- 9410

Our entire world is in lock-down. Can you imagine what it would be like if that were to continue for fifteen years? To be alone, truly alone, with only your spouse and infant child as company for a full fifteen years, seeing and being seen by no one else? No radio, no television, no computer, no printed materials, no contact with the outside world? What would your response be? Mine might be desperation and depression. If I were to express myself creatively, as I am wont to do, my art might easily be as dark as my desolate mood. During the current pandemic, when most of us on earth need to socially distance ourselves, to practice self-isolation so as not to catch or spread Covid-19, I remember the phenomenal story of Sonabai Rajawar. Around 1930, Sonabai was born to a poor farming family in a tiny village in Surguja District, an extremely remote part of what was then the Central Provinces of British India. She never knew her exact age or her birth year. Just before Indian independence, when the girl was fifteen, her parents arranged her marriage to someone she had never seen, a custom prevalent in those days. Her new husband, Holi Ram Rajawar, was a far older man, a widower who farmed his own rice paddies and supplemented that meager income by contracting to build local houses on the side. For their first ten years of married life, the two lived in his parents’ home in his village of Puhputra. When Sonabai did not become pregnant, Holi Ram and his family felt ashamed that she appeared to be barren. However, she finally gave birth to their only child, a son, in 1953. Soon after that, Holi Ram decided to build a house far outside his community’s boundaries. Isolated homes are rare in India; societies are dependent upon close-knit communities. Under his guidance, the couple constructed their own mud-wall home in a style common to the region: simple rooms and a barn enclosing an interior courtyard. Since the focus of all household activities was inward, toward the well-lit central courtyard, the exterior walls had no windows and only one door. Once the house was complete, Holi Ram closed and bolted that door. No one was permitted entrance, and Sonabai was not allowed out. For the next fifteen years, she could not speak to anyone but her husband and their child. Her parents, siblings and friends were turned away. Of course, Holi Ram continued to work outside, and when their son Daroga was old enough to attend school, his father would take him out of the house for that purpose and to play with his friends. Sonabai, although not physically bound, was her husband’s prisoner. In many parts of India it is not unusual for women to be secluded from common concourse with men from outside their immediate families. Ancient texts and reports suggest that this practice spread in India only after the first Muslim invasions of the eighth century. Throughout their history, South Asian women have always enjoyed a wide sorority of female friends and family. Each region of the subcontinent has a vibrant subculture of women’s customs, lore, stories, and rituals. Many claim that these legacies are the true foundation of South Asian society. But in her extraordinary situation, Sonabai lacked all human contact, male or female, except with her husband and son. Sonabai reacted to her isolation in a way unique in India’s long history. She invented an original style of art. Her initial purpose was purely practical: She had no access to the market and had no toys for her young son. At first, she constructed dolls for him using bits of cloth, but he was an active little boy and these were not entertaining enough. Then she had an inspiration. Sonabai remembered that while local houses were being constructed and the mud of the walls still wet, the women of her village had sculpted the clay surrounding their doorways into pleasant floral and geometric shapes that they painted with natural ochre pigments. Although trapped inside, this isolated woman still had access to clay. Holi Ram had dug a deep well inside their house. She discovered that its edges and the floors of the courtyard and barn were naturally composed of clay that was perfect for sculpting. Sonabai had no training as an artist but found that she could use her hands to mold simple forms that she left to dry in the sun. Within days, her toddler Daroga had a variety of toys to play with: horses, dogs, tigers, elephants, and soldiers. Although they were brittle and broke often, Sonabai could soak the shards and and have fresh clay to create replacements. Soon she realized that if she reinforced them with a core of bamboo sticks wrapped in straw, the toys lasted longer. Bamboo was plentiful in their home, stored in their barn as part of Holi Ram’s construction business. He did not mind her using scraps or decorating their home as long as she kept the interior of the house clean and their son and him well fed. After a year or two of sculpting toys, Sonabai had a further epiphany. She realized she could apply her sculptures to her walls and transform the interior of her home with bas-reliefs. Within months, she decorated every wall of her home with her art. Her vision was entirely unlike anything that existed in other houses in her region nor, although she did not know it, anywhere else in India. With no one either to instruct her or limit her artistic expression, she experimented with different techniques. She discovered that the only way she could get her sculptures to adhere was by covering the surface first with a fresh layer of mud. To this, she could add rolls and dowels of clay to create foliate forms and trees whose branches held monkeys sculpted in the same technique as the toys. She could fashion dancing men and women, musicians, flights of birds or barnyard animals: anything that caught her fanciful imagination. Confined to her home, Sonabai began to recreate what she longed for: her community, the surrounding forests, and the animals that lived in them. Without access to commercial pigments, Sonabai whitewashed her walls and then decorated her bas-reliefs with the red and yellow ochres that Holi Ram used for his construction jobs. She experimented with making other colors using the limited spices and foods in her kitchen and soon discovered that she could use charcoal for adding black to eyes or beaks. She loved the multidimensionality of her figures and wanted more of their details to stand out from the walls. That was when she realized that if she unwound the hemp used in old rope, she could apply it as hair to her figures of women and as manes and tails to horses, lions, and tigers. Months of each year are broiling hot in Sonabai’s new village of Phuphutra, now part of the Indian State of Chhattisgarh. With no exterior windows and no open doors, Sonabai’s home became almost unbearable. The roofed verandah that encircled the courtyard gave shade, but inadequate ventilation. Sometime in the first several years of her confinement, Sonabai realized that she could draw the wind down into her courtyard with latticework walls. Lattice, called jali in India, had been used in other regions for this purpose for centuries, but never in Sonabai’s district. She was entirely unfamiliar with the concept and, as far as she knew, had invented it. Using a sharp knife, she pared off strips of bamboo, then curled them into circles, binding them with palm fiber. Connecting several circles together, she covered their surfaces with fresh clay, then joined more and more of them to form a large lattice that she stretched between the clay columns that supported her verandah roof. While these lattices were still damp, she added sculptures. Snakes sinuously entwined their way through some of the circles. In others, sculpted human figures played flutes or drums. Sonabai had invented an entirely new way of creating jalis that are unlike any others in India’s long history. Over the years, as her son Daroga grew and ventured further afield and she remained at home, Sonabai continued her artistic transformation of their home. She changed and adapted her bas-reliefs and lattices until she perfected her techniques. Then, after imposing solitude on his wife for fifteen years, Holi Ram opened the outside door and let in the neighbors. By the time I first visited Sonabai, years had passed since her confinement, and Holi Ram was dead. In my subsequent years interviewing her, her family and their neighbors, no one would clearly explain why she had been imprisoned. I can only make assumptions. It may be that her husband was jealous of her youthful beauty and wanted no one else to experience it. Perhaps by the time she had reached her thirtieth birthday, he thought she had lost that appeal. Whatever his reasons for ending her isolation, Sonabai was finally free to come and go. The villagers were naturally curious about what had transpired during those absent years. They confided to me that what they saw when they entered her house astonished them. They were impressed, but in those early years of Indian independence, the country was still impoverished from the devastating effects of British colonialism. Puhputra was in a remote area cut off from mainstream culture. Everyone was too focused on simply feeding their families to give much thought to the creative endeavors of one oddly isolated woman. Sonabai’s natural shyness had increased during her solitary years. Although she could now enter the market and make new friends, she was reluctant to do so. Her natal village, family, and childhood friends were too far away to see often. For sixteen more years years, Sonabai’s life in her remote surroundings continued much as it always had. In 1983, Sonabai’s life irrevocably changed: She was discovered and acclaimed by the outside world. Her state’s capital city, Bhopal, opened a new, innovative museum. Called the Roopankar Gallery, part of the larger Bharat Bhawan, its expressed goal was to exhibit contemporary urban art alongside works created by local folk and tribal artists. Scouts circulated throughout the large state to find good indigenous examples. As they surveyed Surguja District, they heard about Sonabai. One of them told me that when they entered her home, they were dumbfounded. Sonabai’s canvas was the entire interior of her house. Inside she had created a magnificent visual raga of color, form, and whimsy unlike anything they had ever seen. They were determined to take examples back to Bhopal to show their superiors. Sonabai shyly refused their request, stating that the sculptures were her children. Determined, they gave money to Holi Ram, who loaned them a pickaxe to tear down one wall to take with them. Sonabai was crushed but was powerless to stop them. From that day forward, change came quickly. Swaminathan, the museum’s director, was thrilled by his scouts’ discovery. His deputy returned to Puhputra to commission more sculptures and jalis from Sonabai for a solo exhibition to which he invited some of New Delhi’s artistic elite. The director of the National Crafts Museum attended and was so impressed that he nominated Sonabai for the Rashtrapati Purushkar (the President’s Award), the highest honor India can bestow on an artist. When Sonabai reluctantly traveled to Delhi to receive the award, her 31-year-old son, Daroga Ram, accompanied her. The artist received a bronze medal and a check for more money than her family had ever seen. In just two years, she had grown from obscurity to fame. In 1986, Sonabai and Daroga were flown to San Diego, California. With Daroga assisting her, Sonabai spent two months in Mingei International Museum, demonstrating her art as part of an exhibition I co-curated about Indian terra-cotta. Sonabai’s experience in America must have been confusing, so beyond her scope of reference that she entirely blocked it out. When I interviewed her about her it years later, she had retained no memory of America whatsoever, although Daroga had loved the trip and grown through it. Upon their return from the U.S., Sonabai would have preferred to resume her quiet lifestyle. Yet again, her wishes were disregarded. For the rest of her life, the next twenty-three years, her art was in high demand. She was given exhibitions at the National Crafts Museum in Delhi and elsewhere in India, invited to demonstrate her craft at festivals and fairs, and commissioned to create artworks for India’s fashionable wealthy. Although Sonabai longed for anonymity in Puhputra, her husband and family were glad of the substantial boost to their income her fame brought. Daroga was now married with children of his own. This new financial resource extended Holi Ram’s farms and would provide substantial dowries for the couple’s two granddaughters. Sonabai remarked that this was the best part of it all: that her work would ensure that she could find good husbands for these girls. In 1991, the scope of her art expanded when the federal government gave her a stipend to teach her artistic techniques and style to ten local artists. Several of these younger men and women excelled at these skills, developing creative expressions directly inspired by the vision of this modest, talented visionary. Now their work was also in demand for exhibitions and festivals, some of them overseas. The income of their families and the community substantially improved, as did the profile of the entire region. That effect is still being felt today, years after Sonabai’s death. My personal experience of entering Sonabai’s home changed my life. I had already spent decades surveying and documenting folk arts and crafts throughout India. I have developed a deep admiration for the innovation, eloquence, and creative insights of Indian artists and artisans. But suddenly, I encountered an entire environment that expressed one woman’s unique vision. Everywhere I looked, her genius surrounded me. I had met Sonabai many times elsewhere as she demonstrated her art. I thought I knew her work well. I did not. A friend who accompanied me stated: “Sonabai’s house is like entering a cathedral – entirely different and yet equally as magnificent, even holy.” I entered through the barn, the only access to the interior. I was dazzled by a wall directly in front of me covered by a green-leafed tree filled with monkeys picking and eating ripe fruit. It’s humor carried with me as I walked through a dark inner grain storage and grinding room and into the bright space of the home’s interior courtyard. In the foreground was a series of brightly painted and sculpted jalis (lattices) connecting the pillars that supported the shade awning. This passage surrounded the center of household activity. Snakes entwined themselves through the jalis, while musicians played, women danced, and parrots sang: all part of Sonabai’s remarkable dreamworld. Layered behind and alongside these pierced portals were walls alive with bas-reliefs: sculptures that joyfully, whimsically depicted a wide variety of rural life. And each room radiating beyond this central core contained sculptures. I immediately realized that although Sonabai had applied her artwork throughout her home, she was also a master of negative space. Nothing was overcrowded: All had been executed with a highly refined eye. Before that experience, I was a cross-cultural surveyor who compared and contrasted the art of one Indian region with that of another. I had assiduously avoided working with a single artist and had no desire to write a monograph. Sonabai changed all that. I worked closely with her until she died in 2007 at the approximate age of eighty. We developed a mutual respect, perhaps even a friendship, although she was always painfully shy. I interviewed her for a book and a film and, with her encouragement, commissioned her last large installation. Together with her son Daroga Ram and the other local artists she had influenced, we created a major exhibition at the same museum in San Diego in which the mother and son had worked and exhibited twenty-two years earlier. A year before that exhibition opened, Sonabai gently died at home. Her loss deeply saddened me. Daroga Ram and his wife Rajenbai came to California to help install the show, and yet again, the viewing public was ecstatic. Sonabai: Another Way of Seeing remains the most popular exhibition that Mingei International Museum has ever held. At that time, I recognized that Sonabai’s message is universal. Subjected to conditions that might crush another person, she had transformed her life into an uplifting expression of beauty and joy. Now, in 2020, when throughout the world we are told to isolate ourselves and stay at home, I am again drawn to Sonabai’s remarkable creative inspiration. I can resent my confinement and grumble that I am unable to conduct my usual activities — or I can embrace this opportunity to create a new vision of life, another way of seeing.

Photo Captions
1) Sonabai Rajawar in 2004 © Stephen P. Huyler
2) Sonabai Rajawar in 2004 © Stephen P. Huyler
3) Holi Ram & Sonabai’s house © Stephen P. Huyler
4) Sonabai created clay toys for her toddler son © Stephen P. Huyler
5) Sonabai painting a clay horse for her son © Stephen P. Huyler
6) Sonabai invented the technique of adding hemp hair to her figures. © Stephen P. Huyler
7) A clay monkey eating fruit © Stephen P. Huyler
8) The entrance into Sonabai’s barn reveals a wall adorned with a tree filled with
monkeys. © Stephen P. Huyler
9) Sonabai created latticework by joining circles of bamboo strips surfaced with
clay.© Stephen P. Huyler
10) Sonabai created latticework by joining circles of bamboo strips surfaced with
clay.© Stephen P. Huyler
11) She placed birds and other figures in her lattices. © Stephen P. Huyler
12) A flute-player, parrot and cobra animate one of her jalis. © Stephen P. Huyler
13) Three green parrots add color and dimension to a lattice wall © Stephen P. Huyler
14) One of the finished walls that surround Sonabai’s courtyard. © Stephen P. Huyler
15) One of the finished walls that surround Sonabai’s courtyard. © Stephen P. Huyler
16) Note the negative space of this wall and doorway. © Stephen P. Huyler
17) As Sonabai aged, she taught her daughter-in-law and granddaughters how to sculpt
in her style. Here three generations sculpt together. © Stephen P. Huyler
18) The interior of Sonabai’s house when first viewed by scouts in 1983. © Jyoti Bhatt
19) The interior of Sonabai’s house when first viewed by scouts in 1983. © Jyoti Bhatt
20) Sonabai Rajawar in 1983 © Jyoti Bhatt

This fashion show has been the culmination of all efforts and collaboration. The launching collection was shown and the project was presented. Both have received extremely positive feedback and project has been now placed on an international forum due to this exposure. Companies, industry associates and designers have offered to collaborate with the weavers and many people have been moved by the project. We are in touch with the interested individuals and companies. Feedback received has shown us that our weavers now have the potential (with direction from the right creative source) to move beyond their village into the global textile and fashion market.UNESCO, Paris (September) A one day conference was held in UNSECO in Paris, to celebrate the 40th anniversary of establishment of Auroville. The Varanasi Weavers project was presented to a 700 strong audience. This was a great forum to create and spread awareness of the project. Much appreciation and feedback was recieved about the project.The Varanasi Weavers project is funded by Bestseller Foundation, Denmark

In the first few months with Dastkar in Andhra one of the places I visited was Etikoppaka, a small and remote village in Visakhapatnam district. Chitti Raju, the head of the local landowning family was extremely hospitable. He took a keen interest in the local craft of lathe-turned and lacquered wood, and had often paid from his pocket the fines imposed on the artisans by the forest department because they ‘illegally’ helped themselves to the ‘ponniki’ [Wrightia tinctoria] wood for their craft. The Etikoppaka artisans were at the time of my first visit somewhat shaken by the following incident: An English designer had come to the village some months before and offered to give them some new designs free of cost. The artisans had demanded that she pay for their time and materials to make the samples, to which she did not agree. Instead, she had gone to a neighbouring village and worked with an NGO that according to Chitti Babu had lured away artisans from Etikoppaka. Not only had she got the new designs made, but had got an order for them worth one lakh rupees!

Whoever she was, that woman made things easy for me because the Etikoppaka artisans immediately agreed to make the designs I suggested. I was at that time a consultant to Lepakshi, the State craft shop, and could place orders on their behalf. After that first visit I went to Etikoppaka regularly to place orders, to work out new designs with the craftspeople, and to try and get the artisans to work together as a group. Fortunately all the new designs sold well in Lepakshi though the artisans never really worked together as a group. Chitti Raju was delighted with the success of the new designs. He enthusiastically took up my suggestion to invite our natural dyeing guru Chandramouli to the village, Chandramouli was just as enthusiastic about teaching and that was how natural dyes were re-introduced into lacquered wood craft. Once the craftsmen began to reap the benefits of the new designs, there was no turning back, and several designers and design students have increased the range of products made for urban tastes. Today, seventeen years later, the artisans who use natural dyes are selling their products through craft bazaars and shops all over the country. Black is made from chimney soot, and turmeric yellow has replaced the poisonous titanium dioxide. Annatto seeds soaked overnight produce bright orange and green comes from indigo.

During my early visits old master craftsmen were still living, who used the traditional hand-turned lathe, rather than the motorized lathes used by all the other younger craftsmen. The lathe turner, also an old man, sat on a small stool in front of the craftsman and used a leather strap to turn the lathe at a signal – a grunt – from the craftsman. The co-ordination between the turner and the craftsman who had worked together for years, the master’s fine judgement and highly developed control over the material, much higher with the hand-turned than with the mechanized lathe, were a pleasure to see. The master craftsmen produced bowls of exquisite fineness, but of course economics eventually put an end to hand-turning. Back in Hyderabad I told my civil engineer uncle about the hand-lathes. “Yes”, he said “I saw them used when I was a student in England, at Sheffield, in 1928.”

Though I did not in those days work with handloom weavers I used to try and find out as much as I could about weaving. In Etikoppaka there was only one old weaver and his wife left, and I went to see him. He told me that there used to be 110 weaving families, [in a village population of about 2,000 households] but that they had all given up weaving and left the village a few years before when powerloom cloth began to be sold in local markets, undercutting handloom fabric. He and his wife had not gone with them because he had no children and he himself could not read and write. I mentioned this to Chitti Raju who told me: I was walking on the beach in Visakhapatnam some years ago with my daughter when I heard cries of “Chitti Babu, Chitti Babu,” Who are you, I asked and the men replied “We are weavers from your village”. They had given up weaving and were earning their living as small vendors selling chana and phalli on the Visakhapatnam beach.

Over the last several years we have seen a significant growth in design experiments internationally, which combine the latest cutting edge technology with traditional hand-processes. As India and other developing countries with evolved hand-craft traditions grapple with more immediate questions of locating a space for them within rapid mechanization, and making available a better quality of life for the craftspeople; the world over, crafts themselves are being redefined through new technologies and individual expressions. This is giving rise to new forms and shapes, aesthetic and textural qualities and at times, to new functional attributes altogether.

For most western and developed countries this has been a natural process. With hand-manufacture having died as a mode and means of everyday production, hand-processes have acquired a considerable niche and novel value. This development has resulted in such products fitting into various segments of production, sale and of consumer use - one, through hand-crafted, high-end products of luxury brands and two, as products of antique and ethnic value. Third - and which I bring under discussion here - is the phenomena of such hand-processes having elevated themselves from such ‘everyday manufacture’ value to being art expressions; often seen as, and engaging with sculpture, painting and other fine arts. These are also often sold through art galleries and agents who are otherwise engaged in art trade. Why such craft-technology has not developed in any form in the country shows the complex situations that the country faces with regard to mechanisation, and the search for what belongs to a community and to the individual in the Indian context. Intertwined within such situations, at every stage and level, are questions of choice. And these choices are critical in defining the future of Indian aesthetics and the role of our material culture in participating in societal debate and change. There is on the one hand, the need and value for a new breed of Indian designers and artists, for whom such crafts could be a medium of individual expression. On the other hand, are the fragile contexts within which these crafts have evolved and thereby find their unique place in the international context by strengthening diversity and cultural nuances. There are an increasing number of Indian designers, who have begun to make their inroads into this uncharted territory, most often through specialized educational programmes in international design schools and universities. While on the one hand this is welcome news, there is also a need to pause and enquire into this phenomena. The discussion on the interaction between mechanized and hand technology gives rise to several questions in the Indian context. And the resolution of these questions can inform the very definitions of crafts in the country for their future. They could also help to forge new uniquely Indian aesthetics, showcasing the country’s creativity at its genius best through stimulating traditional-contemporary dialogues. Therein, can also lie India’s most defining opportunity and challenge. Deeply embedded in any such enquiries and experiments must be an understanding of the affordances the mechanized and hand technologies have in the country, which are often socio-economic and cultural; and further which rest on precarious needs and realities of the Indian craftspeople. That crafts in the country must evolve is a valid argument, and indeed they cannot survive if they are to not evolve. But what does evolution mean in the crafts context? Is there one monolithic process of evolution around the world for hand-crafts? And most importantly, what does this evolution enable? One view here can be that the way forward for crafts is to encourage their conversation with mechanized technology. This assumes that within an evolution of manufacture and production, mechanization is an inevitability where mechanized technology interventions are the only natural extensions of these crafts. There is no doubt here that dialogues with such technology can play an important role in articulating newness in product, process, design and expression, which are the constant needs and demands of any time. What is essential to assess here, is the role mechanised technology has played so far, and what its implications can be in the long run on the crafts sector at large. We have seen that in most parts of the country, powerlooms have entered the manufacturing scene by their ability to provide handloom replicas at a much cheaper cost. The mushrooming of powerlooms across the country has rapidly begun to shrink the production, consumer and aesthetic base of handlooms. This brings me to my first concern: that through the process of such technology-craft dialogues, it is possible to provide the crafts sector with alternatives of replication, for doing what it does best through machine processes, thereby affecting its original textural and aesthetic qualities. We have seen the recent crisis in Varanasi with regard to the massive flooding of local markets with cheaper, machine-made replicas of traditional brocades. The Chinese have developed machines which can replicate Kutchi embroideries, and that they are already being imported into the country. Recently, there have been reports of Italian machines having mastered the art of Jamdani, the intricate labour-intensive skill which originally belonged to Bengal. ¹Not too long ago, a famous international designer tried screen printing on warps to simulate the Ikat effect… Such mechanisation is not restricted to textile manufacture alone. A trip to the Chawdi Bazaar market in Delhi will show you that even religious statues of Indian Gods and Goddesses are now being manufactured in China, with uncanny precision within a matter of seconds. (It is quite likely that your recent Diwali statue of Laxmi was made in China). Is it only matter of time, when our neighbourhood terracota potters will no longer be seen with their clay pots piled by the dozens in numerous shapes and sizes? Evolution of crafts can also mean, apart from such ‘obvious mechanisation’, an evolution in its consumer and market bases, its uses and functions and in the nature of the economic structures which support it. It could also mean reinstating the relevance of their original forms, examining such qualities and the reasons for their survival. Is it not a matter of enquiry, why in spite of several developments which could have changed the vocabulary of traditional designs, they survive in their original forms in the country? While there is a constant reference to the ever-changing aspects of craft traditions, the Indian example has shown that in spite of such changes, it has been in fact the common non-change which has characterised it more prominently. This shows a deep-rootedness of the Indian culture, which in my view, both defines us as a people and cultural system; and further gives us our special place in the world. It is also this very rootedness which can propel innovation using individual creativity, enabling artistic journeys which use community-knowledges. Within such an argument, those technologies and processes considered most primitive by many present standards - hand-spinning, vegetable and lac dyeing, hand-made felt, and so on, acquire a special space. These ancient technologies give India a unique space, both notionally and materially. While we, within the country might find them stale and retrogressive, their role internationally can be enormous. The second aspect of such craft-technology dialogues is related to the above discussion: How different can such craft-technology experiments be in India? When the tools of mechanised technology remain largely the same throughout the world, what is it that differentiates Indian products on aesthetics in comparison to those in Japan, Scandinavia, in the UK and Vietnam…? There is a common tendency in many attempts to contemporarise crafts in India and elsewhere, to highlight more universal forms, colours and forms to enable them to find space in international markets. The use of traditional motifs, colours, and forms are often seen as too ‘ethnic’ for global audiences. The result has been that very often, products from India may not look different from those made in other countries. Such attempts therefore do not help in finding any unique space for Indian designers, artists and their expressions; in the process they contribute to only heighten those very homogenising influences that crafts are in a position to challenge. The third aspect is the employment imperative. In such arguments it is easy to forget that a big challenge facing most countries at the moment is unemployment; and the role of such creative, skilled manufacture is enormous. The questions to be asked in such light are also on the implications for such experiments - which if introduced on a small-scale today, could take on mass-scale proportions tomorrow. What are the human costs of such displacement - economic, cultural, political - so caused? The beginning of one such success in India, perhaps the first (I, of course will be delighted to know more of such experiments!) of its kind has been shown by the remarkable work done by Jigisha Patel Singh, a fresh graduate of textile design from the National Institute of Design. Her fascination with the crafts of Kutch led her to explore technology-hand process dialogues in felt-making in Gujarat. In this, the intricate skill of hand laying layers of felted wool and dyeing were combined with the more mechanical process of felt-making itself. The result was a range of felted rugs which are rich with hand improvisations and combine the durability and steadiness of machine-made felt. While many such experiments might have been carried out in smaller ways by Indian students, what places this experiment at the vanguard is how it has shown the possibility of an assured revival of the dyeing and felt appliqué processes in Kutch, at the same time an improvement in Indian felt qualities for export and new markets which might not have absorbed hand-made felt. It has also, done away with the more mechanical part of the traditional process by focusing on the affordances of the hand to place, cut, dye and lay in layers with spontaneity and improvisations, thereby retaining those creative parts which offer scope for individuality and personal expression. The challenge before us is manifold, but can be addressed at different levels. For designers and artists, it requires a more careful consideration of the contexts of the traditions they are working under. The question of the individual placed within larger cultural constraints can be an exciting and much-needed discourse. Both hand-processes and machine-processes have their own attributes, their own capabilities and their own unique possibilities. And as much as the phenomena of finding cheaper, mechanized methods of doing labour-intensive work has its own advantages, such intentions must not hamper the chances of an even-playing field for intricate and sophisticated hand crafts.

This is a brief case study of the structure of Aboriginal art centres in Australia. The purpose of this case study is to examine a model that could be applied to other craft centres, in India and elsewhere. It does not propose how the Art centre structure could be applied in different contexts; it instead, provides an overview of the governance, legal and organizational framework of an Aboriginal art centre. A key element of the Art Centre model is that Aboriginal artists having control over the key decision making, priorities, and strategic direction of the centre, and have a stake in administering their own affairs. Successful art centres have been best practice models of livelihoods and enterprise development that provide a co-operative structure, that effectively services it artist/members.

ABORIGINAL ART CENTRES

Aboriginal Art Centres are broadly defined as locally owned and managed Aboriginal Arts enterprises that support the production and marketing of diverse works of art and craft.¹ They are commercially focused organizations, that reflect the values, and distinctiveness of Aboriginal cultures. Their aim is to provide access to independent incomes for Aboriginal people living in remote communities, and to share business experience. They are usually operated as non-profit co-operatives, with artists earning a percentage of each painting, or art object that is sold. The remaining amount is absorbed back into the art centre to pay for materials, staffing, and organizational costs. In remote Aboriginal communities, people have limited opportunities to access independent income, and achieve self employment, therefore, the art centre promotes economic opportunites through engagement with the market, in a way that enables artists to engage equitably with mainstream markets. They broker the gap between the marketplace and Aboriginal artists, who face obstacles related to geographic location, language, and cultural differences, in accessing the market. Art centres are mandated to provide employment opportunities for Aboriginal people. Most Aboriginal art centres have been developed under the guidance of Aboriginal councils and management committees. These committees have employed arts advisors, usually from outside the community, with skills in art production or marketing to run the centres. The first Aboriginal art centre was established at Ernabella, in northern South Australia in 1948. It was originally set up to provide employment for Pitjantjatjara and Yankunytjatjara women by applying their wool spinning skills. The centre continues to operate. In the 1970’s, the artists took up batik work on silk, for which they have subsequently become famous. Most art centres are involved in the trading of paintings, but others, such as Maningrida Arts and Culture in Arnhem Land, in the North-East of Australia sell weavings, sculptures, prints, works on canvas, and bark paintings. There are now Aboriginal art centres throughout regional and remote Australia.

Structure Legal Most Aboriginal community-based organizations are incorporated under Australian government legislation, through the Commonwealth Aboriginal Councils and Associations Act, 1976. The Registrar covers such matters as approvals required for alterations, to rules, objects, memberships, and so forth. An annual submission of an up to date list of members, and Committee’s Report on compliance with the Act, its Regulations and the association’s rules, including an audited financial statement are required. The Registrar has the right to appoint an administrator, if various legislative and funding rules are not met, or financial and procedural accountability is not in compliance with the Act. Organizational: The Governing Body The Governing body of an art centre is a group of people given power and authority, to govern the art centre. The main beneficiaries for the services they are offering go to the board members, and the constituents, who are made up of members of the organization, in this case, the artists. As representatives of the art centre, they must be able to speak on behalf of all members, and protect their rights, interests, and well being. The governing body must be able to clearly and effectively, communicate the goals of its members to the organization’s management, and should reflect the mix of people and members of the community and the organization. They must be committed to their role as ethical leaders, and to their legal, moral, and cultural responsibilities to members. In general, the governing body is elected through a process of nominations and voting, this extends to members of the board, financial members of the organization and general members. Some organizations conduct elections for the entire governing body, annually or bi-annually. The length of time served on a board also varies, and depends on organizational needs; it is ideally a mixture of new members, who can be mentored into leadership roles, and more senior governing body members, who offer expertise and skills. The structure and size of a board is diverse, and in some cases, there is a need for the board to represent different families, clans, language, or skin groups, regions, or other community controlled organizations, to give the board adequate representation, and legitimacy. Some boards also include a staff member or employee representative. The governing body is responsible for making policy, and setting the strategic direction of the art centre. They must manage the centre’s finances and transparently acquit funding, whilst monitoring income/expenditure, look after assets, and liabilities, and ensure that financial policies and procedures are robust and transparent. The management’s role is to implement these policies effectively. Management and the governing body, operate as a collaborative leadership team, with different responsibilities, and distinct authority with a clear separation of powers. The governing body are active in the recruitment of staff, and key to the ongoing retention, and evaluation of staff, including participation in performance reviews. Critical Factors for Good Governance According to Professor Stephen Cornell, Co-Director of the Harvard Project on American Indian Economic Development, governance is defined as, ‘how people organise themselves to get things done. The heart of governance is the rules a community or business puts in place to meet its overall objectives: how authority and responsibility are distributed, how disputes are resolved, what our obligations are to each other, and how we work together. Effective governance means having rules that are capable of achieving your objectives.’² The following are a set of criteria that have been proven to support strong governance in Aboriginal art centres. They include:

Representative Governing Body. There is a balance between community representation (age, gender, background, and region) and the expertise/experience needed to govern effectively. There are mechanisms for youth participation in the organization’s governance and programs, with opportunities for external leadership development.
Financial Management. The art centre has their accounts audited annually and produces an Annual Report; there is a preparation of a clear budget each year, with regular financial reports to the governing body, and policies outlining financial procedures and delegations.
Accountability and Decision making. Staff and artist/members know what decisions have been made, and a record of decisions is kept with information circulated to everyone. There is a clear separation of strategic and operational decision making - decisions are made through a democratic process, so that consensus is developed. Appropriate performance indicators are implemented for each program, and there is the development of appropriate processes. The governing body meets regularly, fortnightly, monthly or quarterly, and holds an Annual AGM, where the organization’s financial information is submitted for scrutiny.
Strategic Planning. There are clear and well developed planning systems that flow from a broad long term strategic plan, through to more detailed business plans, into shorter term work plans. Frameworks and tools such as strategic direction documents, guides and plans are in place, which help the governing body make good decisions. There are good systems in place for managing succession of staff, and board members, and the active mentoring of new members.
Policies and Procedures. The governing body, staff and others are aware of the systems, policies and procedures that are in place to clarify roles and responsibilities. The relationship between the management or CEO and the governing body is clear, their roles are both distinct, and understood. Clear guidelines and frameworks are set with the confidence that staff will fulfil their responsibilities, and given independence to do so.
Leadership. The governing body has positive and confident leadership. There is a commitment to achieving the vision of the art centre. Management is offered ongoing professional training and development, and there is compulsory governance training for governing body members. Clear performance management systems are in place, to monitor and support staff, so they have the skills to action decisions and access training.

The Aboriginal Art Centre model Aboriginal art centres provide the regulatory framework and regulatory guidelines for Aboriginal artists and communities, to realise their goals through various kinds of legal/incorporated bodies. There are strengths and weaknesses to the Aboriginal art centre model. This includes the following: Strengths

Aboriginal owned, and governed enterprises that have the potential to build genuine Aboriginal management and knowledge, with maximum emphasis on devolution of power to the artists and local community.
Provide artists and their communities opportunities for engagement with the market, and in some cases, the global art trade through a small business structure.
Contribute to remote area livelihoods, through opening up enterprise options in remote communities, in a way that balances economic development, governance principles and social well being.
Provide a hub for the community, a safe, comfortable space where artists can work with their families and friends, and people can gather.
Professional staff with marketing and business experience who ensure availability of high quality materials and pre-production, conservation and transport of artworks, as well as feedback and support on development of paintings and artwork.
Financial management and the transparency of finances, through auditing process, provides a structure of accountability by the board to the members they serve.
Empowerment of Aboriginal culture and Aboriginal artists.
Incorporates Aboriginal tradition and principles of social and political organization.
Provides training on issues such as sale, price, length of exhibition, payment, and protection of intellectual, community, moral and copy rights.
The governing board can create a solid and positive working environment, in which staff, feel empowered and community members feel engaged.
The art centre is mandated actively recruits and trains local staff, and people to be employed at the art centre.

Weaknesses

Aboriginal communities are highly factionalized, and characterized by complex and cross cutting allegiances which people have to groupings based on families. The representative structure often represents particular families or sub groups, rather than a divers and broad section of the community.
Rights to representation on the board are based on belonging to a particular family or descent line, land ownership, seniority, knowledge, ritual authority, and so forth.
Operating in ambiguous and fraught zone between different cultural systems and political ones; Aboriginal one and the broader society.
Tension between bureaucratic view of fiscal accountability, efficiency, coordination and the effective representation of local needs, with equity, respresentativeness & responsiveness to community and artist needs.
Incorporating Aboriginal cultural norms and customs into the structure of executives, meeting procedures, decision making processes, reporting, and other accountability mechanisms is challenging.
High turnover of staff. Difficult to obtain, and retain staff with professional skills and business acumen, as the effective management of the art centres is dependent upon skilled and knowledgeable management.

Conclusion Aboriginal art centres, as community controlled organizations, and or businesses provide a possible model of governance for other enterprises, which, operate to enrich, and empower local communities, by providing a structure in which they can control and manage their enterprise. Footnote

Felicity Wright, The Art and Craft Centre Story, 2000.
Professor Stephen Cornell, The Harvard Project on American Indian Economic Development

The talk focused upon the concepts and visual manifestations of ornament in the architectural traditions of ancient and early medieval India. In the process it highlighted the manner in which artists and artisans created myriad visual representations of some formal concepts in the history of traditional Indian architectural ornament.

‘Ornament’ in the Indian tradition assumes meanings that go far beyond the scope of mere ‘decoration’. Sanskrit terms that convey the notion of ornament also point towards the inherent rationale of ornament in the Indian tradition as being integral to the significance and form of the concerned object. The most prevalent of all these terms is alamkara (alam+) that means ‘rendering adequate’ or ‘making effective’. Parallel terms in Sanskrit that also convey the idea of ornament are bhushana, abharana, and aharya. Bhushana (verb: bhus) refers to ornament as the means by which the efficacy of a subject is increased or empowered. Abharana (a+bhr) stands for ‘assumption’ or ‘attribute’ in the sense of ‘becoming’ and therefore ornament as abharana lends meaning to the subject by means of its attributes (for example, as in iconographic attributes, jewels, or any form of symbolic ornament). Aharya (a+hr) as ornament is closely allied in meaning. These meanings and connotations of the various ancient Indian terms that convey the idea of ornament demonstrate clearly that ornament in the classical Indian tradition had a sense/ intention that could not be separated from its form/ structure.

Yet, logical or ideational aspects went hand-in-hand with utilitarian aspects in the history of traditional Indian architectural ornament and some utilitarian features of traditional Indian architectural gradually became part of its ornamental vocabulary. With time, as the architectural expressions of early medieval India grew more and more complex, the different architectural elements such as pillars, ceilings, traceries, ornamental archways, doorframes, etc. also exhibited a varied repertoire in response to functional as well as other cultural requirements. This richly illustrated lecture looked at the inter-relationships between theory and practice in the evolution of Indian architectural ornament.

To highlight the above-mentioned issues, the lecture examined certain broad concerns pertaining to Indian architectural ornament:

The etymological and linguistic basis of terms with connotations of ‘ornament’ in the Indian tradition was examined first.
From functional form or structural concerns to ornament as symbolic form: To highlight this aspect, the gavaksa (dormer) as architectural element and as ornament was chosen. Its origins in structural and functional concerns such as those seen in early caves and chaityas (eg. Lomas Rishi cave near Gaya, Bhaja in the Deccan region), as well as their depiction in early sculptural reliefs from Bharhut, Sanchi and Amaravati were examined first. The speaker convincingly traced the gradual transition of this element into a symbolic ornament seen on stone temple surfaces – walls, bases, and particularly, the web of gavaksas on the offsets of the northen Indian temple superstructures, such as say, Mukteshvara in Bhuvaneshvara or the Khajuraho group of temples in Madhya Pradesh.
Architecture decorated with architecture: The speaker explained how miniature shrine models enveloped the exterior sheath of the temple in multiple permutations and combinations by taking examples from diverse regions of India, such as the southern temples from Mahabalipuram, Pattadakal, Halebid, and others as well as northern temples such as Kandariya Mahadeo in Khajuraho, the Sun temple, Modhera, and several others. This was quite in consonance with the Indian concept of manifestation – of evolution and involution.
With time, as the architectural expressions of ancient India grew in complexities and elaborations, the structure as a whole as well as its individual components such as wall surfaces, jalakas (traceries), toranas (ornamental archways), vitanas (ceilings), etc. developed a specialized language of ornament. Practice preceded codification in the form of technical treatises on traditional architecture, and functional, technical, symbolic and other cultural concerns went hand-in-hand, resulting in a vast vocabulary of ornament during the early medieval period of Indian architectural expressions. The speaker took a selective cross-section of this vast and varied repertoire of alamkara or ornament from sites as far removed as Nagada near Eklingji in Rajasthan, western India to Lingaraj in Orissa, eastern India, to Belur and Halebid in Karnataka and Mahablipuram in southern India.
The inherent validity and honesty of traditional Indian architectural ornament as integral to the structure in question was well demonstrated through the lecture as well as through the rich and varied visual material.

National Museum Institute, New Delhi 14^th July 2006 India International Center, New Delhi

Excerpts from Crafts in Transition Prof. Ashoke Chatterjee 15th April 2005 IIC, N. DELHI

It is interesting to listen to professionals whose basic preoccupation is what constitutes development? What sustainable development actually means? And how do we measure it? One of the remarks that stuck in my mind was made by a lady from Geneva who said these days what measures, what gets counted is what comes otherwise it slips through the cracks. I was thinking of this because year before last when we were celebrating 50 years of 'craft renaissance' a lot of issues came up from the master craftsmen and their chelas (disciples), the people who are the next generation of craftsmen. I wonder two years down the road with the political and economic changes that have taken place what really has happened to those issues raised. I would like to focus on the economic aspect as I think the cultural aspect of craft is something we have paid much more attention to over these years and have more consensus on then the so called development aspects. Let me just give you some figures that may be out of date but they are figures that I have been using. I haven't been able to find any better ones. These go back 10 years so make adjustments for that. According to the NCAER, the output by 4 million craft persons a decade ago was above Rs. 30,000 crores in output, not in revenue. I called them up yesterday (14th April 2005) and according to them the figure is about Rs. 50,000 crores output today. That is the output of 4 million artisans but how many artisans do we have in this country. And since the preoccupation of all our Governments and this one in particularly with the Government Minimum Program is poverty elimination, how many people are we talking about? How many of these people are below the poverty line? 4 million people in our country is not a very large figure, but in a single Government document, the number of artisans ranges from 4 million to 200 million. The question also needs to be asked as to who constitutes artisans. Is it those who produce the kind of products which come under purview of the Development Commissioner (Handicrafts) because those are only a fraction of the hand-skills used in this country? What about ironmongers and those who make bullock-carts. Are they artisan or not, are they craft persons or not and who looks after them. Interestingly, in the 4 million under the NCAER there is no accurate figure for the number of potters or of weavers and yet any time we celebrate crafts the pot and the loom are what we claim to celebrate. And yet we don't really seem to know how many people depend on that. I am told that today the market value, what comes out of these 4 million or more craft persons is about Rs. 65,000 crores of which about Rs. 9,000 crores is exports. Of the Rs. 10,000 crores of exports that come through the list of crafts under the Development Commissioners office only Rs. 10 crores goes to Government. So we can see how much income in generated in all kinds of different ways but we don't know how accurate these figures are. There is no one who's willing to vouch for them but there is a consensus that so called artisan sector is the largest employer in this country after agriculture. Yet there is no protection, no statistics, no comprehensive planning for this sector at all. I shouldn't say at all but I would say it is completely inadequate. I am told that over the last few days a figure was tossed around at Habitat Centre that by 2010 our present government is committed to generating another 100 million jobs. These jobs are not going to be found in the organised industries or in the urban sector and that the largest potential for this job creation is in activities which are linked to natural resources and to the management of our natural resources. This observation was made in the context of forestry and struggle between people and forest policies in this country. So I thought what we might just consider is where does this, what we are committed to and work for, after these 50 or 60 years, what impact have we been able to make on poverty and is there a larger role for us in the sector to try and get little bit more cohesion and support for this sector. I was not at recent meeting at Jodhpur on Cultural Industries which was under UNSECO's sponsorship. But an interesting document has come out there called the 'Jodhpur Consensus' and it is an approach to what is now been described as 'cultural industries' which includes crafts and craftspeople. In the context of guiding principles which emerged from Jodhpur it talks about the importance of these cultural industries not just to the economy but also to socio-economic stability and the sense of cultural identity within much of the world. And this seems to be addressed primarily to the countries of Asia and Pacific region and it points out the need for a much stronger investment in understanding these cultural industries and of supporting them into the future. Couple years ago when we had that celebration of craft renaissance there was a discussion which was kicked off by the President of India on what is actually wrong today and what was said was poverty was the main problem of artisans in our country - competition from mass manufacture and competition from life styles, inadequate access to markets, to technology and to finance, ignorance amongst the general public about craft, references made to change in taste and the waves of vulgarity coming in from both within our own society and outside and the point that was made that I think was significant is violence. How often, and we have experienced this only too tragically in Gujarat though it is not confined to Gujarat, when society explodes in our country the first targets are artisan communities. Many of them belong to minorities or to marginalized and disempowered groups and how often their tools, their looms and stocks are the first things that get put to the torch or hacked up when there is violence. So the point was made that artisans come from already marginalized groups and that they are largely unprotected. They are a silent majority amongst the work force and they are not represented. I have been thinking about the work and whatever contact I have had with the craft sector and the other sectors in recent years that perhaps if we want to get this sector recognized more intelligently, we need to link it more purposefully with some of the waves of change or of thought which are going around the world. I talked about poverty reduction and that clearly is an important aspect in everyone's thinking these days, but there is the whole issue of human rights and empowerment. If the majority of our artisans are those who are deprived of their rights, who have difficulty in accessing their rights and are not empowered then what is it that we, who are in the position perhaps to do something however modest, what should we be doing about restoring or providing to them to the first time, their rights as important drivers not only of the economy but of everything which this country stands for or should stand for. The other aspect related to human rights is democratic frameworks. Without democratic frameworks creative expression is impossible and that too comes out of this Jodhpur Consensus. They talk about the importance of democratic frameworks for creativity and not too many weeks ago I was with some of our colleagues in Pakistan and I noticed amongst the artist and designers and young people that I was talking to of their great concern that creativity in their part of the world had been stifled because of the absence of democratic frameworks, something perhaps that we take for granted. They were able to quote instance after instance where creative expression was inhibited because of a lack of the national commitment to democratic frameworks. Do we take that for granted in India and have we been able to take that more seriously in terms of addressing the needs of artisans. The other is the search for both cultural and individual identity which I think marks the whole turmoil that is taking place in the world and certainly in our country. This search for identity that preceded the independence movement, the role of crafts in that in trying to address issues of identity in what has happened since. As a footnote to that a phenomenon which perhaps as someone who's spent a lot of years in design education has struck me has been, and perhaps I am overstating it, the virulent attack taking place over the last decade on the Sari which has gone completely unanswered by society. The fashion industry has come in hammer and tongs with their expertise, with their organisation, with their knowledge and their skills and one of the things they have hammered at is to persuade the Indian woman to drop the Sari. I had an extraordinary experience awhile ago when I was asked to attend the Lakme Fashion week in Mumbai and we had a debate which turned out to be rather difficult because men have been wearing western clothes for years so who are we to talk but we did a little exercise which was great fun. I suggested to them that rather than just talking, outside the room the models were getting ready for the big ramp show rushing about in their designer clothes and trying to get themselves organized. The lady who had introduced me was a lady of middle years and very elegantly dressed in a simple Tussar silk sari and so I suggested we clear the table and I challenged anyone to go out and bring any two or three of the models and we put them on the table-converted-ramp with this lady to my right. There was no doubt in my mind as to who would win the contest. I just mentioned that because I think something is happening here which strikes me has elicited no response to this demand by an industry that we should change our sense of identity to something which has not come through democratic consensus but through market forces, telling us what we must look like, dress like and what shade of skin we should have. The other element which I think is important for us to perhaps try and link to the future of crafts in India is that of the environment. There could possibly be no more urgent concern today then what is happening to our natural resources and to what kind of a world we will leave for the next generation if we don't do something drastic to protect our natural resources and to adapt our life styles to a more responsible use of our natural resources. So if for example a 100 million jobs are to be created in the next 5 to 10 years in this country what kind of jobs will those be, what kinds of goods and services will they produce. Are we going to have another sea of plastic waste around us, of depleted forests, of poisoned water, of horrific decline in our biodiversity? Or is there is a way to find jobs and incomes and food in people stomach that can be most sustainable in terms of our natural resources and in that respect, it seems to me the craft sector has great deal to offer. It's not the crafts are not polluting, they can be, but there is surely a much greater chance of a less of an environmental foot print from the craft sector then perhaps from any other. The Jodhpur consensus about which I spoke describes cultural industries as those industries which create content, use creativity, skill, and intellectual property and produce goods and services which have social, economic & cultural meaning. They talk about cultural industries as those which create enduring resources for development. They talk about cultural industries, including crafts, as a capital asset which countries should use for their economic, social and cultural development. They ask for support to these industries not as an expenditure but as investment. I was looking quickly through some of the five year plan documents which have come through the years including the excellent one that is done for the 8th 5 year plan, some 10 or more years ago and I don't think anywhere, even in the 8th plan document has the investment in craft been seen as something more than expenditure. The Jodhpur consensus talks about cultural industry as something which brings back far more than that actually put in. It talks about the need for support crafts as wealth creation and as poverty elevation. It asks for crafts and other cultural industry to be linked to the latest driving force for poverty elimination programs around the world which is the millennium development goals of the United Nations. There is no specific millennium development goal which addresses the needs of these industries. And as someone who has been part of the effort to get, for example the millennium development goal for sanitation, what does it mean once you get a goal? It is translated into a figure, into target and though that in itself may not be the answer. Yet if you are on the table as a millennium development goal you are able to access sources of support. You are able to open certain doors. You are able to bring to the table certain issues which otherwise would not get recognised. So is there is a case from the Asia Pacific region for us to demand some kind of goal within the United Nations system that would give teeth to something like this. I conclude these reflections on the development aspects of craft with a reference to an ally that we now have and that is the system of international development accounting that was introduced more than a decade ago by the late economist of Pakistan, Mehboob Ul Haq, the Human Development Indicators in which Amritya Sen also played an important part. This I think was a watershed event because it stated that progress and development is no longer to be measured just in terms of gross domestic product or per capita income but also in terms of human well being described by a number of factors which includes cultural identity, a sense of security of both ones personal safety as well as safety of ones culture and ones place in this world. Interestingly, we have right here on the subcontinent a country, Bhutan, which decided to gear its future and do an experiment they are currently conducting which is to develop the indicators of human happiness for Bhutan. One of the factors Bhutan has put very high on that agenda is the flourishing of their craft activities linking crafts to Bhutan sense of identity in South Asia. I think there are some forces that we can use intelligently to shift the agenda to bring crafts right up to the top of the political agenda, to be able to impact these millions of artisans in our country, whether the 4 or 6 or 200 million or more after all where does the population statistics of North East India go in these figures where every woman is an artisan. They are not factored into this. So we were talking about a huge chunk of humankind in South Asia and their future which we represent and hopefully we can help and support in the years to come. So I just put this out to you and thought we might consider if there are ways in which we can use these developments, and others you might know of to get a greater sense of priority and urgency for the well being of artisans in our country. DISCUSSION RITU SETHI: Well, these were the issues that I was talking about with a colleague of mine - an economist and she said to me that "the only way the craft sector will be accounted for if there is some accounting done". ANURADHA BHASIN: I would step back and say that you talked about 5 year plans and the millennium development. Two years ago, for the first time, the annual Economic Survey introduced a chapter on the contribution of women to the economy, which so far has been ignored. Similarly a section on craft and crafts people would be invaluable as it cuts across so many sectors in the economy. ASHOKE CHATTERJEE: I am sure you notice that the only real study that we have was the one which was done by Shruti in the 1980's, 20 years ago. This study of the status of Artisans of India kept mentioning page after page that the data they were working with was outdated and inaccurate. So in the 80's we were talking about data being inaccurate. Now, 20, 25 years later we are not in any better position in fact we are worse of? As an economist what you think? ANURADHA BHASIN: The starting point could be the economic survey which actually it is very good macro study of the economy. Once you put numbers to it then it's I think one step easier to policy recommendation to bring it to the forefront. So much attention is paid to agricultural labour and agriculture and economy but according to what I heard from Ritu a huge section of them are also crafts people and they are invisible in this economic policy structure. ASHOKE CHATTERJEE: One of the debates in environment issues and so called the greens keep talking about the need that if we continue at the current rate of consumption then development will ultimately be affected where as you have Mr. George Bush saying that I will continue to consume and the American way of life cannot be attacked. The interesting thing is to go back to the 1997-1998 human development report and they had an essay on 'consumption for development' and that is a tremendous ally for us because they point out that it is an industry like crafts where the actual consumption pattern can re-enforce long term sustainable development rather than deplete it. I am little bit disappointed that over the years that essay has not really had the impact or the recognition it should have because it is basically makes our case for us. RITU SETHI: Could it also be because it has gone in to area of artistic production because as you said no one even knows the definition craft. Does it include someone who makes a cart or does it only mean someone who decorates the shoe. So is it because we don't have a definition that includes and broadens the base to include more people and that we work with Development Commission Handicraft instead of working with planning commission. Is there any issue? ASHOKE CHATTERJEE: It could be because I think there are some definitions for instance the one in the 8th plan was "Hand-crafted items made by hand often made with the use of simple tools and generally artistic and or traditional in nature. They include objects of utility and objects of decoration". I don't know any definition would really taking in to account there the entire gamut. What happens for example to people who make clothes? What happens to the people who sit every Sunday in Ahmedabad and sell handmade recycled products? Does that get included in the definition of craft? I do think that one of the problems is how we define craft? LAILA TYABJI: That I think is the problem with looking at crafts as cultural industries because they get bracketed into culture, art and aesthetics. It is a counterargument. Perhaps looking at them as small scale industries isn't a bad thing because you look at craft differently which is otherwise viewed rather romantically. ASHOKE CHATTERJEE: We should then go back to perhaps define crafts as hand skills which would then make it easier to do a head count. For instance, embroidery is done by women who work at home so their contribution is viewed as housewives and not artisans. If we want to push craft to the top of the political agenda then we need facts and figures to support our arguments so the first action is a census.

The importance of handcraft in Tanzania is readily evident in the very large numbers of women and men engaged in handcraft production, and in the wide range of crafts available, including woodcarving, basketry, textiles, beadwork and leatherwork. The handcraft sector is comprised of artisans, women’s groups, small enterprises and organizations, and also includes a diversity of public and private service providers for the development and support of craft production, marketing and trade. A research project was undertaken in 2005 with the purpose to assist in the process of increasing opportunity for artisans to enter and succeed in new markets, including the export market. The research examined the situation of craft producers in Tanzania and also the kinds of interventions and supportive organizations that assist craft producers to develop and market their products and create small enterprises. The research was carried out in cooperation with the Trade Facilitation Office Canada (TFOC) a Canadian non-profit NGO that provides export training and marketing assistance for developing countries. TFOC is involved in PACT, a joint programme with the International Trade Centre in Geneva. PACT – Programme for building African Capacity for Trade – aims to assist the African private sector to do business internationally and to promote their exports. As part of PACT, TFOC initiated a project in partnership with the Tanzanian Bureau of External Trade (BET) to increase capacity and opportunity for exporting Tanzanian handcraft. The research report – Tanzanian Handcraft Study – provides short profiles of agencies, organizations and enterprises. These include a synopsis of challenges confronted by small-scale local businesses and export- oriented companies, the assistance currently available, and what is needed to further develop the handcraft sector. The report also provides an overview of issues and recommendations. This article draws from the Tanzanian Handcraft Study and outlines key findings. Synopsis of Issues In Tanzania, craft production is primarily viewed in economic terms as a means of survival, poverty alleviation and income generation. Craft activity is sometimes associated with women’s empowerment and/or sustaining cultural identity. It is increasingly seen as a means to create viable small and medium enterprises, create employment, generate trade and contribute to the national economy. However, there needs to be a change of attitude about craft and craft production: it is inappropriate to view craft simply as a means of labour at poverty wages. Instead, craft activity can be recognized for the skills and aesthetic sensibilities involved and also as a potential for producers to become entrepreneurs, international traders and significant contributors to Tanzanian cultural industries. Craftspeople tend to be among the marginalized, poor and predominantly rural members of Tanzanian society. Often there are problems associated with bad working conditions – such as inadequate lighting or ventilation, long hours of work for very low pay, health and safety risks. It is important that any efforts to develop Tanzanian handcraft production and marketing do not inadvertently perpetuate bad working conditions and wages and inadequate social protection. It makes no sense to promote greater craft production under conditions of exploitation, cheap and/or hazardous labour. A related issue is protection and conservation of natural resources and the environment. In order to develop and sustain a viable craft sector, a broad range of education is needed, including basic technical skills, product design, entrepreneurship, business management and market research. While greater access to training is needed throughout the country, a number of training approaches and service providers already exist. For example, Small Industries Development Organization (SIDO) – an agency of the Tanzanian Ministry of Industry and Trade – offers business skills development services and marketing information to assist small and medium enterprises. A second example is the Artisan Development Agency of Tanzania (ADAT) a non-governmental membership organization that offers training in textile production and entrepreneurship development to assist the empowerment of Tanzanian women. A lack of working capital limits the productivity and innovation of craft producers and therefore constrains the development and sustainability of their businesses and organizations. Limited by lack of workspace, sufficient good equipment and quality raw materials, and waiting for sales or orders from buyers, craft producers often cannot continue to work or develop new product and design ideas. Craftspeople often need short-term loans or small grants for equipment, tools, materials and rent. Both SIDO and ADAT offer financial services to members and ADAT has a materials bank, set up by means of bulk purchasing of materials, which are made available to members at reasonable cost. A gender mainstreaming policy has begun to direct attention to the situation and concerns of women in Tanzania. Within the context of women’s organizations that help women earn a livelihood assmall-scale producers and as businesswomen, handcraft and textile production are seen as important arenas of women’s work and economic empowerment. For example, the Women’s Economic Group Coordinating Council (WEGCC) works in four northern districts of Tanzania to promote socio-economic empowerment and gender equity. WEGCC focuses on handcraft in one rural livelihood project, initially helping to improve the quality and design of baskets that women make. A great need remains for more broadly accessible technical, financial and business support services for women. Product design and development is currently very limited in Tanzania. Several organizations have contributed product development consultation and training, including AMKA, which originated from an export development programme of Traidcraft Exchange (UK) and also Aid To Artisans (USA) that worked in Tanzania between 1999 and 2005 to provide product development, training and market links. Product designers from CBI (Netherlands) and Ten Thousand Villages (USA) have also assisted in product development. However, there is not enough response to the need, especially in the ongoing way required to sustain the craft sector. The major challenge of product development is to increase the significance, value and marketability of handmade products. A specific concern is to address the lack of product designers in Tanzania and the high cost of bringing in foreign product design consultants. The challenges of marketing handmade crafts are pervasive, no matter whether the target is the local, tourist or export market. Artisans need buyers in order to continue to produce and earn a livelihood. Local markets are filled with craft products of mixed quality and competition is high. However, there are some organized marketing opportunities for craft producers. Providing market assistance is a priority of SIDO. As well as sponsoring local fairs, which coincide with their training workshops, SIDO has set up a zonal marketing system, an annual fair in each of Tanzania’s seven zones, linking producers and consumers and highlighting the unique products that are made in different regions of the country. In addition, the Tanzanian Cultural Trust Fund, a joint initiative of the governments of Tanzania and Sweden holds an annual craft exhibition. Tanz Hands, another annual exhibition, is an initiative from the Canadian High Commission that promotes high quality craftwork. To succeed in export marketing, producers must meet demanding standards and requirements and be able to achieve a high level of production capacity and quality. Ideas for improving Tanzanian handcraft marketing include: establishment of marketing centers, in districts and nationally, that are accessible, well managed and promoted; increase export capacity by providing more craft focused export marketing training and by enabling market research, exposure and trade links through international trade missions and events. Although constrained by lack of resources, the Tanzanian Bureau of External Trade (BET) coordinates a cross-sectoral training programme in business export readiness and export marketing, and promotes the craft sector to external markets by organizing craft exporters for participation in international trade fairs. BET has found that craft organizations and enterprises account for a very high proportion of participants in international trade fairs. Among these, many are women entrepreneurs. There are some projects and programmes in some districts of Tanzania that address common needs for training, technical support, financial services, marketing information and access. However, the craft sector as a whole is not organized and its potential is unrealized. An inclusive and coordinated approach would spread benefits broadly to women and men in all the districts. The creation of a national craft organization could coordinate the efforts of district level membership associations to serve craft producers and enterprises, especially to facilitate marketing in all districts and at all levels, including export marketing. One of BET’s goals is to assist in the creation of a national craft association that can oversee the development of the craft sector and represent its members. The potential for economic empowerment and the importance of sustaining Tanzanian culture make handcraft a priority area for development and promotion. However, to create and sustain a vibrant handcraft sector throughout Tanzania a wide-reaching and long-term perspective is needed. This also means responding to the particular requirements of craft training, production, product design, market research and access. Organizations that already provide much needed services can do more to assist craft producers and thereby increase the value of their economic and cultural contribution. This work was carried out with the aid of a grant from the International Research Centre, Ottawa, Canada This article was published in 2006 in Crafts News, Volume 16, Issue 65, a publication of CHF International

Issue #006, Autumn, 2020 ISSN: 2581- 9410

The Impetus and My Journey

On one of many trips to Rajasthan, my family and I were taking a tour of the Amer Fort. Little did I know that this day would become a catalyst that would push me to become an educator passionate about experiential learning. As a 14-year-old standing in the Sukh Nivas (Hall of Pleasure), I learned about the water system piped through the edifice to keep the hall cool like an air-conditioner. The architects had meticulously planned this space. Summer winds blew through grass curtains kept damp through a drip system. An open water channel infused with fragrant rose and jasmine blooms flowed through the room into the garden to create an aesthetically beautiful space that brilliantly combatted the hot desert summers in the 16th century. It was a moment that would make me question the entire practice of conventional classroom education. Why did we learn about scientists from Europe but not about these brilliant architects and engineers from India? Why were we only taught the history of wars and not the history of peace when arts, architecture, poetry, literature, and technology flourished? Why did we as modern designers, manufacturers, entrepreneurs and scientists not look at these brilliant technologies of our past to find more sustainable design solutions for the present and future? Why was our education so boring and disconnected from the rich experiences all around us? Thus, started my search for educational pedagogy that would engage learners in authentic experiences. I discovered years later that my empirical observations were aligned with the work of foundational scholars of experiential learning like William James and John Dewey in the west, and thinkers like J. Krishnamurti in India. Today I draw upon theories of constructionism[1] and models in experiential education like place-based learning, inquiry-based learning, student-centered learning, project-based learning and service learning. I also draw upon my experiences in heritage management, sustainable development, community engagement, and museum education.

What is Experiential Learning?

Figure 1: The Experiential Learning Cycle (Kolb and Kolb) According to the Association for Experiential Education, “Experiential education is a teaching philosophy that informs many methodologies in which educators purposefully engage with learners in direct experience and focused reflection in order to increase knowledge, develop skills, clarify values, and develop people's capacity to contribute to their communities.”[2] As humans, we are constantly learning from our experiences from the moment we are born. However, as John Dewey, one of the foundational scholars of experiential learning warned, “The belief that all genuine education comes about through experience does not mean that all experiences are genuinely or equally educative.”[3] An experiential educator strives to carefully curate experiences to meet their learning objectives. Kolb and Kolb say, “The learning cycle is driven by the integration of action and reflection and experience and concept.” (See Figure 1). While the experience of conventional education is teacher-directed learning through drill and memorization, experiential learning puts the student in the center, seeks to engage learners through their senses and emotions, and actively engages the learner in the process of experiencing, analyzing, synthesizing, taking action and reflecting on the experience. According to Kolb and Kolb, “Using the cycle of learning, all participants receive information through concrete experience of the subject matter and transform it through reflection and conceptualization and then transform it again by acting to change the world including what information is attended to in the new experience. They are both receivers of information and creators of information.”[4] This redefines the role of the teacher from the giver of knowledge to a facilitator of learning where learners are actively engaged in creating meaning based on their unique perspectives, learning styles and ways of processing experiences. Here are some elements to consider while planning and designing an engaging and effective learning experience:

Define Goals: The learning objective of the experience should be well-defined. The learning objective may be complex and may take a series of experiences to accomplish. It is important to define learning objectives in a way that provides opportunities for the concept to be explored through multiple perspectives. Keep in mind the age of learners and time available while defining the learning objectives.
Senses-Head-Heart-Hands: Engaging the heart (emotion), hands (creation), and head (critical and conceptual thinking and analysis) provide a holistic experience. Experiences that are multi-sensory and evoke an emotional response are often memorable and can lead to powerful reflections about complex concepts.

Example 1: Students were taken to a Beach Clean-up initiative in Mumbai where they spent a hot morning digging trash from the sand and seeing the impact of plastic on ocean life - digging out plastic entangled around the roots of a mangrove tree. Three years later, we still hear how students changed consumer behavior in their homes.

Local or Global context: It is important to root experiences from the local to the global, and from personal to collective contexts of the concept being explored. Local context gives learners multiple perspectives to a problem within a community, and global context provides a bird’s eye view of the topic being discussed. The contrasts, tension or synergies between these viewpoints is where interesting learning, discussions, dilemmas, debates and meaning making can happen.
Student Agency and Relevance: Experiential learning puts the students at the center. The focus is on designing experiences that can engage learners and provoke deep reflections and action. Making abstract concepts relevant, accessible and authentic to the learners is critical in designing experiences. Integrating student agency into the design of the learning experience empowers students to take ownership of their learning.

2. Example 2: Silk Road Market Simulation to explore the concepts of money and trade. Credit: Ascend International School

3. Example 2: Consumer and vendor perspectives in a real market to understand the perspective of market pricing Credit: Ascend International School

Space: Space can be a “third teacher.” Does the experience need to be in the classroom, out in the community, or at an authentic natural or historical site, or do you need to create a role play simulation space? The environment can transport learners in time and space and ignite their imagination. Children absorb visual, social and contextual cues from their environment. Making the world around us a classroom widens the possibilities for authentic, relevant, inclusive and multi-layered learning. Consider time, cost, logistics and travel to determine the most effective space for your learning experiences. Example 2: When exploring the ‘evolution of money, we created a Silk Road Market simulation space in the school to explore concepts of barter and currency. As students progressed to exploring the impact of supply and demand on price, we took them to the fruit market in Mumbai to experience first-hand, the tugs and pulls of supply and demand and their impact on price. That authentic experience brought many other learning outcomes, including inter-personal skills, spatial awareness, math and problem solving.
Discomfort and Struggle, Shock and Surprise: Discomfort, struggle, shock and surprise can often be very powerful experiences and catalysts to discussing important concepts such as racism, privilege, identity, or climate change. These experiences need to be very carefully planned, keeping mind safety and ensuring enough time to acknowledge students’ emotions. While planning, educators must create a safe space for students to talk about their feelings while helping them connect the experience to the abstract concept. Example 3: To explore privilege, students were given certain privileges and certain privileges were taken away from them based on the colour of the stickers they received. Reflection on that experience helped students reflect on their own positions of privilege and choice in society, and how they can be agents of change.
Action and Reflection: These are critical elements in the learning cycle that provide students opportunities to apply concrete experiences to building their understanding of abstract concepts. The importance of action and reflection are highlighted by George M. Slavich and Philip G. Zimbardo as they describe the multidimensional importance of experience in learning: “[E]xperiential lessons provide students with an opportunity to experience concepts first-hand and, as such, give students a richer, more meaningful understanding of course concepts and of how they operate in the real world...They can lead to significant personal insights, including a greater awareness of one’s personally held perspectives—as well as an improved awareness of other people’s experience.”[5]

Experiential Learning not only helps learners develop academic concepts, but more importantly, provides opportunities for self-discovery, awareness of one’s own values, beliefs, ethics, perspectives, perceptions and prejudices. It provides an opportunity for learners to reflect and think critically, holistically and multi-dimensionally. Ultimately, it seeks to nurture empathetic, responsible citizens of the future who are able to adapt to a changing world and become problem solvers. Following is an example of a project that was specially commissioned by The Somaiya Foundation to build awareness and a sense of pride and responsibility about heritage using experiential learning methodologies.

Project: Heritage and Conservation (2013)

School: K. J. Somaiya English Medium School, (Grade 7) in Sameerwadi, Karnataka, India Program Lead: Prachi Dalal (Design & Facilitation) Content Experts: Archeological Survey of India, Bijapur Office, Ameen Hullur (Stucco), Smitha Kumar (Archaeologist), Kalus Rotzer (Architect studying water systems), Professor Iamaratwale (History), Professor Daulatkoti (Dakhani Literature), Prashant Mahajan (Natural Heritage), Debashish Nayak (Keynote speaker, Center for Heritage Management, Ahmedabad University) Context: The school was a conventional school in rural Karnataka, India. This was the students’ first experience with inquiry-based learning methods. Project Goals • To model a memorable learning experience for teachers in a rural school • To create an experiential learning experience for students. (here, I will focus on the students’ learning experience.) Learning Goals: • Create awareness about heritage and types of heritage - natural, cultural, tangible, intangible • Analyze the impact our choices on heritage resources - natural and cultural • Help students understand the challenges faced in heritage conservation • Make heritage relevant and inspire students to understand the value of heritage conservation • Build a sense of civic responsibility towards heritage • Build a sense of self-respect and pride in students’ cultural identity • Empower students to become change makers. Project Overview The 7-day program included experiences in school and an overnight 3-day trip to nearby heritage sites. Here is an overview.

Day 1: Introduction The first day at the school was to prepare and scaffold for the 3-day overnight trip planned at various historical sites, monuments and neighborhoods within a 2-hour radius of the school. Learning Objective: Introduce the concept of heritage and its connection to identity.

Day 2: Pattadakal: Sculpted Stories The first stop of the overnight trip was at the archeological site Pattadakal, which is a collection of nine Hindu temples built around the 7th century in the Dravida and Nagara styles of temple architecture. Learning Objective: To explore the multiple narratives that can be drawn from historical sites.

Day 3: Bijapur: Conflict and Confluence Day 3 was at Bijapur, a city built during the rule of the Adil Shahi dynasty whose history is often tinted with the biases of its writers. Learning Objective: To discover how different perspectives widen and deepen our understanding of history.

Day 4: Bijapur: Heritage & Community The entire overnight trip had been building on connecting students to the heritage resources around them. That morning, students were given an observation sheet to document how humans were interacting with their heritage resources. “What do you observe?” And “How does it make you feel?” Learning Objective: To reflect on our responsibility as citizens in the conservation and management of our heritage resources - natural and cultural.

Day 5: Project Work After returning from the field trip, students worked collaboratively to analyze, synthesize and share their experiences with each other, as well as present their learning and experiences to the community. Day 6: Natural Heritage and Agriculture Naturalist educator Prashant Mahajan led a tour to a local organic farm to introduce concepts of ecosystem service providers (like honeybees and earthworms) and sustainability. The farmer shared the traditional methods he uses to keep his farm organic and productive - giving an example of how intangible heritage and traditional wisdom intertwines with environmental sustainability.

Day 7: Parent Open House & Town Hall With guidance from program faculty and teachers, students created an experience to introduce the concept of heritage management to the parent and school community through the following activities: Value Wall: Visitors put a sticky note on 3 images that they valued the most that should not be lost and why. Students made connections to heritage and their value in our collective lives. Snakes and Ladders Game: A snakes and ladders life-size game highlighted the impact of our actions and how we can take responsibility to become more sustainable. Group Stations: Each of the groups presented their experiences with stucco, Lambanis and a water system in a creative and interactive way to the parents. Town Hall: This provided a platform for heritage managers, scholars and local citizens to come together and discuss issues relevant to their local region.

This program engaged a group of students that were too hesitant to ask questions and conditioned to rote learn the content given in textbooks. The experience was an entirely new way of approaching learning. Parents approached the experiential learning with a mix of excitement and skepticism. The learning they witnessed and the level of engagement of the students got them cautiously excited. They had to reconcile their deep beliefs that test scores and content memorization methods were required for higher education. Parents acknowledged seeing unprecedented levels of engagement, excitement, confidence and agency among their children. Learning Outcomes [caption id="attachment_190953" align="alignright" width="300"]

Figure 2: Students Surveys: Multi-disciplinary Learning[/caption] Student anecdotes and feedback provided the most insight. Here are results from the student survey and reflection session. Students identified that the experience provided opportunities that were inter-disciplinary and often trans-disciplinary rather than conventional learning, where disciplines are learned in silos. While humanities may have been the obvious subject area for a topic like heritage, experiential learning in authentic spaces often naturally lends itself to connecting different disciplines beyond the obvious as shown in Figure 2, compiled from the student reflection and feedback. Students also identified that the experience helped them build skills including team building, leadership, observation, communication, time management, creativity, waste management, organization skills, critical thinking, presentation, multi-perspective thinking, and civic responsibility. To assess the effectiveness of the program, students were asked to rate the program based on the program goals. As seen in figure 3 below, the “citizen action” activity resonated deeply with many of the students. It built a sense of agency and empowered students to synthesize the concepts they had learned about heritage, conservation and responsibility and put it into action.

Figure 3: Students Surveys: Learning OutcomeOn the other hand, the visit to the organic farm was less successful even though students were on an authentic site, interacting with local experts. It became an experience where the expert did most of the talking and students were listening and occasionally asking questions. While this was an important experience in achieving our larger goal, an inquiry-based approach during this session could have enhanced the level of student engagement from passive to active receivers of content. Student anecdotes: Student 1: After the early morning visit to the whispering gallery and a talk by the archeologist about the impact of sound vibrations on the health and longevity of the dome, a student reflected with a sense of embarrassment, “When I visited the Gol Gumbaz, my family and I all shouted from the whispering gallery to hear the echo. I did not know what we were doing. I will never shout and will also tell my family to not shout in the Gol Gumbaz again.” Student 2: While sharing about the group activities, a few students who were in the group that visited the Lambanis shared how the visit had given them a new perspective: “We used to think that Lambanis (a nomadic tribe) are thieves and not good people, but when we visited them we realized that they had made all this food for us. They were very proud of their hospitality and even dressed some of us up in their own clothes and jewelry. Many of them work hard and make things for their livelihood but most people believe they are thieves and do not let them into regular society.” Student 3: This student had been relatively quiet and shy. During the Citizen Action Activity, she was in the group that was spreading awareness about not spitting tobacco in the monuments. At the end of that activity, she excitedly narrated: “I was unsure if this group of visitors would listen to me, but I could see one person was chewing tobacco. I approached the uncle (respectful way of addressing even a stranger who is older) a little scared and explained to him about the harm spitting tobacco was doing to our heritage. Can you believe what he did? He took the tobacco out of his mouth and put it in a handkerchief and told me I was doing a very important job. I never knew I had the POWER to change someone’s mind!” This project was not tethered by any curricular requirements and allowed considerable freedom for a wide breadth of experiences. Educators most often need to work within the scope of their curriculum and rarely have such opportunities. But within the scope of every curriculum lie opportunities to design experiences that are engaging and sometimes transformative.

“Learning is effortless - provided learning is possible…Like breathing, learning is natural and continual provided it is not impeded…The solution is not to be forced to breathe, but restore the power of the lungs, remove constraints to breathing, and restore desire.” - Frank Smith (The Book of Learning & Forgetting)

REFERENCES Dewey, John. Experience and Education, The Kappa Delta Pi Lecture Series, Free Press © 1938, edition 2015, 35 Kolb, A., and Kolb, D. Experiential Learning and Teaching in Higher Education, Vol. 1, Issue. 1, Art. 7, 2020 Slavich, George M., and Philip G. Zimbardo. “Transformational Teaching: Theoretical Underpinnings, Basic Principles, and Core Methods.” Educational Psychology Review 24, no. 4, 2012: 569–608. The Association for Experiential Education website www.aee.org

[1] A learning theory that builds on constructivism theory where learners are engaged in making, creating or building as part [2] www.aee.org [3] Dewey 1938, page 35 [4] Kolb, A. and Kolb, D. [5] Slavich and Zimbardo, page (594)

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